(Uri-^ 


LIBRARY  ' 

OF  THE 

University  of  California. 

OIF^T   OK 

Mrs.  SARAH  P.  WALSWORTH. 

Received  October,  1894. 
^Accessions  No.  ffJ^fXc^S^-      Class  No.       w_     . 


t^^. 


/In. 


--      72 


Digitized  toy  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

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CONNEXION 


SACRED  AND  PROFANE  HISTORY 


BBIKa  A  SKTUW  OP  TBB 


PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  WORLD, 


Afl  TBBT  BEAK  VPOM 


THE  STATE  OP  RELIGION. 


FROM   THE   CLOSE   OF   THE   OLD   TESTAMENT   HISTORT,   TILL 
THE   ESTABLISHMENT  OP   CHRISTIANITY. 


BY   D.  DAVIDSON. 


THREE   VOLUMES   IN  ONE. 


NEW  YORK: 

ROBERT    CARTER   &   BROTHERS, 
No.   285   BROADWAY. 


1849. 


# 


^-' 


•^^^^V" 


PREFACE. 


On  the  importance  of  connecting  the  study  of  Sacred  with 
Profene  History,  it  would  be  useless  to  dilate. 

V  glory  gilds  the  sacred  page,  majestic  as  the  son ; 

It  gives  a  light  to  every  age, — it  gives  but  borrows  none : 

it  throws  a  radiance  on  the  records  of  ancient  times,  which 
nothing  else  can  give ;  and,  mid  the  darkness  and  clouds 
which  surround  the  steps  of  Providence,  it  casts  a  cheering 
and  a  guiding  light,  without  which  all  were  uncertainty  and 
doubt. 

On  reviewing  history,  the  Writer  has  ventured  to  pass  be- 
ycnd  the  path  of  preceding  authors :  he  has  reflected  on  what 
he  believed  the  evident  or  probable  tendency  of  an  event  or 
a  series  of  events,  to  promote  and  give  publicity  to  the  true 
religion,  to  corrupt,  obscure,  subvert  it,  or  arrest  its  progress. 
Many  of  the  rational  creatures  work  in  opposition  to  the  im- 
partial goodness  and  spontaneous  compassion  of  the  Supreme, 
and  yet  thereby  only  expose  their  feebleness  as  well  as  wick- 
edness ;  for  he  ruleth  over  all,  and  will  make  all  things  sub- 
serve to  accomplish  his  sovereign  will :  His  dominion  is  an 
everlasting  dominion,  and  his  kingdom  is  from  generation  to 
generation.  Though  the  superintending  power  of  God  over 
the  progress  of  nations  may  be  as  untraceable  as  His  paths 
in  the  ocean,  yet  the  effects  are  everywhere  visible,  and  mani- 
fest the  progressive  fulfilment  of  the  prophetic  denunciations 
and  promises  set  forth  in  the  Holy  Oracles. 

All  who  have  wisdom  to  discern  this  power  operating  in 
passing  events,  acquire  increased  knowledge  of  the  inconceiv- 
able and  unsearchable  excellences  of  the  Divine  nature,  and 
of  his  benevolent  purposes  and  design  respecting  our  fallen 


IV  PREFACE. 

race.  And  what  is  all  other  knowledge  compared  to  this  ? 
"  This  is  life  eternal,  that  they  may  know  thee,  the  only  true 
God,  and  Jesus  Christ,  whom  thou  hast  sent."  Men  differ 
greatly  in  mental  capacity  and  acquirements,  modes  of  think- 
ing, education,  and  opportunities  of  judging  correctly,  and  it 
is  not  to  be  expected  that  any  two  persons  should  view  the 
doings  of  Providence  under  precisely  the  same  aspect,  or  at 
once  agree  in  their  opinion  of  the  result  of  an  event,  or  se- 
ries of  events ;  yet  the  more  closely  and  constantly  candid 
persons  contemplate  the  transactions  of  mankind,  the  more 
unanimous  will  they  become  in  judgment  respecting  their 
moral  and  religious  influence.  This  induces  the  Author  to 
hope,  that  views  of  certain  events  which  at  first  glance  some 
may  regard  mere  fancy  or  conjecture,  will,  after  more  mature 
reflection,  appear  just,  and  adapted  to  excite  Christians  to  ad- 
mire the  manifold  wisdom,  boundless  power,  and  overflowing 
goodness  of  Jehovah,  in  his  administration  on  earth. 

Reference  to  one  or  two  subjects  may  convey  an  idea  of 
the  difference  between  this  and  similar  Works. 

In  the  latter,  for  instance,  the  captivity  of  Israel  occupies  a 
conspicuous  place  in  the  narrative  of  the  wars  and  victories 
of  Nebuchadnezzar ;  but  what  some  modern  authors  would 
denominate  the  religious  philosophy  of  this  portion  of  history, 
is  almost,  if  not  altogether,  overlooked.  Here  we  regard 
Nebuchadnezzar's  conquest  of  the  chosen  people  as  the  high- 
est triumph  of  idolatry ;  and  consequently  infer  that  it  was 
divinely  proper  for  Jehovah  to  terminate  his  long-suffering 
towards  the  worshippers  of  idols,  and  display  his  superiority 
over  them.  This  he  did  by  giving  the  empire  to  the  Persians, 
who  utterly  abhorred  idols,  the  work  of  man's  hands.  The 
capture  of  Babylon,  by  Cyrus,  overthrew  the  dominion  of 
idols ;  nor  did  they  ever  again  command  the  devout  reverence 
and  unreserved  subjection  of  all  ranks  of  society.  Idols  con- 
tinued, indeed,  to  be  worshipped  by  all,  but  many  questioned 
their  power,  and  not  a  few  secretly  treated  them  with  con- 
tempt.    And  about  the  same  period  Divine  truth  received  a 


m         .  ..  m 


PREFACE.  *« 

mighty  impulse,  which  occasioned  its  more  rapid  and  wide 
diffusion,  through  successive  generations,  till  its  triumphant 
reign  in  the  age  of  our  Lord  and  his  Apostles.  See  Vol.  I. 
Chap.  IV.,  pages  81—91. 

Again,  in  tracing  the  course  of  events,  by  which  the  Greeks 
ascended  to  universal  empire,  the  apparent  tendencies  and 
influences  of  some  of  them  merit  more  prominence  in  a  work 
on  the  Connexion  of  Sacred  and  Profane  History,  than  has 
hitherto  been  given  them.  Pious  and  benevolent  minds  must 
be  refreshed  when  they  perceive  that  the  dissemination  oT  di- 
vine truth  kept  pace  with  the  language  of  Greece,  in  its  as- 
tonishing progress  in  the  kingdoms  conquered  by  Alexander 
and  his  successors.  This  subject  is  adverted  to  in  Vol.  I.  Chap. 
IX.  pagfs  146,  164,  165,  173. ;  Chap.  XIII.  page  186.  To 
contemplate  the  vanity  of  the  utmost  exertions  of  the  mightiest 
mental  and  physical  powers  of  men  to  attain  an  object  opposed 
0  the  councils  and  predictions  of  Heaven,  must  have  a  sal- 
utary influence  on  all  men,  especially  Christians.  How  stri- 
kingly was  the  weakness  of  man  exhibited  in  the  inefficacy 
of  the  schemes  and  labours  of  several  of  Alexander's  princes 
to  effect  the  unity  of  his  empire,  which  Daniel  foretold  should 
be  broken  up  I  see  Vol.  I  Chap.  XI . 

The  Punic  wais,  and  the  final  conquest  of  Carthage  by 
Rome,  fill  many  a  page  of  history ;  but  authors  have  not  dis- 
tinctly observed  the  Divine  goodness  and  mercy  to  man  dis- 
covered by  giving  the  empire  to  the  latter,  rather  than  the 
former,  although  nothing  seems  more  obvious,  on  a  slight  re- 
view of  the  character,  position,  and  circumstances  of  these 
nations.  Mow  unexpected,  and,  in  the  eyes  of  the  most  emi- 
nent statesmen  and  warriors,  how  improbable,  was  the  entire 
subjugation  of  Carthage  by  Rome,  is  shown  in  Vol.  I.  Chap. 
III.  IV.  That  this  great  event  was  most  important  to  the  in- 
terests of  civilization  and  true  religion,  will  not  be  doubted 
by  any  who  believe  that  the  remarks  to  be  found  in  Vol.  II. 
pages  49 — 53,  are  founded  in  truth. 

The  reign  of  Herod  forms  an  important  part  of  Jewish 

!•  • 


■# 


PREFACE. 


history ;  yet  the  Divine  propriety  of  giving  the  Holy  Land 
to  that  ungodly  monarch  has  been  generally  overlooked ;  see 
Vol.  II.  Chap.  IX.  187,  188. 

The  remarkable  adaptation  of  the  Fourth  Empire  for  the 
introduction  of  the  Fifth,  is  repeatedly  noticed,  especially  in 
Vol.  II.  pages  183—186 ;  Vol.  UI.  pages  227—232. 

The  virriter  conceives  it  superfluous  to  adduce  any  more 
examples  to  indicate  the  plan  of  his  work.  He  has  written 
in  the  hope  of  inducing  readers  of  history,  especially  the 
young,  to  investigate  the  designs  of  God  in  his  administra- 
tion, and  to  recognise  his  unsearchable  perfections  and  abso- 
lute goodness  in  all  things.  How  for  he  has  succeeded  in 
producing  a  proper  instrument  to  attain  the  desired  end,  is  for 
others  to  judge.  Consciousness  of  a  worthy  motive  is  ample 
recompence  for  much  labour,  although  the  ultimate  object 
should  not  be  attained. 


i 


vTvn^ 


CONTENTS. 


VOL.  I. 

CHAPTER  I. 
The  Race  of  Israel,  God's  PecuUar  People,       v.   '^1*  •^l  '     .        9 

CHAPTER  II. 

Brief  Review  of  the  Rise,  Decline,  and  Captivity  of  Israel,  (firom 

1848  to  586  B.  C.) 31 

CHAPTER  III. 

State  of  the  Jews  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  (from 

464  to  424  B.  C.)  .51 

CHAPTER  IV. 
State  of  the  Pagan  World  in  the  reign  of  Arlaxerzes  Longimanus,      71 

CHAPTER  V. 
Reign  of  Darius  Nothus,  (from  424  to  404  B.  C.)        .        .       .93 

*  CHAPTER  VI. 

Reign  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  (from  404  to  358  B.  C.)       .        .    104 
CHAPTER  VII. 

Reign  of  Artaxerxes  Ochus, 131 

CHAPTER  VIII— X. 

Reigns  of  Darius  Codomanus  and  Alexander  the  Great,  (from  335 

to323B.  C.) .        .129 

CHAPTER  XI. 

The  Contest  for  the  unity  of  the  Grecian  Empire,  (from  323  to 

300B.C.) IW 

CHAPTER  XIL 
Reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  (from  285  to  346  B.  C.)    i^        .    174 


r 


^"  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

The  Syrian  Kings  contemporary  with  Ptolemy  Soter  and  Phil-      *** 
adelphus,  (from  295  to  246  B.  C.) Igg 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Reign  of  Ptolemy  Euergetus,  (from  246  to  217  B.  C.)         .        .    194 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Reign  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  (from  231  to  195  B.  C.)       .        .211 

CHAPTER  XVI,  XVII. 

Reign  of  Antiochus  Epiphanas,  (from  184  to  173  B.  C.)      .    227,  237 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

Reign  of  the  Maccabean  Chiefe,  (from  163  to  143  B.  C.)    .  265 


m- 


CONNEXION 


SACRED  AND  PROFANE  HISTORY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  RACE  OF  ISRAEL,  GOD'S  PECULIAR  PEOPLE. 

Elation  of  mind  on  account  of  the  antiquity,  rank,  or  ap- 
plauded deeds  of  ancestors,  prevails  more  or  less  among  all 
men :  this  confessedly  has  in  no  small  degree  been  visible 
among  the  Jews,  or  the  race  of  Jacob,  and  if  the  cherishing 
of  this  feeling  be  admissible  and  proper  in  any  people,  it  is  in- 
controvertibly  so  in  them.  The  descendants  of  the  faithful 
patriarch  are  the  only  people  on  tfle  face*)f  the  earth  who  can, 
on  satisfactory  evidence,  trace  their  genealogy  up  to  Adam, 
the  first  man.  Except  ihat  preserved  in  the  Sacred  Writings, 
every  written  history  of  mankind,  or  of  any  race  of  men, 
I  which  ascends  much  higher  than  the  era  of  Nebuchadnezzar, 
king  of  Babylon,  is  justly  deemed  fabulous  by  all  who  havQ 
thoroughly  investigated  the  subject.  The  Arabs  may  trate 
their  descent  from  Abraham,  and  others  may  conjecture  that 
one  or  other  of  the  sons  of  Noah  was  their  great  ancestor  • 
out  the  Jews  alone  can  name^he  father  or  chief  of  each  suc- 
cessive generation  of  their  race,  from  Seth  the  third  son  of 
Adam  down  to  David  their  most  exalted  king;  and  the  name 
of  the  chief  of  every  generation  of  his  race  is  distinctly  re- 
corded till  Mary  became  the  mother  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth, 
who  was  recognised  by  his  people  as  the  son  and,  by  conse- 
(^uence,  the  royal  heir  of  David. 

The  Jews  can  not  only  contemplate  their  remote  ancestors 
as  the  most  ancient,  but  also  as  the  most  excellent  and  most 
honourable  race  who  have  inhabited  the  globe.  They  were 
not,  80  far  as  the  Divine  Record  teaches,  distinguished  above 


4 


f= 


IQ  TH£   KACE   OP   ISIUEL. 

Other  men  by  superiority  of  natural  qualities,  physical  or  in- 
tellectual, great  scientific  acquirements  or  immense  wealt|j,  nor 
by  the  possession  of  vast  political  or  commercial  power,  or  by 
warlike  pursuits;  an  unspeakably  nobler  destiny  was  theirs, — 
they  were  the  chosen  worshippers  of  the  True  and  Living 
God. 

The  brief  notice  of  the  antediluvians  by  Moses  may  origi- 
nate innumerable  speculations,  at  once  useful  and  entertain- 
ing ;  but  a  mere  allusion  to  the  general  delineation  of  their 
personal  character  presented  us  is  enough  for  our  object. 
They  consisted  of  two  races,  the  Cainites  and  Sethites,  the 
chiefs  of  whom  received,  in  common,  the  most  important  in- 
structions on  religion  which  were  communicated  before  the 
deluge,  that  is,  during  the  first  sixteen  hundred  and  fifty-six 
years  of  the  world. 

The  Cainites,  as  a  race,  appear  to  have  cast  oflfthe  fear  of 
God,  and  wjj^^oily  renounced  the  institutes  of  his  worship.  In- 
dividuate or  families  among  them  may  have  retained  the  truth 
revealed  by  Gcsd  to  their  father  Adam ;  but  we  perceive  no 
indication  m  the  community  of  religious  principle  or  practice. 
They  lived  without  reverence  for  God,  without  hope  of  im- 
mortality, and  without  belief  in  the  promise  that  an  Almighty 
Saviour  should  be  born,  and  live  to  destroy  the  works  of  the 
deceiver  and  destroyer  of  man.  Their  strong  and  daring 
spirits  bowed  not.  to  idols,  images,  or  superstition ;  they  were 
unmoved  by  apprehensions  of  the  invisible  world  ;  and  by 
ambition,  violence,  and  sensuality,  they  filled  the  world  Mjith 
^bloQd  ;^  g^nd^^dpot  omnipotent  power  and' just  vengeance 
shortened  their  course,  they  would  have  extinguished  human 
life,  or  rendered  the  benevolent  and  ample  provision  of 
Heaven  to  impart  human  felicity  vain.  It  is  not  unworthy 
of  notice  that  tradition  harmonises  with  the  Sacred  Record 
in  its  description  of  the  first  great  apostacy  of  mankind. 
Hesiod  remarks  of  the  gen*'ation  who  perished  by  the  del^ 
uge,  that  "  they  could  not  abstain  from  mutually  inflicting 
violence  on  each  other  ^  nor  would  they  worship  the  immor- 
tals, nor  sacrifice  to  the  blessed  ones  on  their  altars.  There- 
fore Zeus  (the  Deity)  removed  them,  because  they  would  not 
give  honour  to  the  blessed  gods." 

The  Sethites  continued,  probably,  nearly  one  thousand 
years  consecrated  to  the  worship  and  service  of  God  ;  for 
they  were  accounted  and  treated  by  Him  as  his  sons.  That 
none  of  them  joined  the  apostates  we  have  no  reason  to  assert 
or  deny ;  nevertheless,  the  record  concerning  them  justifies 


m= 


'^ 


TH£   RACE   OF    ISRAEL.  1  1 

the  opinion  that  they  generally  feared  Gwl  and  trembled  at 
his  word  ;  and  may  have  given  rise  to  the  tradition  that  the 
age  of  gold  was  the  first  age  of  the  world.     The  oldest  of  | 

each  generation  was  the  chief  ruler  and  priest,  and  several 
of  these  were  afeo  prophets,  as  may  be  learned  from  the  regis- 
ter of  them  preserved  in  the  fifth  chapter  of  Genesis.  Their 
religious  principles  and  rites  were  few  and  simple,  but  con- 
summately adapted  to  sustain,  strengthen,  and  cherish  in  them 
dependence,  gratitude,  submission,  and  obedience  towards 
God.  He  made  himself  known  to  them  as  the  Creator  and 
Possessor  of  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  and  as  God,  the 
Saviour  of  man,  pledged  by  his  word  to  raise  up  for  them 
One,  almighty  to  destroy  by  his  personal  sufferings  the  works 
of  the  serpent  the  devil ;  and,  by  conseciuence,  to  restore  to 
them  all  the  life  and  blessedness  which  they  had  forfeited  by 
sin.  Of  the  work  of  the  divinely  ordained  Deliverer,  and  its 
inconceivably  happy  results,  they  were,  every  morning  and 
evening,  by  sacrificial  rites,  symbolically  instructed,  so  that 
they  might  have  them  ever  present  to  their  minds.  A  litiU 
reflection  will,  we  apprehend,  produce  full  persuasion  in  tht^ 
minds  of  all  believers  in  revelation,  that  the  ritual  of  sacrifict 
was  instituted  by  God.  We  have  no  evidence  that  Adam 
and  his  sons  were  accustomed  to  take  the  life  of  any  animal 
for  their  own  use ;  and  is  it  not  therefore  probable  that  th*» 
skins  of  which  the  dress  of  the. first  pair  were  made,  vvert 
those  of  animals  offered  in  sacrifice?  From  the  permission 
to  use  animal  food  granted  to  Noa^  ♦  seems  reasonable  to 
infer  that  mankind  had  been  restrict;  •  "•-  m  killing  animals, 
except  for  religious  purposes.  Now,  il  ..ney  were  not  accus- 
tomed to  feed  on  animals,  we  have  no  reason  to  believe  that 
they  could  imagine,  unless  divinely  instructed,  that  the  blood 
of  animals  could  be  acceptable  to  God  as  a  present  or  offer- 
ing to  expiate  their  sins.  It  is  scarcely  conceivable  that  such 
an  idea  originated  in  the  human  mind.  Though  we  may 
clearly  perceive  the  suitableness  of  animal  sacrifice  to  symbol- 
ise an  expiation  for  sin,  in  consequence  of  Divine  revelation 
given  us  on  the  subject,  yet  no  one  can  show  that,  without 
that  instruction,  it  would  have  naturally  risen  in  the  human 
mind.  And  had  even  the  sentiment  been  conceived  by  Adam 
or  Abel,  they  would  not  have  presumed  to  act  on  it,  and  tes 
tify  their  homage  to  God  by  consuming  his  creatures  by  fire, 
without  his  authority.  Having  recently  learned  the  awful 
effect  of  doing  what  he  had  prohibited,  is  it  reasonable  to  sup- 
pose that  they  would  have  presumed  to  consider  themselves 


12  THE    RACE    OF    ISRAEL. 

qualified  to  devise,  or  beKeved  themselves  possessed  of  a  right 
to  prescribe  a  form  of  worship  w^orthy  of  His  approbation? 
That  he  approved  of  animal  sacrifice  is,  however,  unques- 
tionable ;  and  it  is  equally  certain  that  he  has  always  said  to 
those  who  worshipped  him  according  to  forms  of  human  in- 
vention, "Who  hath  required  this  of  your  hand?"  Hence 
we  may  conclude  that  the  institution  of  sacrifice  is  of  Divine 
origin.  This  is  not  indeed  taught  us  in  plain  language  in 
I  the  Sacred  Oracles,  but  it  seems  fully  implied  in  the  announce- 

R  ment  that  the  cherubim  were  placed  at  the  east  of  Eden, 

immediately  on  the  expulsion  of  Adam  and  Eve ;  for  the 
whole  history  of  that  marvellous  emblem  proves  that  the  altar 
for  sacrifice  always  accompanied  it.  Every  worshipper  of 
God,  in  every  act  of  worship,  looked  towards  the  cherubim ; 
but  he  never  expected  acceptance,  except  for  the  sake  of  his 
sacrifice.  This  alone  elevated  his  soul  above  the  dreadful 
apprehension  that  the  burning  flame  issuing  from  the  cheru- 
bim should  consume  him. 

This  form  of  worship  Noah  established  after  the  deluge  ; 
and  it  was  propagated  over  the  world,  more  or  less  perfect,  by 
all  his  descendants.  The  faithful  report  of  the  tremendous 
catastrophe  which  destroyed  the  bold  and  presumptuous  sin- 
ners of  the  old  world,  by  Noah  and  his  family,  was  indelibly 
fixed  in  the  hearts  of  the  three  races  of  the  postdiluvian  rtno-* 
vated  world.  And  we  have  strong  evidence  that,  wherever 
they  wandered,  they  carried  with  them  deep  impressions  of 
the  existence  of  spiritual  and  invisible  agency,  powerful  and 
active  to  protect  the  just,  and  inflict  vengeance  on  the  profane 
and  profligate.  And  this  may  probably  account  for  the  fact 
that  the  atheism  and  infidelity  of  past  ages  were  buried  with 
their  advocates  in  the  waters,  and  have  never  recovered  vi- 
gour to  erase  from  any  great  community  the  entire  form  of 
religion. 

The  races  of  Japhet  and  Ham  became  idolaters.  But  who 
has  examined  idol  and  image  worship,  in  all  its  forms,  and 
not  perceived  that  it  carried  strong  marks  of  its  original  deri- 
vation from  the  religious  worship  of  the  patriarchs?  Every 
false  religion  is  a  perverted  imitation  of  the  true.  Divine 
truth,  in  every  age  and  country,  has  been,  to  the  extent  judged 
necessary  by  the  rulers  of  this  world,  whether  kings,  philoso- 
phers, priests,  or  sovereigns,  incm'porated  with  falsehood. 
The  god  of  the  world,  who  first  attempted  to  reign  under 
the  form  of  a  lion,  found  it  expedient,  after  the  deluge,  to  as- 


THE   RACE   OF    ISRAEL. 


w 


sume  the  form  of  an  angel  of  light,  or  to  assume  his  ancient 
disguise  of  a  serpent. 

The  race  of  Shem,  it  is  generally  believed,  were  the  chosen 
of  God,  ordained  to  preserve  the  Divine  revelations  to  their 
ancestors,  and  to  maintain  his  worship.  They  were  favoured 
with  the  ministry  of  Noah  three  hundred  and  fifty  years  after 
the  flood,  and  consequently  till  Abraham  was  nearly  sixty 
years  old.  During  the  intervening  period,  there  were  nine 
subordinate  chiefs  over  the  Shemites,  the  fathers  of  as  many 
generations.  Many  think  that  Noah  accompanied  not  the 
multitude  that  emigrated  from  Armenia,  till  they  came,  doubt- 
less by  a  circuitous  route,  (which  may  have  had  many  tem- 
porary stations,)  to  the  plains  of  Shinar.  It  is,  however,  pro- 
bable that  some  of  the  Shemites  were  among  the  emigrants, 
and  adopted  the  corrupt  religion  of  Nimrod  ;  for  the  ancestors 
of  Abraham  are  said  to  have  served  "other  gods"  east  of  the 
Euphrates. 

The  brief  record  of  the  chosen  race  from  Seth  to  Abraham 
and  Moses  suggests  that  they  were  placed  under  a  superna- 
tural administration,  resembling  that  by  which  the  race  of 
Jacob  were  afterwards  governed.  Thus  we  know  that  the 
gift  of  inspiration  and  of  prophecy  was  conferred  on  Enoch, 
Lamech,  and  Noah  ;  and  the  translation  of  Enoch  and  the  ^ 

deliverance  of  Noah  were  remarkable  examples  of  miraculous  J 

interposition,  to  testify  that  Jehovah  loved  righteousness,  and 
with  a  very  pleasant  countenance  beheld  the  upright.  Nor 
are  we  without  decisive  proof  that  the  public  worshippers  of 
God  were,  as  a  community,  governed  by  the  law  of  just  re 
tribution  in  this  life.  They  enjoyed  temporal  prosperity  when 
they  faithfully  served  God,  and  endured  signal  punishment 
when  they  publicly  dishonoured  his  name.  It  was  evidently 
this  that  occasioned  Job's  friends  rashly  to  infer  that  because 
he  was  greatly  afflicted  he  was  certainly  a  hypocrite.  In  proof 
of  this,  one  of  them  appealed  to  the  most  celebrated  maxims  of 
the  wisest  of  the  ancients,  who  distinctly  taught  the  doctrine  of 
retribution:  Job  xv.  17 — 35.  This  law,  indeed,  appears  to 
have  been  enforced  by  the  rulers  ;  hence  the  fearful  appre- 
hensions of  seventy-seven  fold  greater  punishment  for  killing 
a  man,  perhaps  accidentally,  than  that  denounced  on  Cain. 
Jodah  and  Job  attest  that  the  adulterer  was  sentenced  to  suffer 
death,  and  the  latter  teaches  us  that  the  worshipper  of  the 
heavenly  bodies  subjected  himself  to  the  same  sentence. 

When  Abraham  intimated  to  his  nearest  relations  that  God 
had  appeared  to  him,  and  called  him  to  leave  Chaldea,  they 


•  # 


14 


THE   RACE   OF  ISRAEL. 


evidently  prepared  to  accompany  him,  for  his  father  took  the 
lead  of  the  party ;  and  they  fixed  on  Haran  in  Mesopotamia 
for  their  future  residence.  They  were  all  worshippers  of  the 
True  God ;  but,  after  the  lapse  of  about  one  hundred  and 
eighty  years,  their  form  of  worship  was  debased  by  the  use 
of  images,  as  we  find  in  the  family  of  Laban,  the  grandson  oi 
Nahor,  who  remained  in  Haran  after  the  departure  of  Abra  • 
ham  for  a  country  which  Jehovah  promised  to  show  him. 

That  land  was  named  Canaan,  from  one  of  the  sons  of  Ham. 
Few  spots  of  it  seem  to  have  been  appropriated  by  any  one  at 
the  time  of  Abraham's  arrival  He  and  his  sons  and  grand- 
sons sojourned  in  it  for  a  number  of  yearp ;  and  because  God 
had  promised  that  their  descendants  should  possess  it,  and  es 
pecially  because  their  families  seem  to  have  been  more  nume 
rousor  more  distinguished  than  the  other  inhabitants,  it  came 
to  be  known  under  the  name  of  "  The  land  of  the  Hebrews." 
During  their  absence  in  Egypt  for  several  hundred  years, 
this  country  was  fully  peopled  by  Canaanites,  who  were 
divided  into  a  number  of  nations  or  kingdoms.  They  were 
chiefly  famous  on  account  of  the  number  and  strength  of  their 
cities,  the  barbarous  and  superstitious  character  of  their  reli- 
gion, and  the  licentiousness  of  their  manners ;  no  alliance  with 
them  and  the  race  of  Judah  was  therefore  admissible,  had 
even  the  land  been  sufficient  to  support  both  communities. 
Their  expulsion  or  destruction  became  absolutely  necessary, 
in  order  to  the  accomplishment  of  the  divine  purpose  of  Jeho- 
vah, to  manifest,  in  a  signal  manner,  the  perfections  of  his  na- 
ture and  the  holiness  of  his  laws,  in  the  land  promised  to 
Abraham.  The  Divine  propriety  of  the  instructions  given  to 
Moses  and  Joshua  how  to  treat  the  Canaanites  is  the  subject 
of  several  notes  in  the  Pocket  Commentary  on  the  Old  Testa- 
ment ;  see  Deut.  vii.  1 — 4. 

Canaan,  or  the  Land  of  the  Hebrews,  was  comparatively 
a  small  country,  being  less  than  two  hundred  miles  long  and 
one  hundred  broad.  But  God  announced  to  Abraham  that 
he  would  put  those  of  his  descendants  who  imitated  his  faith 
and  obedience  in  possession  of  all  the  regions  stretching 
"  from  the  river  of  Egypt  to  the  Euphrates."  The  former 
they  were  authorised  by  God  to  seize  by  force ;  the  latter  they 
obtained  by  success  in  defensive  war.  Canaan  Proper  was 
properly  the  Holy  Land,  because  in  it  was  the  seat  of  divine 
worship  ;  but  idolatry  was  not  permitted  by  the  law  of  Moses 
10  exist  in  any  part  of  the  lands  conquered  by  Israel.  For 
'vherever  their  power  was  predominant,  they  were  enjoined 


t 


THE   RACE   OP   ISRAEI.  It 

to  destroy  every  vestio-e  of  idolatry,  and  establish  the  worship 
of,  the  True  God,  This,  it  ought  to  be  carefully  observed, 
was  the  special  object  for  which  God  chose  for  his  people  or 
piblic  worshippers  the,. race  of  Jacob.  He  is  the  sovereig-n 
Lord  of  the  universe,itnd  the  impartial  Judge  ;  He  respects 
not  men  on  account  of  those  things  which  they  admire  and 
praise ;  moral  excellence  alone  renders  one  man  more  thau 
another  beloved  by  his  Creator ;  nnd  no  nation  could  provt; 
themselves  more  destitute  of  thi^*  than  the  Jews,  in  all  ages 
They  were,  with  the  exception  of  a  comparatively  small  num- 
ber, who  truly  believed  God  and  his  prophets,  a  people  ex- 
ceedingly perverse  in  heart,  and  hypocritical  or  wicked  in 
life.  They  were,  therefore,  not  selected  for  the  peculiar  peo- 
ple of  the  Most  High  because  they  deserved  his  favour,  but 
in  accordance  mth  his  own  purpose  respecting  the  race  of 
Seth,  and  his  promise  to  Abraham.  And  his  object  in  the 
seleciion  was  that  they  should  be  the  witnesses  that  he  was 
the  only  True  and  Living  God,  the  depositary  of  his  revela- 
tions, and  the  instruments  of  making  known  the  benevolent 
and  just  nature  of  his  administration,  as  the  supreme  Sove- 
reign, Saviour,  and  Judge  of  the  human  race. 

This  great  and  most  important  of  all  objects,  in  the  eyes 
of  every  intelligent  being,  capable  of  judging  of  real  excel- 
lencei  must  be  acknowledged  to  have  been  absolutely  neces- 
sary in  the  age  of  Abraham  ;  for  while  it  was  at  once  essen- 
tial to  the  manifestation  of  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  welfare 
of  mankind,  we  perceive  not  how  it  could  be  attained  by  any 
other  mp;»n^  than  that  adopted  by  infinite  wisdom; — the 
separation  of  a  people  by  whom  God  should  make  himself 
known  m  the  manner  he  did,  through  the  instrumentality  of 
tho^race  of  Jacob. 

This  will  appear  if  we  reflect  on  their  position  and  relation 
to: the  nations,  from  the  time  that  Abraham  was  called  to  leave 
Chaldea  till  the  time  when  they  ceased  to  be  regarded  and 
treated  by  the  Deity  as  his  peculiar  people.  During  this  long 
period,  from  a.  m.  2023  to  a.  d.  70,  they  were  placed  in  the 
position  most  favourable  to  the  publicity  of  their  principles, 
form  of  worship,  and  the  remarkable  and  marvellous  events 
which  befell  them. 

Had  Abraham  remained  in  Chaldea,  the  history  of  him 
and  his  race  would  have  been  for  many  generations  almost 
wholly  unknown  to  the  great  mass  of  the  human  race ;  for 
the  events  which  transpired  east  of  the  Euphrates,  from  the 
day  of  Chedorlaomer  to  the  time  of  Pul,  king  of  Assyria, 


I 


.6  IHE   RACE   OF   ISRAEL. 

who  was  conteiTiporary  with  Uzziah,  king  of  Judah,  are 
buried  in  oblivion,  or  enveloped  in  fabulous  records.  Nor  did 
any  nation  during  this  period  maintain,  as  far  as  history 
attests,  much  intercourse  with  the  other  nations  of  the  globe, 
except  the  Idumeans,  on  the  Red  Sea,  the  Egyptians,  and  the 
colonies  from  the  Red  Sea,  by  whom  were  built  the  commer- 
cial cities  of  Tyre  and  Sidon.  And  the  latter  had  most  pro- 
bably not  emerged  from  obscurity  before  the  conquest  of 
Canaan  by  Joshua ;  by  consequence,  we  may  see  the  pro- 
priety of  the  long  sojourn  of  Israel  in  Egypt,  the  great  centre 
of  the  early  world's  activity  and  commerce.  That  Israel 
were  then  a  conspicuous  people,  no  one  can  doubt  who  adverts 
to  the  dignity  and  influence  of  Joseph,  the  talented  and  emin- 
ently religious  son  of  Jacob. 

The  Syrians  and  other  nations  were  rapidly  rising  to  the 
ascendancy  in  political  power  and  commerce  when  Israel 
were  established  in  Canaan :  and  Egypt  had  adopted  what 
moderns  would  call  Chinese  policy,  discouraging  all  inter- 
course with  strangers,  admitting  not  even  merchants  to  trade, 
except  at  one  or  two  ports.  Canaan,  henceforth,  was  far  more 
suited  to  the  propagation  of  the  peculiar  religion,  laws,  cus- 
toms, and  transactions  of  Israel,  than  any  other  place.  For 
while  it  was  sufficiently  isolated  from  other  nations  to  permit 
its  inhabitants  to  live  according  to  their  own  law,  the  high 
road  of  commerce  between  the  eastern  and  western  world 
passed  along  its  borders,  and  it  soon  rose  to  great  distincttion, 
and  at  no  remote  period  was  an  object  of  ambition  to  the 
mighty  powers  who  struggled  for  the  sovereignty  of  the 
world. 

When  the  Israelites  completely  degenerated,  and  ceased  to 
shed  pure  light  on  the  thick  darkness  which  enshrouded  the 
nations,  the  terrible  vengeance  that  desolated  their  land,  and 
scattered  them  over  the  surface  of  the  world,  visibly  accom- 
plished the  end  for  which  they  were  chosen,  perhaps  more 
efl^ectually  than  any  event  in  their  previous  history.  The 
judgment  of  Heaven  corrected  them ;  their  love  of  idolatry 
was  conquered  ;  their  zeal  for  the  Sacred  Oracles,  and  parti- 
cularly for  the  laws  of  Moses,  was  rekindled  ;  and  their 
desire  and  hope  of  the  coming  of  Messiah  exceedingly 
strengthened.  Such  was  the  efl!ect  of  their  captivity  in  Ba- 
bylon. Nor  ought  it  to  be  forgotten  that  they  were  not  dis- 
persed over  the  eastern  world  till  it  had  become  the  scene  of 
the  greatest  transactions  which  characterise  its  history,  and 
which  deeply  interested  almost  all  the  human  race.     How 


THE    RACE   OP    ISRAEL.  17 

marvellous  were  the  incidents  connected  with  the  exile  of 
Israel  every  one  knows  ;  and  how  inexpressibly  must  some 
of  these  have  tended  to  the  dissemination  of  the  knowledge 
of  the  True  God,  may  be  learned  from  the  proclamations  of 
the  kings  of  Babylon  and  Persia. 

The  benevolent  designs  of  Heaven  in  the  separation  of  the 
Jews  for  a  "  peculiar  people"  were  apparently  largely  fulfilled 
by  the  restoration  of  a  part  of  them  to  a  national  state,  in 
their  own  land  ;  and  the  settlement  of  multitudes  of  them  in 
small  communities,  in  the  great  cities  of  the  empires  of  Greece 
and  Rome ;  for  they  were  thus  brought  into  connexion  with 
the  most  influential  races  of  mankind.  And  it  might  be  de- 
monstrated, with  no  difficulty,  and  with  much  profit,  that  the 
true  religion  or  Divine  Revelation  will  be  found,  at  all  times, 
in  the  centre  or  vicinity  of  the  regions  which  successively 
became  the  chief  seats  of  power,  and  especially  of  commerce, 
on  the  globe.  The  star  of  Jacob  will  always  be  seen  fixed 
above  the  kingdom  or  kingdoms  on  whose  power  appears 
suspended  the  destiny  of  mankind. 

Several  things  peculiar  to  the  Jews  were  remarkably  fitted 
to  attract  all  eyes  to  them.  Thus  their  avowed  belief  and  un- 
ceasing hope  that  one  of  their  race,  in  a  future  age,  was  to 
surpass  all  men  in  excellence  and  power,  and  prove  himself 
almighty  to  save  not  only  his  people,  but  all  nations,  and 
restore  the  world  to  more  than  the  felicity  of  pradise  ;  this 
sentiment  spread  so  universally,  and  so  deeply  aflfected  all 
minds,  that  in  almost  every  nation,  previous  to  the  final  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem,  the  expectation  of  such  an  illustrious 
person  prevailed. 

Again  they  publicly  acknowledged  Jehovah  alone  to  be 
their  supreme  King,  and  regarded  their  rulers  the  mere 
ministers  of  his  revealed  will.  If  the  latter  were  distinguished 
by  despising  the  laws  of  Moses  ar.d  the  instructions  of  the  pro- 
phets, they  were  viewed  usurpers  while  they  lived,  and  were 
covered  with  disgrace  at  death,  for  no  honourable  burial  was 
granted  them.  Other  nations  either  worshipped  their  chiefs 
while  they  lived  or  after  their  death,  or,  like  the  Greeks, 
boasted  of  power  to  control  them ;  but  the  Jews,  when  subject 
to  their  constitution  and  laws,  obeyed  no  voice  except  that  of 
the  supreme  God,  announced  by  them  whom  they  firmly  be 
lieved  to  be  his  ministers.  In  their  government,  the  authority 
of  Deity  was  all  in  all.  This,  as  we  shall  see,  characterised 
the  nation,  in  respect  to  the  gods  of  the  nations,  after  the  cap 
tivity ;  and  the  phenomenon  must  have  produced  a  strong  im 

2* 


m. 


--# 


# 


19  IHE   RACE   OF    ISRAEL. 

pression  on  every  intelligent  and  reflective  mind,  accustomed 
to  witness  every  where  the  worship  of  idols,  with  no  sign  of 
the  belief  in  the  unity  of  the  Creator. 

Further,  every  public  transgressor  of  the  laws  was  sentenced 
to  immediate  punishment,  exactly  proportioned  to  the  rule  of 
rigid  justice,  the  law  of  retaliation,  or  of  restitution,  minutely 
defined  by  Moses.  The  degree  of  loss  or  suffering  inflicted 
for  crime  generally  depended,  elsewhere,  on  the  pleasure  or 
caprice  of  the  rulers  or  judges  ;  but  among  the  Jews,  nothing 
was  left  to  them  by  the  supreme  legislators.  As  no  delay  in 
the  execution  of  the  sentence  of  the  law  was  admissible,  no  in- 
struction was  given  to  provide  prisons.  This  strikingly  ac- 
corded with  the  awful  nature  of  the  constitution  prescribed  by 
Moses,  justly  named  "  the  ministration  of  death."  Had  this 
argument  been  adverted  to,  Christians,  at  least,  would  not  have 
been  surprised  that  instant  death  should  be  pronounced  on  all 
judged  worthy  of  it.  The  principle  which  indicates  the  pro- 
priety of  animal  sacrifice  for  sin  is  applicable  to  immediate 
punishment  of  death.  The  administration  of  Jehovah  had  not 
yet  demonstrated  to  all  the  perfection  of  his  justice,  so  that  man 
might  discern  clearly  that  without  an  adequate  expiation,  death 
for  death,  no  human  being  could  find  forgiving  mercy  with 
his  Creator.  But  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  having  vindicated,  by 
his  death  for  the  world,  the  Divine  government  and  laws, 
with  Divine  propriety  declared  that  the  law  of  retaliation,  life 
for  life,  eye  for  eye,  and  the  like,  had  no  place  in  his  adminis- 
tration. Now  certainly  no  one  who  respects  his  authority  re- 
quires to  be  taught  by  precept  or  example  that  "  the  soul  that 
sinneth  shall  die." 

Moreover,  unequivocal  signs  that  God  was  the  supreme 
King  of  the  Jews  were  frequently  witnessed  by  all  intelligent 
observers  of  events  in  relation  to  that  people.  His  principal 
ministers  were  supernaturally  endowed ;  and  the  deeds  by 
which  this  was  manifested  were  performed  in  the  view  of  all 
Their  power  over  life  and  death,  over  the  elements  of  nature, 
and  sometimes  over  the  minds  of  men,  was  not  exercised  in 
secret  or  by  arts  of  deception,  like  the  pretended  diviners  and 
priests  of  the  gods  of  other  nations.  They  acted  without  dis- 
guise in  the  presence  of  all  ranks  and  characters,  and  claimed 
no  personal  superiority  over  their  contemporaries.  They 
wrought  all  in  the  name  of  God,  and  resolutely  declined  re- 
ward from  man.  Neither  honour  nor  disgrace  influenced 
their  ministrations.  And  the  people  were  miraculously 
punished  or  saved,  obtained  unparalleled  prosperity,  or  en- 


T 


# 


THE   RACE   OF   ISRAEL.  19 

dured  extreme  calamity,  according  as  they  were  obedient  or 
disobedient  to  the  mandates  of  Jehovah,  their  Sovereign,  Law- 
giver, and  Judge. 

Fmally,  their  national  constitution  strongly  enforced  univer- 
sal kindness  and  courtesy,  and,  consequently,  friendly  inter- 
course with  all  men,  while  it  strictly  prohibited  offensive  or 
defensive  alliances  with  idolatrous  nations  or  communities,  or 
intermarriages  with  individual  idolaters.  In  national  policy 
and  religion,  they  were  to  stand  alone  among  the  nations 
Though  on  this  account  they  might  be  regarded  by  superfi- 
cial thinkers  the  enemies  of  mankind,  yet  this  was  absolutely 
necessary  for  the  attainment  of  the  great  end  of  their  separation 
to  serve  God,  considering  the  state  of  the  nations,  especially 
of  those  in  their  vicinity. 

In  the  age  of  Moses,  the  whole  world  had  apostatised  from 
God,  and  idolatry  seems  to  have  been  establisned,  by  law  or 
custom,  in  every  nation.  But  no  communities  had  become 
more  degraded  in  morals  or  polluted  in  religion  than  those 
occupying  the  countries  of  Syria,  Palestine,  and  Arabia  Pe- 
traea,  where  four  hundred  years  earlier  the  true  God  was 
worshipped.  This  dreadful  degeneracy  was  probably  chiefly 
effected  by  those  who  had  enslaved  the  multitude.  And  these 
were,  we  know,  the  wisest  of  the  age,  who  doubtless  discerned 
that  a  religion  which  made  the  many  to  trust  their  future  well- 
being  to  the  power  of  the  few,  and  ministered,  at  the  same  time, 
to  their  pleasures,  was  that  alone  which  could  retain  the  peo- 
ple in  political  slavery.  Such  was  the  nature  of  all  the  an- 
cient forms  of  idolatry.  By  the  abuse  of  physical,  and  espe- 
cially of  astronomical  knowledge,  which  assumed  the  name 
of  astrology,  the  wise  deluded  the  unreflecting  and  sensual. 
Claiming  the  offices  of  kings  and  priests,  by  the  deceptive 
arts  and  careful  observances  of  the  appearances  of  nature  in 
the  different  seasons  of  the  year,  they  easily  performed,  or 
rather  seemed  to  perform  deeds  superhuman  in  the  eyes  of 
the  ignorant.  Nothing  was  then  more  natural  than  to  as- 
scribe  their  power  to  invisible  fellowship  with  the  heavenly 
bodies  and  invisible  agents,  whom  they  confessed  could  alone 
enable  them  to  perform  superhuman  works.  These  agencies 
became  gods ;  and  their  ministers,  bv  continually  adding 
whatever  rites  they  conceived  adapted  to  please  the  people, 
to  those  already  observed  by  them,  formed  the  various  cor- 
rupted modes  of  idolatrous  worship,  which  were  rapidly 
spread  over  the  earth  by  conquerors,  colonization,  and  com- 
merce. 


#= 


20  THE   RACE   OP   ISRAEL. 

Language  cannot  depict  the  sanguinary  and  licentious 
forms  of  superstition  that  prevailed  in  Canaan  and  the  neigh- 
bouring countries.  This  is  evident  to  every  reader  of  the 
sacred  Scriptures.  And  how  strongly  Israel  were  disposed 
to  imitate  their  neighbours,  appears  in  every  age  of  their  his- 
tory, before  the  Babylonian  captivity.  How  suitable,  impor- 
tant, and  even  indispensable  was  then  the  injunction  that  they 
should  hve  alone,  and  utterly  abominate  the  gods  of  the  na- 
tions ? 

The  peoples,  by  whose  manners  Israel  were  in  the  greatest 
danger  of  being  contaminated  and  demoralized  in  the  earliest 
periods  of  their  history,  were  the  Egyptians,  the  surviving 
Canaanites,  the  Philistines,  Tyrians  and  Sidonians,  the 
Midianities,  Moabites,  and  Ammonites ;  and  the  Edomites  and 
Syrians.  We  refer  the  reader  to  the  brief  account  of  these^ 
given  under  their  respective  names  in  the  Pocket  Biblical 
Dictionary.  Almost  every  one  ^f  these  races  had  lost  power 
to  inflict  much  injury  on  Israel  before  the  period  of  their  his- 
tory to  be  reviewed  in  the  subsequent  chapters.  Foreigners 
had  conquered  them,  and  continued  to  tyrannise  over  them. 
The  very  forms  of  their  religion  had  been  modified ;  and  its 
most  barbarous  features  had  disappeared.  Those  on  the  bor- 
ders of  Canaan  had  been  carried  into  captivity  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar ;  and  were  probably  permitted  by  Cyrus  to  return  to 
their  native  lands.  Some  of  them,  we  know,  were  afterwards 
numerous ;  but  none  of  them,  except  the  Edomites  or  Idu- 
means,  seem  to  have  recovered  their  former  greatness ;  and 
they  gradually  disappeared  as  distinct  races  or  nations  ;  and 
probably  the  survivors  became  marauders,  and  were  not  dis- 
tinguishable from  the  Arabs,  whose  mode  of  life  they  imitated. 
It  may  be  remarked  in  general,  that  the  descendants  of  these 
races  cherished  in  all  ages,  the  implacable  enmity  to  Israel, 
which  characterised  their  ancestors.  Of  this  we  shall  see 
many  proofs  in  the  future  history  of  the  chosen  people. 


CHAPTER   II. 


BRIEF  REVIEW  OF  THE  RISE,  DECLINE,  AND  CAPTIVITY 
OP  ISRAEL. 


In  the  investigation  of  the  state  of  the  world  before  the  time 
of  Nebuchadnezzar,  the  Old  Testament  is  the  exclusive  cer- 
tain guide  ;  all  allusions  to  the  subject  by  uninspired  his- 
torians, philosophers,  or  poets,  are  uncertain  or  fabulous. 
And  of  the  ancient  races  of  mankind,  whose  character,  con- 
duct, and  deeds,  had  no  apparent  or  immediate  influence  on 
the  race  of  Abraham,  the  sacred  writers  record  almost  no- 
thing, except  a  brief  notice  of  their  origin  and  dispersion  over 
the  globe. 

The  especial  Divine  superintendence  of  the  chosen  race, 
and  occasional  miraculous  interposition  in  their  behalf,  pre- 
viously to  the  time  of  Abraham,  evidently  appear  to  have 
been  continued  to  him  and  his  race,  who  continued  the  social 
and  public  worshippers  of  the  true  and  living  God.  On  this 
account  the  government,  like  that  ordained  by  Moses,  may, 
with  propriety,  be  denominated  a  theocracy.  For  the  patri- 
archs, elders,  or  heads  of  families,  were  required  to  rule  ac- 
cording to  the  Divine  instructions,  communicated  to  their  pre- 
decessors or  themselves. 

Notwithstanding  of  the  great  and  precious  promises  which 
Abraham,  Isaac,  and  Jacob  received,  that  a  future  descendant 
of  theirs  should  confer  on  all  nations  divine  blessedness,  they 
were  admonished  that  their  race  would  not  become  an  inde- 
pendent nation  till  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  four  hundred 
years.  They  were  destined  to  serve  or  to  be  enslaved  during 
this  long  period,  and  consequently  it  was  essential  to  their 
happiness  "  against  hope  to  believe  in  hope,"  knowing  that 
Jehovah  was  able  and  faithful  to  accomplish  his  word  of  pro- 
mise. Their  trials  were  as  uncommon  as  their  hopes.  Be- 
fore their  descent  to  Egypt,  b.  c.  1648,  the  family  sepulchre 
was  the  only  spot  to  which  they  could  claim  an  exclusive  in- 
disputable right.     Being  the  first  occupiers  of  the  pasture 


i 


m  ,  m 


22  THE  RISE,   DECLINE,   AND 

grounds  in  Canaan,  they  were  indeed  viewed  by  foreigners 
as  the  proprietors,  and  hence  this  region  was  called  "  the 
land  of  the  Hebrews."  But  we  have  no  reason  to  believe 
that  they  considered  themselves  authorised  to  prohibit  others 
from  feeding  their  flocks  on  the  same  pastures.  Canaan  was 
theirs  by  gift  of  promise,  but  they  were  not  to  enter  on  tho 
possession  till  the  cup  of  the  iniquity  of  the  Amorites  or 
Canaanites,  who  occupied  it  along  with  them,  was  full.  And 
it  is  remarkable  that  before  this  specific  time,  the  Israelites 
did  not  require  Canaan.  The  increase  of  population  of  this 
race  during  the  first  four  hundred  years  is  perhaps  one  of  the 
most  singular  phenomena  in  the  history  of  human  society. 
The  descendants  of  Abraham  by  Hagar  and  Keturah,  and  of 
Esau  by  his  wives,  appear  to  have  multiphed  exceedingly 
and  rapidly,  while  the  race  by  Sarah,  Rebekah,  Leah,  and 
Rachel  amount  to  little  more  than  seventy  persons  in  the  space 
of  about  two  hundred  years ;  while,  during  the  succeeding 
period  of  the  same  duration,  they  probably  amounted  to 
millions. 

The  smallness  of  their  number  at  first  was  favourable  to 
their  happiness,  if  we  reflect  on  their  situation.  God  had 
ordained  them  to  sojourn  in  Canaan.  The  pastoral  resources 
of  that  land  had  been  greatly  diminished  by  a  fearful  catas- 
trophe, and  its  population  was  rapidly  increasing  by  the  rising 
families  of  the  Canaanites,  and  most  probably  by  arrivals  of 
of  new  tribes.  The  districts  of  the  cities  of  the  plain,  well 
watered  by  the  Jordan,  once  the  richest  in  Canaan,  had  been 
utterly  destroyed  by  fire  from  heaven,  and  the  lake  named 
the  Dead  Sea,  which  appeared  in  their  place,  is  computed  at 
seventy  miles  in  length  and  twenty  in  breadth,  having  a  cir- 
cuit of  three  hundred  miles.  It  overflows  its  banks  to  a  con- 
siderable extent  in  the  rainy  season  ;  and  its  saline  waters  in- 
flict barrenness  wherever  they  reach.  Indeed  all  the  coasts 
exhibit  an  awful  scene  of  solitude  and  desolation.  Now,  if 
the  pastures  were  insuflicient  to  feed  the  united  flocks  of 
Abraham  and  Lot,  till  the  latter  resorted  to  the  plains  of 
Sodom,  how  could  the  race  of  Israel  and  the  Canaanites  have 
lived  in  Canaan  after  these  had  disappeared,  had  they  been 
numerous  ?  Few  as  they  were,  they  repeatedly  felt  the  pres- 
sure of  want,  which  money  could  not  remove,  and  but  with 
difiiculty  could  alleviate. 

They  had,  it  is  true,  the  promise  of  Divine  interposition,  in 
every  season  of  trial.  But  this  promise  was  conditional ; 
they  could  only  confidently  expect  it  when  they  lived  so  as  to 


# 


^ 


CAPTIVITY   OF   ISRAEL.  23 

please  God.  Look  at  the  family  of  Jacob  ;  had  they  not  more 
reason  to  fear  the  wrath,  than  hope  in  the  favour  of  the  God 
of  their  fathers  ?  The  only  one  of  the  twelve  who  visibly 
feared  Him  had  been  sold  into  slavery  by  his  brethren,  only 
two  of  the  eleven  were  unprepared  to  murder  him  because  he 
testified  against  their  wickedness.  It  became  not,  therefore, 
the  Divine  Majesty  to  exempt  them  from  suffering  with  the 
unholy  race  among  whom  they  sojourned. 

But  no  sooner  did  they  relent,  and  deplore  their  iniquities, 
than  Jehovah  remembered  his  holy  covenant,  and  showed 
them  mercy.  That  they  repented  and  returned  to  God  about 
the  time  of  their  descent  into  Egypt,  seems,  from  the  sacred 
Record,  unquestionable.  Hitherto  they  had  been  totally  dis- 
qualified to  advance  the  great  object  for  which  they  had  been 
ravoured  by  God  more  than  any  other  race.  Instead  of  being 
with  Jacob,  their  father,  witnesses  for  God  among  the  de- 

fraded  Canaanites,  their  general  conduct  must  have  caused 
is  name  to  be  reviled  and  hii  worship  despised.  And  the 
most  complete  renovation  of  character  would  not,  for  a  con- 
siderable period,  if  ever,  have  procured  them  a  good  report 
of  all  those  who  had  long  known  them.  It  was  therefore 
more  probable  that  they  would,  after  their  happy  recovery  to 
the  true  religion,  promote  its  interests  more  extensively  in 
Egypt  than  in  Canaan.  No  public  worshipper  of  God  can 
have  much  moral  influence  on  society,  if  he  is  manifestly 
either  hypocritical  or  inconsistent  in  conduct.  Hence  univer- 
sally acknowledged  integrity  and  truth  is  an  indispensable 
quality  in  a  public  teacher ;  "  a  bishop  must  be  well  reported 
by  all  men."  We  may  therefore  conclude  that  the  removal 
of  Jacob's  family  into  Egypt  was  not  more  expedient  for  their 
future  usefulness  than  for  their  temporal  comfort.  They 
were  divinely  prepared  to  strengthen  the  hands  of  their 
brother  Joseph  in  the  work  of  recommending  the  true  religion 
to  the  Egyptians,  and  it  was  therefore  proper  that  they  should 
join  him. 

Perhaps  the  moral  and  religious  state  of  Egypt  more  deeply 
concerned  the  worW,  in  the  days  of  Joseph,  than  that  of  any 
other  country.  In  the  time  oi  Abraham,  no  large  kingdom 
or  empire  appears  to  have  been  formed.  A  shadow  of  one 
presented  itself  in  the  East.  Chedorlaomer,  by  conquest  or 
alliance,  united  under  him  a  few  chiefs  called  kings,  and  ex- 
tended his  power  in  Canaan  and  Arabia.  But  we  hear  no 
more  of  him  after  Abraham  and  his  feeble  allies  overthrow 
his  forces.     It  is  therefore  not  probable  that  his  dominion  wai 


91  THE   RISE,   DEOLINE,   ASfD 

great  or  permanent.  The  king  of  Egypt  at  that  period  seems 
to  exhibit  no  more  majesty  than  the  king  of  Gerar,  whose 
power  certainly  stretched  not  beyond  a  small  district.  And 
the  probability  is,  that  Egypt  then  contained  as  many  kings 
as  cities.  Tradition,  indeed,  attests  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Egypt  were  originally  governed  by  seven  kings,  and  conse 
quently  its  political  state  resembled  that  of  Canaan  when 
Joshua  conquered  its  sixty  kings. 

That  the  inhabitants  of  Egypt  were  subjected  to  one  prince 
in  Joseph's  time,  and  that  they  had  constructed  a  system  of 
religion,  we  have  reason  to  believe.  But  we  have  no  evi- 
dence that  the  Pharaohs  had  acquired  great  physical  power 
in  the  time  of  Moses.  The  most  wonderful  monuments  of 
its  riches,  military  greatness,  and  civilization,  belong  confes 
sedly  to  a  later  age.  And  it  is  scarcely  credible  that  Egyp 
was  a  mighty  power  at  the  time  of  the  exodus  of  Israel,  when 
we  find  that  its  rulers  never  attempted  to  revenge  the  insults 
and  sufferings  which  they  had  endured  from  Moses  in  Egypt, 
and  still  more  at  the  Red  Sea. 

That  the  Egyptians  owed  much  of  their  advancement  in 
civilization  to  the  administration  of  Joseph,  is  strongly  proba- 
ble. The  slight  notices  of  him  indicate  that  he  possessed  con- 
summate talents  as  a  statesman.  We  have,  hoAvever,  still  more 
evidence  that  his  infliience  was  almost  boundless  ;  and  that 
he  improved  it  to  recommend  true  religion,  we  cannot  doubt. 
He  was  truly  zealous  for  the  honour  of  Jehovah.  He  and 
his  race  were  considered  sacred.  This  we  conceive  origi- 
nated the  practice  of  circumcision  by  the  priests  of  Egypt. 
They  monopolized  the  rite  to  augment  their  sanctity  in  the 
eyes  of  the  people.  And  the  veneration  cherished  for  Israel 
during  the  ministry  of  Joseph  may,  most  probably,  account 
for  the  future  appearance  of  many  practices  in  Egypt,  which 
the  laws  of  Moses  sanctioned.  His  code  of  laws  was  only  an 
enlargement  of  those  observed  by  the  patriarchal  families. 
And  from  them  the  Egyptians,  doubtless,  received  those  com- 
mon to  both  nations.  It  is  at  least  certain  that  Moses  solemnly 
prohibited  his  people  from  adopting  any  customs  that  were  of 
Egyptian  origin. 

However  much  advantage  the  Egyptians  may  have  derived 
from  Joseph  and  his  brethen,  their  future  history  too  clearlj 
showed  that  it  was  not  permanent  in  respect  to  religion.  Fo 
while  no  ancient  people,  perhaps,  made  more  progress  in  hu 
man  wisdom  and  the  knowledge  of  the  useful,  if  not  the  orna- 
mental arts  of  society,  none  ever  more  rapidly  and  completely 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ISRAEL.  WD 

renounced  the  religious  principles  and  practices  which  were 
enjoined  by  the  inspired  persons  whom  God  raised  up  in  the 
early  ages  of  mankind,  or  devised  and  established  a  systen 
of  idolatry  more  calculated  to  enslave  the  human  intellect,  de 
base  the  affections,  and  demoralise  the  conduct.  This  system 
was,  perhaps,  not  perfectly  formed  during  the  period  of  Is- 
rael's detention  in  Egypt.  But  that  it  had  been  introduced, 
and  had  even  become  popular,  seems  certain,  for  the  Israel- 
ites were,  as  a  community,  deeply  tainted  with  it,  before  they 
were  emancipated  by  Moses.  This  is  obvious  from  their  con- 
duct in  the  wilderness.  And  their  religious  declension  suffi- 
ciently vindicates  the  Divine  pleasure  in  suffering  the  Egyp- 
tians to  inflict  on  them  innumerable  and  overwhelming  evils. 
These  were  happily  blessed  to  rouse  them  to  serious  consid- 
eration, and  to  incline  them  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  few 
faithful  elders  whom  God  had  preserved  to  guide  them.  And, 
when  under  the  pressure  of  the  most  oppressive  slavery  they 
groaned  and  prayed  before  the  Lord,  he  heard  them,  and  com- 
missioned Moses  to  deliver  them. 

Crediting  his  message  as  truly  divine,  they  tranquilly  de- 
parted in  regular  order,  but  without  arms,  from  the  land  of 
their  slavejry,  and  God  was  with  them.  Though  destitute  of 
arms,  the  Dgypiians  amply  supplied  them  with  money  to  pro- 
cure them.  For,  terrified  by  the  most  fearful  and  unparal- 
leled judgments  or  plagues  which  fell  upon  them,  they  readi- 
ly gave  them  whatever  they  desired.  Their  first  supply  of 
arms  was,  however,  perhaps  obtained  in  a  manner  the  most 
wonderful  and  unexpected, — the  arms  of  the  army  of  Egypt, 
drowned  in  the  Red  Sea,  fell  into  their  hands,  for  the  dead 
bodies  were  thrown  upon  the  coast,  Exod.  xiv.  12. 

They  had  not  been  long  accustomed  to  the  use  of  arms 
when  they  were  called  to  encounter  the  Amalekites.  Per- 
haps it  was  this  race  who  had  invaded  Egypt  in  the  interval 
between  Abraham's  descent  into  Egypt,  and  the  time  of  Mo- 
ses, whose  conquering  chiefs  are  named  in  history  the  "  shep- 
herd kings."  They  had  grievously  tyrannised  over  the  con- 
quered, in  so  much  that  the  Egyptians  continued  for  many 
generations  to  detest  all  who  lived  by  tending  flocks;  "a 
shepherd  was  an  abomination  to  the  Egyptians."  Whatever 
probability  may  be  in  this  conjecture,  we  know  that  the  Amal- 
ekites were  a  very  ancient  and  mighty  people,  who  are  sup- 
posed to  have  lived  in  caves  or  tents,  and  in  habits  and  man- 
ners resembling  the  Arabs.  It  seems  certain  that  they  pos- 
aessed  at  least  one  city  in  the  days  of  Saul,  and  must  have 

VOL.    I.  3 


26  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,   AND 

been  nuhierous  and  warlike,  for  the  army  which  he  con- 
sidered necessary  to  march  against  them,  amounted  to 
210,000;  1  Sam.  xv.  4 — 7.  In  Abraham's  age,  they  were 
known  as  a  distinct  people,  possessing  an  extensive  country, 
reaching  from  Havilah  to  Shur,  or  from  the  Dead  Sea  to  the 
Red  Sea,  Gen.  xiv.  7 ;  and  Balaam  speaks  of  them  as  "  the 
first,"  the  head  or  origin  of  the  nations,  which  sufficiently 
shows  that  they  were  even  then  deemed  a  great  people  of  an- 
tiquity. Hence  they  could  not  belong  to  the  race  of  Esau, 
and  indeed  no  hint  is  ever  given  in  Scripture  that  they  had 
the  remotest  connexion  with  Abraham.  They  are  uniformly 
associated  with  the  Canaanites  and  PhiUstines,  descendants 
of  Ham,  and  to  him  the  Arabs  trace  the  Amalekites.  Ac- 
cording to  Arabian  tradition,  they  were  the  only  pure  Arabs, 
and  those  of  them  who  escaped  the  sword  of  Saul  became 
mixed  Arabs,  being  blended  with  other  races.  That  they 
were  to  disappear  as  a  nation  and  separate  people  was  the 
import  of  the  prophetic  curse  announced  to  Joshua ;  and  we 
find  no  mention  of  them,  except  as  individuals,  after  the  reign 
of  Hezekiah,  I  Chron.  iv.  41 — 43.  The  fearful  and  some- 
what singular  sentence  passed  on  them  was  doubtless  occa- 
sioned by  great  wickedness  ;  and  the  narrative  of  Moses  con- 
veys some  idea  of  it.  They  had  from  their  position  the  most 
favourable  opportunities  of  knowing  the  True  God,  and  his 
peculiar  love  for  Israel.  Doubtless  they  knew  the  miracles 
which  he  had  wrought  for  them  in  Egypt  and  at  the  Red 
Sea  ;  and  most  probably  witnessed  the  miraculous  supply  of 
water ;  yet  it  is  remarked  that  they  "  feared  not  God."  They 
gave  awful  proof  that  they  despised  him,  for  they  were  the 
first  to  attack  Israel,  and  that  in  the  most  cruel  and  savage 
manner :  they  fell  on  those  exhausted  by  fatigue,  or  feeble 
by  age  or  infancy ;  Exod.  xvii.  8 — 16.  Deut.  xxv.  17 — 19. 
They  sought  their  destruction  without  the  least  provocation, 
and  the  chief  motive  probably  was,  that  they  might  possess 
the  new  stream  which  God  had  caused  to  flow  in  the  desert ; 
for  they  may  .have  considered  all  the  products  of  the  desert 
as  their  own,  and  that  the  water  was  not  the  property  of  Is- 
rael, although  a  supernatural  gift.  How  obstinate  their  infi- 
delity was  is  manifest,  for  notwithstanding  their  defeat,  and 
the  knowledge,  perhaps,  of  the  prophecy  concerning  them, 
they  remained  the  implacable  enemies  of  Israel.  We  notice 
the  Amalekites  thus  particularly,  because  it  would  appear  that 
they  were  the  only  people  occupying  the  country  which  divides 
Egypt  from  Palestine,  that  were  capable  of  trying  their  strength 


# 


^- — ■ ? 


CAPTIVITY    OF   ISRAEL. 


with  Israel ;  or,  what  may  be  more  probable,  because  their 
defeat,  almost  immediately  following  the  miracles  in  Egypt 
and  the  Red  Sea,  overawed  all  the  other  nations,  so  that  Is- 
rael were  permitted  to  sojourn  many  years  in  the  wilderness 
in  peace.  The  mode  by  which  they  were  overcome  in  the 
first  contest,  was  peculiarly  fitted  to  instruct  the  chosen  peo- 
ple :  while  Moses  held  up  his  hands,  Joshua  prevailed  in  bat- 
tle. Thus  Israel  were  taught  that  they  had  no  reason  to  ex- 
pect success  in  battle,  if  their  leaders  did  not  accompany  their 
exertions  with  confidence  in  their  supreme  invisible  ffing, 
and  persevering  intercession  to  Him  for  the  people. 

Few  of  the  events  which  must  have  happened  to  Israel  for 
at  least  thirty-eight  years,  are  recorded.  They  were  during 
these  years  organised  as  a  nation  and  received  the  law.  The 
generation,  indisposed  to  entire  subjection  to  the  authority  of 
God  their  supreme  Sovereign,  died,  and  their  children  were 
fully  grown  and  prepared  to  take  possession  of  the  land  pro- 
mised to  their  fathers. 

Travellers  from  the  Red  Sea  reached  Syria  by  different 
routes.  One  passed  through  Edom  or  Idumea  and  Canaan. 
This  was  the  most  direct,  and  first  preferred  by  Israel.  But 
their  progress  was  arrested  by  the  Edomites,  who  discovered 
unreasonable  suspicion  and  total  want  of  natural  affection, 
compassion,  and  courtesy.  They  knew  well  their  close  rela- 
tion to  Israel  by  their  common  ancestor  Abraham  ;  nor  were 
they  ignorant  of  the  Divine  interpositions  for  Israel  in  Egypt, 
at  the  Red  Sea,  and  at  Sinai.  But  neither  the  signs  of  God's 
favour  for  their  brethren,  nor  their  most  earnest  entreaty  for 
liberty  to  keep  the  high  way,  and  food  and  drink  at  the  com- 
mon price,  had  the  least  power  to  raise  a  kind  feeling  in  their 
bosoms,  notwithstanding  of  the  most  pathetic  appeal  of  Moses 
to  their  sympathies,  by  enumerating  the  unparalleled  suffer- 
ings of  Israel  in  the  wilderness.  This  most  barbarous  con- 
duct would  have  been  unjustifiable  in  any  people ;  but  was 
also  most  unnatural,  especially  among  the  Arabians,  for  the 
allied  tribes  cherished  the  strongest  attachment  for  each  other ; 
and  this  is  one  of  the  strongest  features  which  characterise 
them  to  this  day.  The  spirit  of  clanship  never  burned  more 
intensely  in  a  Highlander  than  it  has  always  done  in  an 
Arab.  The  guiU  of  the  Edomites  was,  therefore,  of  no  com- 
mon magnitude  ;  and  it  was  just  and  necessary  they  should 
suffer  signal  punishment.  Accordingly,  more  alarming  pre- 
dictions were  not  announced  respecting  any  people;  and  they 
have  been  completely  accomplished. 


#= 


1EB  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,   AKD 

Another  great  road  to  western  Asia  from  the  Red  Sea,  lay 
eastward,  and  ran  through  the  regions  separated  from  Canaan 
Proper,  hy  the  Dead  Sea  and  Jordan,  and  inhabited  by  the 
Amorites.  The  wilderness  to  the  south  was  possessed  by  the 
Moabites  and  Midianites,  who  were  connected  to  Israel  by 
Lot  and  Abraham.  At  the  time  that  Israel  advanced  towards 
these  countries,  it  seems  probable  that  Moab  was  superior  in 
power  to  Midian,  for  the  king  of  Moab  appears  the  greatest 
opponent  of  Israel ;  but  he  was  zealously  supported  by  the 
Midianites  ;  Numb.  xxii.  3 — 7.  Calamitous  was  the  passage 
of  Israel  through  Midian  and  Moab.  They  sinned  exceed- 
ingly by  joining  in  the  licentious  worship  of  their  enemies, 
and  were  fearfully  punished.  In  one  day,  one  thousand  were 
put  to  death  by  the  order  of  the  rulers,  and  twentv-three  thou- 
sand died  by  fatal  disease.  But  they  ultimately  overthrew 
the  army  of  Moab,  and  marched  onwards  still  interrupted  by 
the  warlike  attitude  of  the  Amorites,  who  had  acquired  con- 
siderable power ;  and  were  ruled  by  two  kings,  who  had  ex- 
tended their  dominions  towards  the  east,  from  the  Jordan  over 
a  part  of  the  lands  which  the  Ammonites  and  Moabites  had 
long  possessed.  Though  the  Amorites  were  Canaanites  by 
descent,  yet  they  were  not  among  those  of  this  race  devoted 
to  destruction,  for  their  land  was  beyond  the  limits  which 
God  commanded  Israel  to  conquer  and  purify  from  idolatry. 
If  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  they  were  not,  however,  among 
the  nations  whom  Israel  were  prohibited  from  fighting  with ; 
for  these  only  comprised  the  races  of  Lot  and  Esau.  Israel 
would  have  left  the  kings  Sihon  and  Og  in  the  undisturbed 
possession  of  their  fine  kingdoms,  had  they  allowed  them  to 
pass  along  the  highway  to  Canaan.  The  Israelites  had  there* 
fore  no  alternative  but  to  retreat  into  the  wilderness,  or  fight 
their  way.  They  first  conquered  the  kingdom  of  Sihon,  and 
that  of  Og,  who  Avas  one  of  the  race  of  giants,  who  had  for 
generations  possessed4he  neighbouring  regions.  The  Israel- 
ites immediately  removed  by  death  all  the  inhabitants,  who 
sought  not  an  asylum  in  other  countries.  The  lands  were 
rich  in  pasture.  The  tribes  of  Reuben  and  Gad,  and  half 
of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh  desired  to  possess  it,  perhaps,  because 
they  had  more  numerous  flocks  than  the  other  tribes.  They 
received  it  on  condition  that  those  of  them  fit  for  war  should 
accompany  their  brethren  to  Canaan,  and  not  return  to  their 
families  till  all  that  country  was  conquered.  This  was  effected 
in  seven  years  ;  and  about  ten  years  latep,  Joshua,  the  faithful 
and  successful  captain  of  Israel,  died,  and  was  succeeded  m 


®  ^ 


CAPTIVITY   OF    ISRAEL.  29 

the  offices  of  Deliverer  and  Judge,  by  Othniel,  a  near  rela- 
tion of  Caleb,  the  noble  and  pious  and  upright  companion 
of  Joshua. 

None  could  lawfully  assume  these  offices  without  receiving 
their  commission  immediately  from  the  supreme  Sovereign  of 
the  nation.  It  was  only  when  he  intimated  his  pleasure,  that 
the  people  were  authorised  to  submit  to  the  decision  and  obey 
the  command  of  any  one  who  claimed  the  dignity  of  visible 
chief  ruler  over  Israel.  This  is  evident  from  the  peculiar 
nature  of  the  constitution  made  by  Moses,  and  it  is  abundantly 
confirmed  by  the  facts  recorded  in  the  Book  of  Judges.  Con- 
cerning this  book,  Jahn  justly  observes,  that  Samuel,  the  last 
of  the  fifteen  Judges,  was  probably  the  author,  and  that  it 
could  not  have  been  written  later  tnan  his  day,  for  the  latest 
transactions  detailed  in  it  transpired  when  there  was  no  king 
in  Israel,  ch.  xxi.  25.  It  seems  to  consist  of  memoranda,  or 
notes  of  the  events  most  interesting  to  the  Church  of  God, 
rather  than  a  regular  chronological  history  of  the  period  to 
which  it  relates  ;  and  these  events  most  impressively  confirm 
the  prophecies  of  Moses  and  Joshua,  which  announced  the 
future  apostasies  of  Israel,  the  judgments  of  God  on  the  apos- 
tates, and  the  Divine  interpositions  to  deliver  Israel  as  soon  as 
their  affliction  wrought  genuine  repentance.  If  this  opinion 
be  correct,  it  is  not  surprising^  that  the  sedulous  efforts  of  a 
number  of  eminently  learned  men  to  ascertain  the  chronology 
of  the  narrative  have  hitherto  proved  most  unsatisfactory.  In 
general,  however,  we  find  that  the  number  of  years  during 
which  Israel  were  nearly  destitute  of  liberty  was  about  111, 
which,  added  to  339,  years  that  they  enjoyed  good  govern- 
ment under  the  thirteen  judges  raised  up  for  them,  from  the 
days  of  Joshua  to  Samuel,  make  450  years ;  Acts  xiii.  20. 
Few  particulars  are  given  illustrative  of  the  character  and 
conduct  of  Israel  during  the  three-fourths  of  the  period  of  the 
Judges,  doubtless  because  they  then  conformed  to  the  laws, 
and  fulfilled  the  gracious  designs  of  Heaven,  by  exhibiting, 
on  the  whole,  the  true  religion  to  the  view  of  the  surrounding 
nations. 

Disaffection  and  infidelity  to  Jehovah  early  appeared  in 
Israel.  Though  they  generally  worshipped  and  served  him 
all  the  days  of  Joshua  and  the  rulers  who  were  his  contem- 
poraries, yet,  before  his  death,  the  tribe  of  Benjamin  were 
nearly  annihilated,  in  consequence  of  their  unholy  and  pre- 
sumptuous attempt  to  prevent  the  other  tribes  from  inflicting 
the  just  penalty  of  the  law  on  the  lawless,  and  disobedient, 
3* 


-T 


30  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,    AND 

and  cruel  inhabitants  of  one  of  their  cities.  The  first  who, 
as  a  tribe,  sanctioned  idolatry  were  the  Danites  ;  and  thus 
they  appeared  like  a  serpent  concealed  in  the  way,  to  destroy 
the  un watchful  traveller,  and  verified  the  prediction  descrip- 
tive of  their  character  delivered  by  Jacob,  Gen.  xlix.  17. 

Idolatry  had  been,  perhaps,  in  all  ages,  adopted  by  indivi- 
duals or  famihes,  either  in  the  form  of  images  or  idol-worship. 
Nor  is  this  wonderful,  when  we  reflect  on  its  power  over  the 
hearts  of  those  who  feel  not  the  importance  of  religion,  and, 
nevertheless,  retain  a  degree  of  conviction  that  their  circum- 
stances are  somehow  influenced  by  invisible  agency.  While 
they  like  not  to  retain  the  True  God  in  their  knowledge,  be- 
cause the  idea  of  his  majesty,  and  purity,  and  truth  impose 
restraint  on  their  unhallowed  passions,  appetites,  and  pleasures, 
they  cease  not  to  strive  to  desire  the  favour  of  the  unknown 
and  invisible  powers,  whose  existence  they  are  compelled  to 
believe  or  suspect.  This  opinion  was  forced  on  Israel  by  the 
voice  of  antiquity,  and  the  universal  consent  of  all  nations,  in 
all  ages  and  countries  ;  and  the  fables  concerning  idols,  and 
rites,  and  customs,  and  manners  of  their  worshippers,  pleased 
the  imagination  of  the  ignorant  and  inquisitive, — satisfied  the 
sensual, — and  quieted  the  tumultuous  agitation  of  the  con- 
sciences of  the  tyrants,  oppressors,  and  profligate. 

The  progress  of  idolatry  was  checked  in  Israel  by  the  many 
signal,  and  often  tremendous,  expressions  of  the  holy  vigilance 
and  indignation  of  Jehovah,  whenever  it  extensively  and  visibly 
prevailed  among  them.  One  of  the  most  impressive  tokens  of 
his  wrath  was  the  withdrawing  from  them  of  his  aid  and 
favour,  when  any  of  the  nations  who  hated  them  invaded  their 
land.  By  Assyria,  Midian,  Moab,  Ammon,  Philistine,  and 
other  powers,  they  were  successively  enslaved.  But  as  soon 
as  they  repented,  and  returned  to  God  and  his  worship,  they 
were  uniformly  liberated  unexpectedly,  and  usually  by  means 
not  adequate  to  the  end,  if  we  judge  according  to  the  maxims 
of  human  wisdom,  or  even  by  the  ordinary  arrangements  of 
Providence  in  relation  to  the  nations  of  the  world. 

The  inconsiderateness  and  perversion  of  the  human  mind 
were,  perhaps,  more  strikingly  exhibited  by  Israel,  than  by 
any  people  who  possessed  equal  opportunity  to  understand  and 
attain  their  best  interests.  They  were  truly  a  foolish  and 
wicked  nation,  whose  character  and  lot  were  peculiarly  fitted 
to  instruct,  warn,  and  correct  the  human  race.  It  is  remark- 
able, that  the  very  generation  who  had  most  largely  experienced 
the  Divine  wisdom   in  the  Divine  government  by  judges, 


# 


m^ 


CAPTIVITY   OP   ISRAEL.  91 

should  have  been  the  first  who  deliberately  and  determinedly 
desired  a  king,  invested  with  all  the  authority  and  dignity  of 
the  absolute  monarchs  of  the  East. 

Samuel's  minis. ry  appears  to  have  been  productive  of  more 
spiritual  and  temporal  good  to  Israel  than  any  one  judge  from 
the  death  of  Joshua.  They  were  evidently  more  intensely 
desirous  of  preserving  their  temporal  prosperity  than  their 
spiritual.  For  though  they  abhorred  the  unholy  conduct  of 
Samuel's  sons,  and  therefore  wisely  refused  to  accept  them  for 
magistrates,  the  chief  reason  of  their  aversion  was,  that  they 
believed  them  destitute  of  the  qualities  essential  to  military 
commanders.  Had  they  been  truly  concerned  for  the  reli- 
gious interests  of  the  nation,  they  would  have  humbled  them- 
selves before  God,  and  entreated  Samuel  to  intercede  with 
him  to  raise  up  for  them  a  leader  like  unto  himself,  who 
would  faithfully  labour  to  maintain  and  establish  the  reforma- 
tion which  he  had  been  honoured  to  effect.  That  they  saw 
no  need  for  such  a  leader,  is  manifest  from  the  very  language 
of  their  request ;  for  they  did  not  ask  him  of  God,  but  of 
Samuel,  and  wished  him,  in  order  that  they  might  be  equal 
in  power  with  the  nations:  "Now  make  us  a  king  to  judge  us, 
like  the  nations."  This  plainly  implied  that  they  regarded 
the  Pi  vine  constitution  which  they  had  received,  not  so  well 
adapted  to  promote  and  secure  national  prosperity  as  that  en- 
joyed by  the  surrounding  nations.  Thus  they  showed  dis- 
loyalty of  heart  and  renounced  God  for  their  King.  Indeed, 
•it  is  probablp  *h''*  \h:-f  ascribed  all  their  past  calamities  to 
their  want  ol  a  king,  and  not  to  their  own  infidelity  to  Jeho- 
vah ;  and  they  were  probably  the  more  urgent  to  obtain  a 
king,  from  the  immediate  prospect  of  war  with  the  Ammon- 
ites, who  occupied  the  country  cast  of  Gilead. 

God  testified  his  anger  by  giving  them  a  king — that  is,  by 
not  interposing  to  prevent  them  from  choosing  a  king  after 
their  own  heart.  Siif-h  \va^  Suui ;  a  hero,  ambitious  of  glory, 
•ind  bold  in  war,  destitute  of  religious  principle,  but  zealous 
enough  to  protect  and  recommend  it,  as  far  as  he  regarded  it 
suited  to  aggrandise  his  family,  and  extend  and  establish  his 
power.  He  had  not  the  humility  necessary  to  a  king  of  Israel 
who  was  not  permitted  to  act  the  despot  or  tyrant,  but  to  con- 
suh  and  obey  Jehovah  in  all  things.  Solemnly  was  Saul 
warned  of  the  danger  to  which  this  kingly  spirit  exposed  him. 
Anticipating  Israel's  folly  in  desiring  to  be  governed  by  kings, 
God,  by  Moses,  had  distinctly  described  the  duty  of  a  king.  "  He 
limited  his  power  to  that  of  his  deputy  to  execute  his  laws, 


^ 


UTTT 


m-- 


32  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,   AND 

ana  permitted  him  not  to  act  as  he  pleased.  He  received  his 
royal  commission  from  Heaven,  and  was  strictly  enjoined  to 
regulate  his  whole  conduct  by  the  sacred  book  of  the  law,  and 
the  revektions  of  God  by  the  high-priests  and  prophets.  Any 
act  of  self-will  or  disobedience  to  the  dictates  of  God,  the  su- 
preme and  absolute  King,  exposed  the  monarchs  of  Judah 
and  Israel  to  certain,  and  often  signal  punishment ;  Deut.  xvii. 
14—20 ;  i  Sam.  viii.  7—22 ;  xiii.  13,  14 ;  1  Kings  xiv.  7—16. 
Saul,  the  first  king  of  Israel,  was  elected  1096  years  b.  c. 
His  pride  and  public  disobedience  brought  the  nation  to 
the  verge  of  ruin ;  but  God  raised  up  David  to  save  them. 
He  raised  Israel  above  all  other  nations,  and  after  a  triumph- 
ant reign  of  forty  years,  left  a  great  people  to  his  wise  son. 
They  were  dreaded  on  every  side.  Now  the  tribe  of  Judah 
Jay  as  a  lion  or  lioness,  which  no  nation  ventured  to  rouse  up. 
The  Hebrews  were  the  ruling  people,  and  their  empire  the 
principal  monarchy  in  Western  Asia.  From  the  Mediterra- 
nean Sea  and  the  Phenicians  to  the  Euphrates,  from  the  river 
of  Egypt  and  the  Elanitic  Gulf  to  Berytus,  Hamath,  and 
Thapsacus ;  and  towards  the  east  to  the  Hagarenes  on  the 
Persian  Gulf,  all  were  subject  to  the  sway  of  Solomon.  The 
Canaanites,  indeed,  had  been  neither  annihilated  nor  expelled, 
but  they  were  obedient  and  peaceable  subjects.  Their  whole 
number  might  amount  to  between  400,000  and  500,000: 
since  153,000  were  able  to  render  soccage  to  the  king.  The 
warlike  and  civilized  Philistines,  the  Edomites,  Moabites, 
and  Ammonites,  the  nomadic  Arabians  of  the  desert,  and  the 
Syrians  of  Damascus,  were  all  tributary  to  him.  Peace  gave 
to  all  his  subjects  prosperity  ;  the  trade  which  he  introduced 
brought  wealth  into  the  country,  and  promoted  the  arts  and 
sciences,  which  then  found  an  active  protector  in  the  king, 
who  was  himself  distinguished  for  his  learning.  The  build- 
ing of  the  temple,  and  of  several  palaces,  introduced  foreigr 
artists,  by  whom  the  Hebrews  were  instructed.  Many  for- 
eigners, and  even  sovereign  princes,  were  attracted  to  Jeru- 
salem, in  order  to  see  and  converse  with  the  prosperous  royal 
sage.  The  regular  progress  of  all  business,  the  arrangements 
for  security  from  foreign  and  domestic  enemies,  the  army,  the 
cavalry,  the  armories,  the  chariots,  the  palaces,  the  royal 
household,  the  good  order  in  the  administration  of  the  affairs 
of  the  empire,  and  in  the  service  of  the  court,  excited  as  much 
admiration  as  the  wisdom  and  learning  of  the  viceroy  of  Je- 
hovaL     So  much  had  been  effected  by  the  single  influence 


T 


— i& 


CAPnvmr  of  Israel.  9B 

of  I>avid,  because  he  scrupulously  conformed  himself  to  the 
theocracy  of  the  Hebrew  state." 

The  successors  of  David  maintained  not  the  true  glory  of 
Israel.  Solomon  perhaps  equalled  him  in  intellectual  talents, 
and  surpassed  him  in  scientific  acquirements ;  but  he  had  no 
correct  views  or  suitable  feelings  of  his  position  as  the  deputy- 
king  of  Jehovah,  nor  had  he  firmness  of  purpose  to  act  ac- 
cording to  his  knowledge  of  the  sacred  laws  of  his  nation. 
He  was  adorned  with  every  excellence  which  could,  upon 
the  principles  of  human  wisdom,  qualify  him  to  shed  the 
brightest  lustre  on  the  throne  of  the  mightiest  empire.  And 
certainly  the  worldly  glory  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  in  his 
day,  justly  deserved  the  universal  approbation  of  the  wise  and 
rich  and  powerful.  But  the  standard  of  glory,  erected  by 
human  wisdom,  is  always  found  subversive  of  the  benevolent 
designs  of  the  Almighty  ;  for  it  has  never  been,  and,  we  con- 
ceive, never  can  be  sustained,  e.xcept  at  the  expense  of  the 
moral  degeneracy  of  the  higher  ranks,  and  the  oppression, 
poverty,  and  misery,  of  all  other  classes,  especially  of  the  in- 
dustrious and  lower  ranks,  of  the  community.  The  grandeur 
and  variety  of  the  pleasures  of  an  oriental  court  require  an 
immense  revenue.  And  this  Solomon  could  only  procure  by 
violating  the  laws  of  his  country.  This  conduct  alienated 
from  him  the  hearts  of  the  religious ;  and  the  suflTerings, 
which  were  produced  by  excessive  taxation,  predisposed  the 
muhitude  to  reject  the  royal  race  of  David.  Solomon's  long 
reign  was  comparatively  tranquil ;  owing,  probably,  to  the  in- 
fluence of  his  father's  name,  the  vastness  of  his  own  power, 
and  the  illusive  splendour  covering  his  throne.  But  even 
while  encircled  with  majesty  and  honour,  the  sound  of  the 
approaching  storm,  ordained  to  shake  to  its  foundation  the 
throne  of  David,  was  heard  in  the  distance  ;  and  perhaps  So- 
lomon's sepulchre  was  not  closed  on  his  lifeless  body  when 
anarchy  and  tumult  inundated  the  nation.  It  was  torn  in 
pieces  by  the  dexterous  policy  of  Jeroboam,  who  acquired  a 
dubious  celebrity  by  founding  a  new  kingdom,  and  construct- 
ing a  new  system  of  religion. 

His  father,  Nebat,  was  dead ;  his  mother  was  a  widow  m 
Ephraim.  His  powerful  talents,  more  than  his  birth,  may 
have  procured  him  the  favour  of  Solomon.  He  received  the 
appointment  of  governor  of  the  tribes  of  Ephraim  and  Manas- 
seh.  By  his  office  he  became  extensively  known,  for  the 
Ephraimites  were  numerous.  His  power,  and  the  unhappy 
state  of  the  country,  mav  have  led  him  to  show  a  disposition 


J 


31  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,    AND 

to  act  independent  of  Solomon,  and  excite  the  jealousy  of  his 
master.  But  it  is  more  certain  that  Solomon  had  learned  that 
Ahijah  had  declared  to  him  that  he  was  to  be  king  of  the  ten 
tribes.  BeUeving  that  his  life  was  in  danger,  the  king  im- 
mediately sought  Jeroboam's  life,  which  occasioned  his  flight 
into  Egypt,  where  he  remained  till  Rehoboam  ascended  the 
throne.  He  then  appeared  as  the  patriot  of  the  nation,  and 
prudently  waked  till  the  king  had  completely  destroyed  all 
hope  of  relief  to  the  nation.  Then  he  found  it  easy  to  unite 
the  ten  tribes,  and  prevail  on  them  to  form  an  independent 
kingdom,  and  appoint  him  king  over  them.  He  had  now 
every  opportunity  to  rule  according  to  the  laws  of  God  ;  for 
he  was,  by  the  solemn  advice  of  the  prophet  to  Rehoboam, 
left  to  enjoy  his  kingdom  in  peace.  But  he  despised  the  will 
of  Heaven,  and  endeavoured  to  establish  his  power  by  human 
policy.  He  ventured  not  to  establish  idol-worship,  which 
would  have  probably  roused  the  indignation  of  the  people ;  but 
he  formed  a  system  of  image- worship,  to  prevent  his  subjects 
from  intimate  fellowship  with  Judah,  at  the  temple ;  and  as  the 
priests  were  hostile  to  his  scheme,  he  chose  "the  lowest,"  pro- 
perly, a  part  of  the  people,  not  doubtless  the  least  influential 
part,  for  he  assuredly  would  adopt  every  method  to  increase 
the  power  of  his  government.  Thus  he  was  the  first  ruler  in 
Israel  who  had  established  any  form  of  idolatry ;  and  hence 
he  is  often  referred  to  as  the  author  of  their  apostacy.  On  ac- 
count of  his  consummate  wickedness,  the  prophets  of  God 
announced  to  him  the  utter  destruction  of  his  race ;  and  as 
signs  of  this,  his  most  beloved  son  died,  and  his  own  hand 
was  suddenly  paralysed,  and  miraculously  healed  ;  and,  final- 
ly, the  king  was  expressed  by  name  who  was  to  expose  his 
whole  system  to  universal  contempt ;  1  Kings  xi.  26 — 40 ; 
xii. ;  xiii. ;  xiv.  1 — 20. 

Jeroboam  had  witnessed  in  Egypt  the  mighty  influence  of 
idolatry  over  the  multitude,  and  as  the  first  object  of  his  gov- 
ernment was  to  alienate  the  ten  tribes  from  Judah,  he  doubt- 
less saw  that  nothing  was  more  likely  to  produce  this  than  to 
present  to  them  a  form  of  religion,  which  combined  all  the 
apparent  advantages  which  they  derived  from  going  up  to  sac- 
rifice at  Jerusalem,  with  all  that  could  fascinate  their  senses 
and  gratify  their  appetites  and  passions.  To  accomplish 
these  various  objects,  one  cannot,  perhaps,  conceive  any  thing 
more  adapted  than  the  ceremonial  of  image-worship,  which 
Jeroboam  established,  b.  c.  975.  To  the  form  of  worship  at 
the  temple,  he  added  golden  statues  and  splendid  temples  at 


OAPTIVITY  OF   ISRAEL.  35 

Dan  and  Bethel,  the  extremities  of  his  kingdom.  To  assemble 
in  these  places  was  much  more  convenient  than  to  travel  to 
Jerusalem ;  and  what  could  any  one,  not  spiritually  enlight- 
ened, see  or  enjoy  in  the  latter  city,  equal  in  beauty,  solemni' 
ty,  or  social  delights,  to  the  scenes  exhibited  in  the  foin.ev 
cities  ?  From  this  time,  the  ten  tribes  were  usually  denominated 
the  kingdom  of  Israel^  and  two  tribes,  Judah  and  Benjamin, 
who  continued  faithful  to  the  house  of  David,  were  called  the 
kingdom  of  Judah. 

This  disjunction  of  Israel  eclipsed  the  glory  of  their  race. 
The  decline,  of  which  it  was  a  conspicuous  sign,  progressed 
more  or  less  rapidly,  till  Israel  ceased  to  be  numbered  among 
the  nations.  Instead  of  continuing  to  unite  to  witness  for  the 
True  God,  and  to  enjoy,  as  one  family,  the  rich  bhssings  of 
Heaven,  they  became  rival  powers  ;  and,  each  being  zealous 
for  its  own  interests,  successive  wars  prevailed  between  them^ 
till  the  ten  tribes,  who  were  generally,  if  not  always  the  ag- 
gressors, were  conquered  and  carried  into  captivity,  about  two 
hundred  and  fifty-three  years  from  the  establishment  of  their 
kingdom,  b.  c.  772 ;  and  during  this  period  naless  than  nineteen 
kings  had  reigned  over  Israel. 

Doubtless,  their  original  separation  from  their  brethren  wa^; 
much  deplored  by  every  pious  and  patriotic  Israelite.  But  it 
must  have  given  rise  to  grateful  and  adoring  reflection  onth<- 
goodness  of  Providence  in  future  ages,  for  the  greater  number 
of  tho  subjects  of  the  Israelitish  kingdom  proved  themselves 
wholly  disqualified  to  fulfil  the  great  work  for  which  God 
had  chosen  their  fathers,  and  exalted  them  above  all  nations. 
"Individuals  among  them,  indeed,  continued  -to  fear  and  con- 
fess the  True  God,  so  as  to  risk  their  all  for  his  honour  ;  for 
their  adherence  to  his  institutions  brought  on  them  a  charge 
of  disloyalty  and  treachery.  The  majority  persevered  in 
image-worship,  and  gradually  imported  the  idols  of  the  sur- 
rounding nations.  Nor  did  they  thus  apostatise  from  God  in 
consequence  of  prevailing  ignorance.  For  notwithstanding 
their  rebellion  against  his  government,  and  their  contempt  for 
the  noble  example  of  fidelity  to  him  occasionally  presented  to 
them  by  Judah,  he  suffered  long  with  them,  and  sent  thciu 
faithful  prophets,  such  as  Jonah,  Elijah,  Elisha,  Amos,  and 
Moses,  who  braved  every  danger  from  the  hatred  and  malice 
of  the  royal  and  priestly  power,  to  reclaim  them  from  error, 
rescue  them  from  present  misery,  and  save  them  from  impend- 
ing, total,  and  iri>6trievable  ruin, — not  one*  of  their  kings,  nor 
apparently  any  of  their  great  men,'evier  repented  and  returned 


# 


36  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,    AND 

to  the  pure  worship  of  God.  They  formed  the  closest  alKances 
with  idolatrous  kingdoms ;  and  some  of  them  put  forth  their 
energies  to  destroy  Judah,  and,  with  that  kingdom,  to  extirpate 
the  true  reljgion  from  the  earth. 

Ahaz  exceeded  all  his  predecessors  in  wickedness ;  and  un- 
der the  influence  of  his  idolatrous  queen,  the  worship  of 
strange  gods  became  universal.  Jehu  produced  a  temporary 
reform ;  but  the  nation  was  not  reclaimed.  They  ceased  to 
be  witnesses  for  the  True  God,  and  therefore  their  destruction 
was  inevitable. 

During  the  period  of  the  long-suffering  of  Jehovah  towards 
the  kings  of  Israel  and  Judah,  several  events  transpired  strik- 
ingly illustrative  of  the  holiness  and  justice  of  his  administra- 
tion. From  the  relative  position  and  connexion  of  these  king 
doms,  some  of  these  events  strongly  and  almost  equally  affected 
both  kingdoms. 

To  obtain  as  distinct  an  apprehension  as  possible  of  those 
events,  we  shall  first  advert  to  those  which  appear  to  have  had 
the  greatest  influence  on  the  destiny  of  the  Ten  Tribes.  Jero- 
boam was  fully  occupied  all  his  reign  in  the  employment  of 
every  means  which  he  conceived  suited  to  secure  his  king- 
dom against  any  attack  from  Judah.  Many  of  his  subjects 
abhorred  the  idolatrous  system  which  his  crooked  policy  im- 
posed on  them.  All  the  tribe  of  Levi  who  resided  in  the 
regions  seized  by  Jeroboam,  with  multitudes  belonging  to 
other  tribes,  fled  to  their  brethren  in  Judah,  and  greatly  aug- 
tnented  the  power  of  Rehoboam;  2  Chron.  xi.  13 — 17.  In 
consequence  of  the  increased  population  and  strength  of  the 
kingdom  of  Judah,  Abijah  the  son  and  successor  of  Reho- 
boam believed  himself  sufficiently  powerful  to  recover  the 
revoked  tribes.  Accordingly  he  commenced  his  reign  by 
leading  an  immense  army  against  Jeroboam.  Though  he 
failed  in  his  object,  yet  by  a  complete  victory,  in  which  half 
a  million  of  the  Ten  Tribes  were  slain,  the  power  of  Jero- 
boam was  broken,  and  his  son  and  successor,  and  all  his  fa- 
mily, were  put  to  death  by  Baasha,  an  Issacharite,  who  took 
possession  of  the  throne  of  Israel.  This  usurper  supported 
the  state  religion  of  Jeroboam,  and  left  the  faithful  no  hope 
of  reformation,  which  induced  a  great  number  of  the  Israel- 
ites to  join  their  brethren  in  Judah,  who  were  happy  under 
the  pious  king  Asa.  Contentions  for  the  throne,  anarchy, 
and  tumults  prevailed  several  years  in  Israel,  till  Omri,  one 
of  the  generals,  overcame  every  competitor,  and  built  for  his 
capital  the  beautiful  and  ^rorlg  city  of  Samaria.     His  son 


CAFHVITT   6f  ISRAEL.  "27 

Ahab  apparently  strengthened  his  kingdom  by  marrying 
Jezebel,  the  infamous  daughter  of  the  king  of  Zidon.  Com- 
pletely governed  by  her,  he  sold  himself  to  commit  all  ini- 
quity. He  introduced  the  most  abominable  form  of  idol 
worship,  trampled  on  the  liberty,  and  disregarded  the  welfare 
of  the  people.  In  his  reign  the  most  wonderful  condescen- 
sion and  boundless  power  of  God  were  manifested  by  the 
ministry  of  the  great  reformer  Elijah  the  prophet  ;  and  it  was 
doubtless  for  the  confirmation  of  his  mission  that  God  granted 
Ahab  a  most  unexpected  and  great  victory  over  Syria,  and 
afterwards  a  still  more  signal  deliverance  to  his  people,  by 
relieving  them  at  once  from  famine  and  the  overwhelming 
power  of  the  Syrians,  who  besieged  Samaria  ;  but  instead  of 
acknowledging  the  True  God,  he  meanly  sought  the  friend- 
ship of  the  defeated  and  idolatrous  king.  This  was  followed 
by  the  murder  of  righteous  Naboth,  who  was  condemned 
under  the  most  hypocritical  form  of  piety  and  justice  ever 
exhibited  in  any  nation.  This  brought  his  affairs  in  relation 
to  God,  who  claimed  the  especial  sovereignty  of  Israel  as  well 
as  Judah,  to  a  crisis  ;  Jehovah  immediately  commissioned  Eli- 
jah to  predict  the  most  tremendous  judgment  on  Ahab  and 
his  house.  The  king,  deeply  affected,  gave  public  evidence 
of  repentance  of  his  sin  ;  and  this  gave  occasion  to  the  mani- 
festation of  Jehovah's  love  and  righteousness,  and  delight  to 
exercise  long-suffering  and  mercy  ;  for,  notwithstanding  the 
defective  nature  of  Ahab's  penitence,  the  extreme  degradation 
and  misery  threatened  were  not  inflicted  in  his  day.  The 
awful  words  of  Elijah  were  literally  and  fearfully  confirmed 
by  the  fierce  and  sanguinary  Jehu,  who  ascended  the  throne 
of  Israel  through  the  blood  of  his  sovereign  and  of  all  the 
royal  race,  and  of  forty  princes  of  the  kingdom  of  Judah. 

Notwithstanding  the  imperfection  of  Jehu's  reformation, 
the  righteous  Sovereign  of  Israel  and  Judah  publicly  declared 
that  it  was  His  pleasure  that  the  usurper  should  possess  the 
throne  of  Israel  to  the  fourth  generation.  Jehu's  grandson-, 
Jeroboam  II.  more  than  restored  the  kingdom  to  its  pristine 
glory.  He  was  stimulated  to  all  that  was  good  by  the  pro- 
phets Jonah  and  Hosea.  He  captured  Damascus  and  Ham- 
ath,  and  acquired  all  the  regions  which  Israel  had  formerly 
possessed,  east  of  the  Jordan,  from  Hamath  to  the  Dead  Sea. 
The  decline  of  Israel  was  rapid  from  the  succession  of  Zecha- 
riah,  son  of  Jeroboam,  to  the  throne.  He  was  assassinated 
by  Shallum,  a  servant  in  the  palace,  who,  after  reigning  one  ] 

month,  was  slain  by  Menahem,  the  commander  of  the  troops  j 

VOL.    L  4 


« 


3S  TUB  WISEj   f>ECIlN1Sj   JOfD 

in  the  metropolis.  He  ascended  the  throne  b.  c.  772:  About 
this  time  the  power  of  Assyria  became  conspicuous  in  the 
East.  Pul,  its  sovereign^  invaded  Israel,  but  Menahem  paci- 
fied him  by  a  present  of  one  thousand  talents  of  silver,  which 
he  compelled  his  subjects  to  furnish  him.  He  reigned  in 
peace  eleven  years.  His  crown  passed  to  his  son,  Pekaliah, 
who  was  murdered  and  succeeded  by  Pekah,  the  general  of 
his  army.  Damascus  had  cast  off  the  yoke  of  Israel,  and, 
with  Rezin,  its  sovereign,  Pekah  entered  into  an  alliance 
avowedly  in  order  to  conquer  Judah.  This  alliance  eventu- 
ally occasioned  the  ruin  of  its  authors  and  their  kingdoms. 
Tiglath-Pileser,  the  successor  of  Pul  in  Assyria,  marched,  at 
the  head  of  an  army  through  Syria,  and  forced  Rezin  to  re- 
main at  home  to  defend  his  own  kingdom.  The  Assyrian 
monarch  then  advanced  into  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  laid  waste 
its  northern  division,  and  carried  captive  the  tribe  of  Naphtali. 
This  was  followed  by  a  conspiracy  against  Pekah,  conducted 
by  Hoshea,  who  seized  the  kingdom,  and  attempted  to  save 
Israel  from  Assyrian  slavery  by  an  alliance  with  Egypt,  who 
was,  at  that  time,  the  rival  of  Assyria  for  the  sovereignty  of 
the  East.  This  brought  Shalmanezer,  the  successor  of  Tig- 
lath-Pileser, into  the  kingdom  of  the  Ten  Tribes.  His  army 
spread  indescribable  desolation  everywhere;  and,  after  a  siege 
of  three  years,  he  captured  Samaria,  and  carried  captive  all 
the  Israelites  who  had  not  fled  and  who  survived  the  horrors 
and  ravages  of  this  sanguinary  invasion.  Thus  was  accom- 
plished, in  the  sixth  year  of  the  reign  of  Hezekiah,  king  of 
Judah,  the  many  predictions  of  the  total  destruction  of  the 
apostate  tribes  of  Israel.  From  this  time  their  existence  as^  a 
nation  ceased  ;  and  their  very  residence  no  one  has  been  able 
distinctly  to  ascertain  for  ages  past.  All  those  who  are  uni- 
versally acknowledged  to  belong  to  the  race  of  Jacob  claim 
to  be  the  descendants  of  Judah. 

The  moral  aspect  of  the  principal  events  which  befell  Judah 
from  the  time  of  the  revolt  of  the  Ten  Tribes  were,  if  possi- 
ble, more  instructive  than  those  which  we  have  noticed  re- 
specting Israel  The  perfect  separation  of  the  Ten  Tribes 
from  the  house  of  David  was  certainly  a  strong  expression 
of  the  displeasure  of  Jehovah  with  that  house ;  but  he  with- 
drew not  his  favour  from  Judah.  He,  nevertheless,  subjected 
them  to  severe  discipline.  Rehoboam  imitated  not  the  vir- 
tues, but  the  vanities  and  vices  of  his  distinguished  fether, 
and  provoked  the  wrath  of  Jehovah,  who  employed  the  grow- 
ing pawer  of  Egypt  to  inflict  on  him  terrible  punishment. 


CAPTIVITY   OF    ISRAEL.  Hi 

Shishak,  its  sovereign,  perhaps  stimulated  by  Jeroboam,  to 
whom  he  had  given  an  asylum,  invaded  Judah,  captured  Je- 
rusalem, about  three  years  after  the  revolt  of  Israel,  and  did 
not  return  till  he  had  procured  the  wealth  of  the  kingdom 
and  the  immense  riches  of  the  temple ;  in  so  much  that  Re- 
hoboara  had  to  substitute  for  its  golden  shields  and  vessels 
similar  articles  of  baser  materials.  In  consequence  of  liis 
public  repentance  and  reformation,  which  were  imitated  by 
his  people,  God  preserved  the  peace  of  the  kingdom  fiftreii 
years,  at  which  time  Abij;ih  succeeded  his  lather;  anti  not- 
withstanding his  defective  fidelity  to  the  invisible  king  of  Ju- 
dah, he  was  honoured  in  humbling  Jeroboam,  the  proud  and 
idolatrous  king  of  Israel.  He  reigned  only  three  years,  and 
gave  place  to  his  illustrious  son,  Asa,  who,  during  the  long 
reign  of  forty -one  years,  governed  his  people,  on  the  whole, 
as  became  a  deputy  of  Jehovah.  He  puriiied  the  kingdom 
from  idolatry,  repaired  and  increased  the  number  of  the  i'or- 
tresses,  and  raised  an  army  of  five  hundred  and  eight  thou- 
sand men.  His  greatness  awakened  the  envy  or  cupidity  of 
Zerah,  king  of  the  Ethiopians  or  Cushites.  If  by  these  are 
to  be  understood  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  of  Africa,  bor- 
dering on  Egypt,  Zerah  must  have  reduced  the  latter  king- 
dom, for  how  otherwise  can  we  suppose  that  he  could  have 
passed  through  it,  as  he  must  have  done  before  marching  into 
Palestine.  But  he  may  have  ruled  over  the  Cushites,  who 
possessed  the  Asiatic  coasts  of  the  Red  Sea,  which  still  con- 
tinued one  of  the  principal  seals  of  commerce.  Be  this  as  it 
may,  his  vast  army,  consisting  of  numerous  war  chariots  and 
a  million  of  footmen,  were  totally  routed  at  Mareshah,  in  the 
«outh  of  Judah;  and  their  rich  spoils  graced  the  triumphant 
return  of  Asa  to  Jerusalem.  This  pious  king  shaded  the 
glory  of  his  last  days  ny  bribing  Benhadad,  the  king  of  Syria, 
to  attack  Baasha,  king  of  Israel,  who  harassed  Judah,  proba- 
bly because  Asa  protected  the  multitude  of  the  Israelites,  who 
sought  in  that  age  to  dwell  under  the  shadow  of  the  house  of 
David ;  2  Chron.  xv.  8,  9. 

Jehoshaphat  surpassed  his  father  Asa  in  piety,  and  espe- 
cially in  his  unparalleled  labours  to  educate  and  establish  the 
whole  community  in  the  true  religion.  The  most  obvious 
and  astonishing  proofs  of  the  Divine  favour  for  him  were 
witnessed  in  the  sudden  destruction  of  the  immense  army  of 
the  races  of  Moab,  Ammon,  and  other  nations,  which  unex- 
pectedly arrived  about  thirty  miles  from  the  metropolis.  Panic- 
struck  in  the  night  season,  they  rose  against  one  another, 


=» 


40  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,   AND 

and  were  almost  consumed  before  morning.  Three  days 
were  spent  by  the  army  of  Jehosaphat  in  gathering  the  spoil, 
on  account  of  which  they  named  the  place  of  the  encamp- 
ment, near  Engedi,  Berachah,  "  the  blessing,"  2  Chron.  xx. 
20 — 30.  Inattention  to  the  Divine  law,  which  denounced 
marriage  with  idolators,  or  ambition  of  family  aggrandise- 
ment, proved  a  fatal  snare  to  this  good  king.  He  married 
his  son  and  heir,  Jehoram,  to  Athaliah,  the  daughter  of  Ahab 
and  Jezebel  He  may  have  been  seduced  to  make  this  alli- 
ance when  he  witnessed  Ahab's  repentance.  Disastrous  were 
the  results  of  this  error,  not  only  to  the  house  of  David,  but 
also  to  the  whole  nation. 

Under  Jehoram,  the  inhabitants  of  Judah  appeared  united, 
as  became  the  subjects  of  one  king.  Jehoram  surrendered 
himself  to  the  guidance  of  his  wife,  who  was  animated  by  the 
diabolical  spirit  of  her  mother  Jezebel.  The  court  patronised 
idolatry  in  all  its  most  sensual  and  licentious  forms  ;  and  Ju- 
dah, if  possible,  exceeded  Israel  in  every  species  of  supersti- 
tion and  wickedness.  The  weak  and  wicked  king  slew  all 
his  brethren.  The  glorious  works  of  Asa  and  Jehoshaphat 
were  destroyed  by  their  worthless  son.  The  Edomites  cast 
off  his  yoke ;  and  the  Philistines  and  Arabians  overrun  Judea, 
spoiled  the  capital,  and  carried  away  the  wives  and  all  the 
children  of  the  sovereign,  except  Jehoahaz,  the  youngest,  per- 
haps the  same  called  Ahaziah.  He  succeeded  to  the  throne 
when  his  father  died,  after  enduring  two  years  one  of  the 
most  tedious,  tormenting,  and  repulsive  diseases  which  attack 
the  human  frame. 

The  power  of  sovereignty  was  conferred  on  Ahaziah,  but 
the  exercise  of  it  was  completely  directed  by  his  mother ;  and, 
by  consequence,  all  the  unholy  and  idolatrous  practices  and 
customs  characterising  the  preceding  reign,  continued  to  pre- 
vail ;  and  the  closest  alliance  was  formed  between  Israel  and 
Judah.  Jehoram,  king  of  Israel,  taking  advantage  of  this  fa- 
vourable circumstance,  determined  to  recapture  Ramoth- 
Gilead  from  the  Syrians.  This  city,  situated  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Gilead,  was  strong,  and  who  ever  possessed  it  could, 
without  much  difficuhy,  give  law  to  Israel.  Jehoram  and 
Ahaziah,  with  their  combined  forces,  obtained  possession  of 
it ;  but  the  former  was  wounded  during  the  seige.  Com 
muting  the  city  to  the  care  of  Jehu,  his  ablest  general,  he  re- 
turned to  Jezreel.  Jehu  soon  contrived  to  dethrone  his  mas- 
ter. Hewas  joined  by  the  chief  officers  of  his  army.  Leav- 
ing a  garrison  in  the  city,  they  hastily  marched  to  Jezreel, 


m  ^ 


# 


CAPTIVITY   OF    ISRAEL.  41 

and  put  to  a  barbarous  death  the  whole  family  of  Ahab. 
Ahaziah,  king  of  Judah,  witnessed  the  scene,  and  fled.  The 
party  of  Jehu  pursued  him,  and  though  he  escaped,  yet  he 
was  fatally  wounded,  and  died  before  he  reached  Megiddo,  a 
city  of  Manasseh.  He  left  only  one  son,  named  Jehoash,  or 
Joash,  seven  years  of  age,  who,  in  a  few  days,  remained  the 
last  branch  of  the  root  of  Jesse. 

No  child  was  ever  exposed  to  more  violent  or  powerful  ene- 
mies. Jehu  certainly  desired  his  death,  for  he  appears  to 
have  aspired  to  the  crown  of  Judah,  as  well  as  that  of  Israel. 
What  other  motive  could  have  impelled  him  to  attempt  the 
murder  of  Ahaziah,  and  actually  slay  forty  two  of  his  princes? 
But  the  mother  of  the  child  was  his  ^lost  dangerous  and  im- 
placable enemy.  Athaliah  probably  believed  that  idolatry 
could  never  be  permanently  established,  and  the  worship  of 
the  True  God  extirpated  in  Judah,  while  any  one  of  the  race 
of  David  lived.  Her  enmity  to  the  True  God,  and  her  pas- 
sion for  the  idols  of  her  native  city,  could  only  be  appeased  by 
the  blood  of  her  only  son.  It  was  most  probably  at  her  insti- 
gation, that  her  husband  had  drenched  his  hands  in  the  blood 
of  his  brothers  ;  and  he  was  no  sooner  dead  than  she  mur- 
dered, as  she  supposed,  all  the  "seed  royal."  But  not  less 
vain  than  wicked  are  the  purposes  which  have  for  their  object 
to  subvert  the  counsels  and  invalidate  the  promises  of  the  Al- 
mighty. Divine  Providence  saved  Joash.  His  father's  sister 
had  secretly  conveyed  him  to  the  temple,  and  she  had  ample 
means  to  conceal  him  in  the  sacred  edifice  ;  for  her  husband, 
Jehoiada,  was  the  high-priest.  He  was  eminent  for  his  know- 
ledge and  reverence  for  God  and  his  law ;  and  had  the  hap- 
piness of  prevaihng  on  the  child  to  submit  himself  to  all  the 
laws  prescribed  by  Moses  to  direct  the  conduct  of  a  king  of 
the  chosen  people.  Imagining  that  no  one  remained  to  claim 
the  throne,  Athaliah  reigned  six  years,  the  patroness  of  idol- 
priests,  the  avowed  enemy  of  the  pure  worship  of  God,  the 
protector  of  her  priest,  in  profaning  the  holy  temple.  Every 
preparation  being  secretly  made  to  raise  the  child  to  the 
throne,  it  was  only  the  voice  of  exultation  of  an  emancipated 
people  that  warned  Athaliah  that  her  reign  was  finished,  and 
her  immediate  death  inevitable  ;  a  solemn  warning  that  as- 
surance of  safety  in  a  course  of  iniquity  is  delusion. 

While  Jehoiada  lived,  Joash  imitated  the  example  of  his 

most  pious  ancestors,  and  the  nation  prospered.     But  zeal  for 

idol-worship  was  repressed,  not  extinguished.     On  the  death 

of  the  high-priest,  who  had  exercised  all  the  functions  of  first 

4* 


-^ 


42  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,    AND 

servant  of  the  crown  and  chief  counsellor  of  the  sovereign, 
the  chiefs  of  Judah  persuaded  Joash  to  restore  idolatry,  and 
persecute  the  faithful  worshippers  of  God,  2  Chron.  xxiv.  17, 
18.  His  apostacy  and  extreme  callousness  of  heart  were  aw- 
fully manifested  by  the  murder  of  the  faithful  Zechariah,  son 
of  Jehoiada,  the  preserver  of  the  murderer.  He  and  his  sedu- 
cers were  speedily  punished.  Hazael,  the  sanguinary  king 
of  Syria,  desolated  Israel,  and  invaded  Judah  with  a  small 
army,  "  destroyed  all  the  princes,  and  seized  their  weahh." 
To  prevent  entire  ruin,  the  king,  who  was  suffering  under 
grievous  diseases,  "  took  all  the  hallowed  things  that  Jehosh- 
aphat  and  Jehoram,  and  Ahaziah,  his  fathers,  king-s  of  Judah, 
had  dedicated,  and  his  own  hallowed  things,  and  all  the  gold 
that  was  found  in  the  treasures  of  the  house  of  the  Lbrd,  and 
in  the  king's  house,  and  sent  it  to  Hazael  king  of  Syria  :  and 
he  went  away  from  Jerusalem."  While  Joash  lay  on  his 
couch,  his  servants,  by  whose  solicitations  he  had  probably 
subverted  all  the  reformation  effected  in  his  early  days,  in- 
stead of  sympathising  with  his  sorrow,  put  an  end  to  his  life. 
His  son  Amaziah,  in  his  twenty-fifth  year,  ascended  the 
throne.  This  prince,  like  his  father,  began  his  reign  well, 
and  received  proof  of  the  Divine  approbation,  by  a  signal  vic- 
tory over  the  Idumeans.  But  he  soon  became  unfaithful  to 
Jehovah,  and  nothing  prospered  in  his  hand.  Joash,  the 
grandson  of  Jehu,  king  of  Israel,  defeated  the  army  of  Ama- 
ziah, took  him  prisoner,  demolished  part  of  the  wall  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  only  liberated  the  king,  and  retired  after  "  he  had 
taken  all  the  gold  and  silver,  and  all  the  vessels  that  were 
found  in  the  house  of  the  Lord,  and  in  the  treasures  of  the 
king's  house,  and  hostages,  and  returned  to  Samaria."  The 
ransomed  king  survived  his  disgrace  fifteen  years,  but  did 
nothing  worthy  of  record,  and  his  life  was  terminated  inglo- 
riously  by  a  band  of  traitors.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  justly 
renowned  son,  Azariah,  better  known  by  the  name  of  Uzziah. 
This  monarch  acted  worthy  of  an  heir  of  David's  throne. 
He  was,  however,  more  eminent  in  the  arts  of  war,  agricul- 
ture, and  architecture,  than  in  the  practice  of  religion.  He 
restored  his  kingdom  to  a  very  high  rank  in  the  East.  God 
"^strengthened  him  exceedingly."  His  latter  days  were  never- 
theless clouded  ;  for,  probably,  believing  that  his  royal  digni- 
ty was  defective,  without  power  of  offering  sacrifice,  which 
heathen  kings  possessed,  he  presumptuously  assumed  the 
oflice  of  priest.  This  was  a  public  violation  of  one  of  the  first 
laws  of  the  nation ;  and  conspicuous  and  humbling  was  the 


#- 


CAPnvnr  or  Israel.  43 

punishment  instantly  inflicted  by  the  supreme  and  invisible 
King.  Uzziah  was  seized  by  incurable  leprosy,  and  was 
shut  up,  all  his  future  days,  in  a  palace  reared  apart  from 
society. 

His  son  and  successor  Jotham  imitated  his  father's  excel- 
lencies, and  became  mighty  during  a  reign  of  sixteen  years. 
Ahaz,  his  son,  entered  on  his  reign  in  apparently  favourable 
circumstances  ;  the  cities  were  multiplied  and  the  fortifications 
strong.  The  people,  however,  continued  to  degenerate  ;  idola- 
trous rites  were  observed,  and  immorality  prevailed.  Ahaz 
conformed  to  the  manners  of  the  nation,  and  the  storm  of  Di- 
vine vengeance  seemed  about  to  destroy  the  kingdom  of  Ju- 
dah.  This  was  the  avowed  object  of  a  league  recently  made 
between  the  kmgs  of  Israel  and  Syria.  God  had  compassion 
on  Judah  from  respect  to  the  covenant  made  with  their  fathers. 
Their  enemies  in  vain  attempted  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem, 
but  they  inflicted  dreadful  calamities  on  the  country.  Ahaz, 
instead  of  renouncing  superstition  and  licentiousness,  and  im- 
ploring pardon  and  assistance  from  the  Lord,  gave  himself 
up  to  the  most  barbarous  practices  of  idolatry,  and  procured 
the  alliance  of  Assyria,  at  a  vast  expense,  an^  substituted  the 
symbols  of  Assyrian  superstition  for  those  Divinely  estab- 
lished in  the  holy  temple.  Thus  he  demoralised  his  people, 
and  weakened  his  kingdom,  which  was  only  saved  from  total 
destruction  by  the  Divine  mercy  conferred  on  his  son  Heze- 
kiah. 

This  pious  prince  ascended  the  throne  of  Judah  about  six 
years  before  the  captivity  of  the  Ten  Tribes.  He  was  suc- 
cessful in  obtaining  one  of  the  most  remarkable  revivals  of  re- 
ligion which  had  been  witnessed  from  the  days  of  Joshua, 
and  the  strength  of  his  kingdom  was  exceedingly  increased 
by  the  multitudes  among  the  Ten  Tribes  who  were  recon- 
ciled to  Judah,  and  joined  in  the  great  festivals  at  Jerusalem. 
Hoshea,  king  of  Israel,  had  evidently  granted  entire  religious 
toleration,  either  from  a  secret  love  of  the  laws  of  Moses  or 
entire  indifference  to  idolatry.  He  not  only  permitted  his 
people  to  go  up  to  Jerusalem,  but  did  not  prevent  the  servants 
of  Hezekiah  from  removing  every  relic  of  idolatry  in  several 
places  in  the  kingdom  of  Israel;  2  Chron.  xxx.  1,  10,  11  ; 
xxxi.  1. 

Hezekiah  having  restored  order  in  Judah,  exerted  all  his 
energies  to  procure  the  independence  and  maintain  the 
honour  of  his  kingdom.  Being  successful  in  recovering  from 
the  Philistines  more  than  they  had  taken  from  Judah  in  the 


* 


44  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,    AND 

reign  of  his  father,  he  declined  to  send  the  trihute  which  the 
king  of  Syria  demanded ;  but,  threatened  by  Sennacherib 
the  new  king  of  Assyria,  whose  warlike  powers  were  known 
and  dreaded,  he  stripped  the  temple  of  its  ornaments,  and  im- 
paired his  treasury  to  pacify  the  indignant  monarch.  His 
submission  was  of  no  avail,  and  nothing  remained  but  to  for- 
tify Jerusalem  and  trust  in  Jehovah.  He  was  encouraged 
thus  to  act  by  the  faithful  prophets,  especially  by  Isaiah,  and 
he  was  miraculously  delivered.  The  overthrow  of  the  As- 
syrians was  complete,  and  no  event  in  the  history  of  the  race 
of  Israel  more  illustriously  displayed  that  they  were  under 
the  special  protection  of  the  supreme  Ruler  in  heaven  and 
eaith. 

After  a  reign  of  twenty-nine  years,  Hezekiah  died,  leaving 
a  happy  and  prosperous  people  to  the  care  of  his  son  Manas- 
seh,  who  was  only  twelve  years  of  age.  This  unhappy 
youth  was  most  probably  seduced,  as  Joash  had  been,  by 
wicked  counsellors.  He  became  the  most  depraved  of  all  the 
race  of  David,  and  the  most  cruel  tyrant  that  ever  occupied  a 
throne.  Enthusiastically  devoted  to  idols,  he  sacrificed  to 
them  his  family  and  the  faithful  worshippers  of  God,  and 
filled  Jerusalem  with  their  blood.  When  he  had  reigned 
twenty-two  years,  his  country  was  invaded  by  Esar-Haddon, 
who  carried  him  captive  to  Babylon.  Then  Divine  mercy 
visited  him ;  his  humble  and  contrite  prayers  were  heard, 
and  he  was  liberated  and  restored  to  his  throne.  "  From  the 
greatest  sinner  he  became  the  greatest  penitent,  and  from  the 
bloodiest  tyrant  one  of  the  best  of  kings."  He  zealously  pro- 
moted true  religion  and  the  welfare  of  his  people ;  he  reigned 
fifty-five  years,  and  was  succeeded  by  his  unworthy  son  Amon, 
who  was  killed  by  his  chief  officers.  The  citizens  of  Jerusa- 
lem inflicted  on  the  conspirators  just  punishment,  and  raised 
his  son  Josiah  to  the  throne. 

This  prince  was  only  eight  years  old  when  he  began  to 
reign,  and  in  his  twelfth  year  he  appears  to  have  actively 
engaged  in  the  administration  of  his  kingdom.  But  from 
his  eighth  year,  (the  year  of  his  father's  death,)  he  had 
feared  and  served  the  God  of  his  fathers,  and  to  honour  him 
was  evidently  the  principal  object  of  his  life.  His  grand- 
father's labours,  in  the  last  and  happy  period  of  his  life,  to 
subvert  the  idolatry  he  had  spent  his  life  to  establish,  were,  it 
is  most  probable,  comparatively  fruitless  ;  for  it  is  scarcely 
credible  that,  had  he  succeeded  to  persuade  all  ranks  to  re- 
nounce idolatry,  they  could  have    lapsed,  during  the  short 


• 


# 


CAPTIVITY    OF    ISRAEI*  45 

and  eventful  reign  of  his  son  Amon,  into  that  frightful  state 
of  superstition  and  wickedness  from  which  Josiah  attempted 
to  rescue  them.  In  personal  religion  this  prince  appears  to 
have  excelled  all  his  ancestors ;  and  in  fidelity  to  Jehovah, 
whose  deputy  he  was,  he  was  equal,  if  not  superior  to  his 
father  David,  "the  man  according  to  God's  heart."  He  had 
his  reward  ;  for  Judah  enjoyed  profound  peace  and  uninter- 
rupted prosperity  till  the  thirty-first  year  of  his  reign.  As- 
sisted by  ministers  animated  by  a  kindred  spirit,  and  en- 
couraged by  the  faithful  prophets  Jeremiah  and  Zephaniah 
and  the  prophetess  Huldah,  Josiah  was  honoured  to  accom- 
plish a  reformation  the  most  perfect  conceivable,  to  the 
utmost  extent  at  least  which  human  means  and  efforts  could 
effect.  Hence  we  may  see  the  Divine  propriety  in  making 
his  name  and  work  the  subject  of  prediction  in  the  days  of 
Jeroboam,  more  than  three  hundred  years  before  he  was  born ; 
1  Kings  xiii.  2. 

In  his  time  Babylon  and  Egypt  contended  for  the  posses- 
sion of  Syria,  if  not  for  universal  empire.  Egypt  had  been 
long  celebrated ;  and  its  present  sovereign  Necho  was  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  of  its  kings,  as  a  warrior  and  con- 
queror. Babylon  was  ruled  by  an  able  prince,  who  had 
already  extended  his  dominion  over  many  countries.  Prob- 
ably Judah  had  been  tributary  to  his  kingdom  from  the  time 
of  Manasseh.  And,  on  this  account,  Josiah  may  have  con- 
sidered it  his  duty  and  the  interest  of  his  country  to  oppose 
Necho.  whpn  ho  i:r,\:cy^l  fro:n  Egypt  to  conquer  Carche- 
mish,  supposed  to  be  the  ancient  Circesium  and  the  modern 
Kirkesieh.  This  was  a  strongly  fortified  city  on  the  Euphra- 
tes, and  the  defence  of  Syria  on  its  eastern  frontier.  The 
most  solemn  assurances  of  Necho  that  he  had  no  design  of 
attacking  Judah,  were  insufficient  to  induce  Josiah  to  live  in 
peace.  He  led  his  troops  nor.tinst  the  Egyptians,  was  de- 
feated at  Meijihb,  ani  luurtaiiy  wounded.  On  reaching 
Jerusalem  he  died,  exceedingly  lamented  by  all  his  people ; 
and  v/ith  him  vanished  the  last  rays  of  the  sun  whose  light 
had  long  cheered  the  house  of  David. 

It  is  plain  from  the  books  of  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  Zepha- 
niah, that  the  reformation  by  Josiah  was,  in  respect  of  the 
community  in  general,  and  especially  of  the  chief  men, 
merely  external  and  superficial.  In  heart  they  remained  the 
abject  votaries  of  idolatry,  and  were  only  restrained  by  the 
authority  and  power  of  government  from  every  species  of 
immorality  and  impurity.     Hence  the  king  wa.s  no  sooner 


I 


46  THE    RISE,    DECLINE,    AND 

buried  than  the  fountain  of  iniquity  overflowed  the  land. 
A  narchy,  strife,  and  contention  reigned ;  and  an  unprinci- 
pled faction  set  aside  the  heir,  and  raised  to  the  throne  the 
younger  brother,  Jehoahaz,  a  young  man  after  their  own 
heart.  He  had  reigned  only  three  months  when  Necho, 
having  captured  Carchemish,  returned  through  Syria,  and 
summoned  Jehoahaz  to  meet  him  in  Hamath,  where  he  made 
him  prisoner,  and  intrusted  the  government  to  his  elder 
brother  Eliakim,  whom  he  named  Jehoiakim.  This  prince, 
bv  accepting  the  dignity  and  the  new  name  from  the  king  of 
Egypt,  confessed  himself  his  tributary ;  and  as  such,  pre- 
sented him  an  hundred  talents  of  silver,  and  a  talent  of  gold, 
which  he  compelled  the  people  to  furnish.  His  brother  was 
carried  a  chained  captive  into  Egypt,  where  he  died ;  and 
Jehoiakim  submitted  to  Egypt  eight  years.  At  that  period 
he  acknowledged  the  superiority  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  king 
of  Babylon,  the  founder  of  the  first  of  the  four  great  empires 
of  prophecy.  Three  years  later  he  revolted  from  Babylon, 
probably  at  the  suggestion  of  Egypt.  Nebuchadnezzar 
speedily  conquered  all  the  surrounding  nations,  the  hered- 
itary enemies  of  Israel,  and  found  them  more  than  willing  to 
join  the  Chaldeans  and  Syrians,  to  reduce  Judah  to  slavery. 
The  united  army  laid  waste  the  whole  land,  took  possession 
of  Jerusalem,  and  threw  the  king  in  chains.  Nebuchad- 
nezzar proposed  to  carry  him  to  Babylon  ;  but  according  to 
Josephus,  he  was  put  to  death,  or  died  suddenly  before  the 
departure  of  the  Babylonians,  when  they  probably  undesign- 
edly fulfilled  the  prediction  by  Jeremiah,  that  his  body  would 
be  exposed  to  the  beasts  of  the  earth  and  the  fowls  of  heaven, 
and  buried  in  Jerusalem. 

The  enemy  spoiled  the  city  and  temple  of  all  its  riches, 
made  captive  above  three  thousand  of  the  young  nobles, 
most  admired  for  their  personal  beauty  and  mental  and  phys- 
ical accomplishments,  and  appointed  Jehoiachin,  called  also 
Coniah^  son  of  Jehoiakim,  king,  on  condition  of  an  annual 
tribute.  Nebuchadnezzar  adhered  to  this  arrangement  only 
three  months.  He  returned  to  Jerusalem ;  and  was  met  on 
his  approach  by  the  king  and  his  court.  They  were  made 
prisoners,  and  the  city  was  again  sacked ;  all  were  seized 
for  slaves  who  were  most  distinguished  for  intelligence,  or 
for  knowledge  of  the  most  useful  or  ornamental  arts ;  the 
former  were  about  ten  thousand,  and  the  latter  one  thousand 
These  with  the  king  and  his  ministers  were  removed  to 
Babylon.     The  government  was  now  committed  by  Nebu- 


I 


CAPTIVITY   OF   ISRAEL.  "Hit 

chadnezzar  to  Mattaniah,  whom  he  named  Zedekiah,  one 
of  the  sons  of  Josiah,  and  consequently  uncle  of  Jehoiachin. 
This  prince  was  certainly  disposed  to  maintain  his  fidelity 
to  Babylon,  and  to  this  he  was  strongly  urged  by  Jeremiah 
the  prophet,  as  indispensable  to  the  permanence  of  the  dynasty 
of  David,  and  preservation  of  the  nation  from  a  slavery  oi 
seventy  years  duration.  But  almost  all  whom  the  Icing 
chose  for  counsellors  and  companions  were  is^norant,  proud, 
and  self-sufficient.  They  boasted  that  they  alone  were  true 
patriots,  who  sought  the  independence  of  Judah,  and  that 
they  must  prosper,  for  God  would  never  suffer  his  holy  city 
and  temple  to  be  destroyed.  The  prophet  and  all  who 
reverenced  God  and  trembled  at  his  word,  were  regarded 
and  treated  as  the  traitors  of  their  country.  The  king,  if 
not  wicked,  was  weak  and  irresolute  ;  and  was  at  last  seduced 
by  the  specious  reasonings  of  his  real  or  pretended  friends, 
and  the  deceitful  promises  of  the  ambassadors  from  Egypt, 
Edom,  Moab,  Ammon,  Tyre,  and  Sidon ;  Jer.  xxvii.  3. 
They  prevailed  on  him  to  enter  into  a  league  with  them 
against  Babylon.  He  declined  sending  the  usual  tribute; 
and  in  the  ninth  year  of  his  reign,  his  land  was  again 
covered  by  the  army  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  who  found  the  city 
strongly  fortified ;  and,  notwithstanding  his  vast  resources 
he  had  no  alternative  but  to  return,  or,  by  a  tedious  siege, 
compel  submission  by  famine  or  assault.  For  some  time  the 
besieged  cherished  the  hope  of  aid  from  their  allies.  And 
their  delusive  expectations  were,  for  a  moment,  flattered  by 
the  rumour  of  the  approach  of  an  army  from  Egypt.  The 
Babylonians  raised  the  siege,  and  marched  to  repel  them ; 
but  Pharaoh- Hophra,  called  also  Apries,  king  of  Egjpt,  soon 
retired  into  his  own  kingdom,  and  the  siege  was  renewed 
and  prosecuted  with  vigour.  It  was  commenced  on  the  very 
day  predicted  by  Ezekiel,  who  lived  hundreds  of  miles  dis- 
tant ;  and  in  the  eleventh  year  of  Zedekiah's  reign,  in  the 
ninth  day  of  the  fourth  month,  b.  c.  588,  the  city  was  broken 
up,  and  the  king  and  court  arrested  in  their  flight ;  Ezek. 
xxiv  1,2;  2  Kings  xxv  1—4.;  Jer.  lii.  4—7.  Then  fol- 
lowed the  vengeance  of  the  enraged  conqueror ;  and  the  fire 
of  Divine  jealousy  and  justice  sent  forth  its  flames  on  every 
side ;  for  the  long-suffering  of  Jehovah  had  come  to  an  end. 
The  city  was  given  up  to  pillage  ;  no  compassion  was  shown 
for  the  rich  or  poor,  the  old  or  young,  the  mother  or  infant ; 
2  Chron.  xxxvi.  17 ;  Psa.  cxxxvii.  8,  9.  Every  thing  val- 
Bable  in  the  temple  and  city  was  seized ;  and  the  whole  set 


^ 


THE   RISE,    DECLINE,    AND 


on  fire.  All  was  one  scene  of  desolation,  carnage,  and  blood 
The  royal  family  and  the  king's  ministers  were  carried  to 
Riblah,  a  strong  city  of  Syria,  in  the  district  of  Hamath,  on 
the  JToad  to  Mesopotamia.  There  they  were  condemned  as 
rebels,  and  put  to  death.  The  greatest  indignity  was  previ- 
ously inflicted  on  Zedekiah,  by  depriving  him  of  sight,  ac- 
cording to  the  prophetic  warning  which  he  had  despised; 
Jer.  lii.  8 — 11.  The  whole  nation  were  reduced  to  slavery, 
and  carried  away  into  Babylon,  with  the  exception  of  the 
poorest  of  the  people,  who  were  committed  to  the  care  of 
Gedaliah,  son  of  Ahikam,  Jeremiah  the  prophet  and  Baruch, 
his  friend  and  companion  in  the  service  of  the  God  of  Israel. 

A  number  of  all  ranks  seem  to  have  escaped  falling  into 
the  hands  of  the  Babylonians.  These  fled  to  the  neighbour- 
ing regions ;  and  after  the  departure  of  the  Babylonians,  a 
considerable  company  returned  into  the  land  under  Ishmael, 
one  of  the  princes  of  the  royal  race.  All  the  admonitions  of 
Jeremiah  to  submit  to  Babylon,  as  the  just  punishment  of 
their  sins,  and  all  the  suflferings  endured  in  consequence  of 
their  disobedience  to  the  Divine  oracles  by  the  prophet,  had 
produced  no  salutary  change  on  Ishmael  and  his  party.  Ima- 
gining that  to  him,  in  absence  of  the  royal  family,  belonged 
the  exclusive  right  to  rule  the  people,  he  viewed  with  envy 
and  indignation  the  exaltation  of  Gedaliah.  Revenge  raged 
in  his  bosom,  and,  by  the  most  consummate.  h3'^pocrisy,  he 
deceived  the  pious  and  unsuspicious  ruler.  Invited  by  him 
to  a  feast,  Ishmael  and  his  party  slaughtered  Gedaliah,  and 
all  the  Jews  and  Chaldeans  who  were  his  guests.  By  simi- 
lar duplicity  he  imposed  on  a  large  company  assembled  from 
various  quarters  to  worship  God  with  Gedaliah,  in  Mizpah. 
There  he  slew  them,  and  cast  their  bodies  into  a  large  pit  in 
the  vicinity,  Jer.  xli.  The  king's  daughters,  and  all  the  peo- 
ple remaining  in  the  city,  he  carried  away  captive,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  the  country  of  the  Ammonites.  Pursued  by  one  of 
the  chiefs  whom  Gedaliah  had  appointed  to  rule  over  the  va- 
rious districts,  and  by  the  captains  of  the  forces  left  by  the 
Chaldeans  to  protect  the  inhabitants,  he  was  deserted  by  all, 
except  eight  men,  who,  with  him,  found  safety  with  the  king 
of  Ammon. 

The  poor  Israelites,  dreading  that  the  Chaldeans  would 
take  vengeance  on  them  for  Ishmael's  contempt  of  their  sov- 
ereign's authority,  left  Mizpah,  and  halted  at  Chimham,  near 
Bethlehem,  purposing  to  proceed  to  Egypt.  Jehovah,  by  Jer- 
emiah, declared  that  he  would  preserve  them  in  their  own 


-m 


« 


CAPTIVITY  OF   ISRAEL.  49 

land ;  but  that,  if  they  entered  Egypt,  he  would  utterly  de- 
stroy them.  The  leaders  first  pledged  themselves  to  obey 
the  word  of  the  Lord  ;  but  they  soon  lost  courage,  and  basely 
accused  the  prophet  of  announcing  falsehood  in  the  name  of 
God ;  and  persuaded  the  people,  and  even  forced  Jeremiah 
and  all  who  believed  his  word,  to  follow  them  into  Egypt 
The  prophetic  warning  was  speedily  verified.  Nebuchad- 
nezzar conquered  the  king  of  Egypt,  slew  multitudes,  and 
carried  still  more  into  captivity.  Among  the  latter,  Josephus 
particularly  mentions  the  Jews  who  sojourned  in  that  country. 
Thus  were  fulfilled  the  many  predictions  of  the  captivity  of 
the  kingdom  of  Judah,  and  the  complete  desolation  of  the 
Holy  L^nd.  Seventy  years  it  remained  almost  wholly  uncul- 
tivated ;  and  nearly  as  long  it  was  traversed  at  pleasure 
by  the  Arabs,  or  occupied  by  the  enemies  of  its  native  pop- 
ulation. 

While,  however,  Jehovah  executed  justice  on  his  chosen 
people,  and  made  them  drink  the  cup  full  of  his  holy  jeal- 
ousy and  fierce  indignation,  he  showed  great  mercy  to  those 
of  them  who  continued  to  fear  his  great  and  glorious  name. 
These  are  usually  denominated  by  the  prophets,  "  the  rem- 
nant ;"  and  are  described  as  consisting  chiefly  of  those  who 
were  carried  captive  at  the  times  of  the  first  invasions  of 
Judah  by  the  Babylonians,  previously  to  the  destruction  of 
the  city  and  temple.  To  this  remnant  all  the  Divine  pro 
mises  are  addressed.  While  some  of  them  were  illustrious 
by  their  rank,  or  respected  for  their  knowledge  and  wis- 
dom, they  all  appear  to  have  excelled  in  moral  excellence 
and  enlightened  aevotion ;  and  the  names  of  some  of  them 
stand  high  in  the  register  of  the  most  eminent  men  who  ever 
adorned  their  own  nation,  and  these  are,  confessedly,  the  first 
in  the  world  in  relation  to  true  religion.  Such  were  Ezekiel, 
Daniel,  and  his  companions.  During  the  captivity,  others, 
admired  for  every  excellence,  were  raised  up  to  invigorate 
the  faith,  confirm  the  hope,  and  cherish  the  devotion  of  their 
feeble-minded  brethren.  These  were  the  associates  or  genu- 
ine successors  of  "  the  remnant,"  beloved  by  the  God  of  their 
fathers.  Though  nominally  slaves,  yet  their  influence  was 
almost  boundless  over  those  who  considered  themselves 
their  masters  and  proprietors.  This  is  obvious  to  all  who 
have  attentively  perused  their  history.  But  who  can  con- 
ceive the  power  which  they  must  have  had  over  the  opinions 
and  conduct  of  their  own  brethren,  who  were  less  esteemed, 
and  many  of  them,  doubtless,  exceedingly  oppressed  by  tyran- 

VOL.    I.  ? 


dO  THE   RISE,    DECLINE,  AND    CAPTIVITY   OF    ISRAEL. 

nical  masters  or  rulers  ?  To  this  may  most  probably  be  as- 
cribed, in  a  great  degree,  the  marvellous  change  on  the  Jews, 
from  the  time  of  their  exile,  in  respect  of  idolatry.  The 
zeal  for  the  worship  of  the  True  God,  and  abhorrence  of 
idol  and  image-worship,  exemplified  by  the  Jews,  who  were 
honoured  in  the  Babylonian  and  Persian  courts,  became  uni- 
versal and  most  prominent  traits  in  the  character  of  all  the 
Jews. 

In  every  place  of  their  exile,  they  publicly  turned  from 
idols  to  serve  the  Living  and  True  God.  That  the  Babylo- 
nians were  struck  with  the  pathos  and  fervour  of  their  devo- 
tion, seems  plain  from  their  urgent  request  to  be  entertained 
by  their  songs.  But  it  is  not  probable  that,  enthusiastic  vota- 
ries as  they  were  to  their  idols,  they  did  not  often  persecute 
the  Jews  on  account  of  their  religion.  But  it  is  possible  that 
the  Jews  were  permitted  to  worship  God  according  to  their 
own  laws  after  the  exaltation  of  Daniel,  and  the  miracles 
wrought  for  his  deliverance,  and  that  of  his  faithful  associates. 
Indeed  it  would  seem  that  the  first  e5ciles  were  not  treated  as 
slaves,  but  rather  as  colonists,  subjected  in  general  to  the  laws 
of  the  empire,  but  allowed  to  retain  the  forms  and  customs  of 
social  life,  which  characterised  their  nation.  This  opinion  is 
countenanced  by  the  notice  of  Ezekiel  assembling  around  him 
the  elders  of  the  colony  settled  on  the  banks  of  the  Chebar. 
Other  communities  of  the  Jews  may  have  been  so  favoured, 
through  the  influence  of  their  honoured  brethren  in  the  me- 
tropolis, that  they  may  have  exhibited  in  the  land  of  their  ex- 
ile their  religion,  and  the  mode  of  social  life  to  which  they 
had  been  accustomed  from  age  to  age.  That,  however,  they 
were  exposed  occasionally,  in  some  places,  to  the  most  cruel 
and  insulting  treatment,  no  one  can  doubt,  who  regards  the 
book  of  "the  Lamentations  of  Jeremiah"  as  an  inspired  re- 
cord. Divine  mercy  sustained  them,  and,  at  the  proper  time, 
heard  their  groans  and  prayers,  and  sent  them  an  unexpected, 
long  desired,  and  great  deliverance,  by  the  agency  of  Cyrus, 
according  to  the  word  proclaimed  by  Isaiah,  many  genera- 
tions before  the  birth  of  the  conqueror. 


CHAPTER   III. 


STATE  OF  THE  JEWS   IN  THE  REIGN  OF  ARTAXERXES 
LONGIMANUS. 


No  events  in  the  history  of  the  true  religion,  from  the  times 
of  David,  king  of  Israel,  to  the  final  dispersion  of  that  people, 
were  of  more  importance  than  their  captivity  in  Babylon  and 
their  restoration  to  their  own  land.  The  former  was  the 
darkest  night  that  had  ever  descended  on  the  true  worship- 
pers of  God,  and  threatened  to  extinguish  their  brightest  hopes 
for  time  and  eternity ;  the  latter  threw  an  effulgence  of  light 
on  all  the  great  and  precious  promises  of  salvation  to  all  na- 
tions, and  exposed  to  their  full  view  the  solid  and  stable  foun- 
dations of  their  faith  and  hope  in  Him  whom  they  fervently 
loved  and  earnestly  expected.  And  hence  may  be  discerned 
the  Divine  propriety  in  the  conspicuous  and  extensive  place 
given  in  the  prophecies  to  the  captivity  and  restoration  of  Is- 
rael. These  events  were  repeatedly  predicted  by  Moses  and 
all  the  prophets.  When  the  impenitence  and  unbelief  of  the 
chosen  people  rendered  their  exile  inevitable,  and  hastened 
on  that  awful  calamity,  God  showed  his  wisdom  and  rich 
mercy  to  his  faithful  ones  by  announcing  to  them  the  precise 
duration  of  their  sufferings,  and  imparting  to  them  numerous 
promises  of  deliverance.  Jeremiah  was  commissioned  to  de- 
clare that  the  captivity  would  terminate  at  the  expiry  of 
'•'  seventy  years ;"  and  to  express  strongly  his  beliei  in  the 
truth  of  the  prophetic  word,  he  obeyed  the  Divine  command 
to  purchase  a  portion  of  the  land  which  was  to  be  immediately 
seized  by  strangers.  By  comparing  his  predictions  with  the 
registers  of  the  Persian  court,  Daniel,  in  answer  to  prayer, 
was  enabled  to  ascertain  that  his  people  were  assuredly  to  be 
restored  about  the  time  of  Darius  the  Mede  ;  and  the  accuracy 
of  his  knowledge  was  speedily  confirmed ;  for  in  less  than 
two  years  Cyrus  granted  to  all  Israel  liberty  to  return  to  the 
Holy  Land,  and  to  build  Jerusalem  and  the  temple.  By  con- 
sequence the  beginning  of  the  captivity  must  have  been  about 


#. 


52  STATE    OF    THE    JEWS    IN    THE 

seventy  years  earlier  than  that  period.  And  this  number  of 
years,  according  to  the  computation  of  the  most  learned  chro- 
nologists,  exactly  corresponds  with  the  interval  which  elapsed 
from  the  fourth  year  of  Jehoiakim,  when  all  the  Jews,  who 
were  eminent  for  rank,  talents,  or  usefulness,  were  carried 
away  to  Babylon,  until  the  first  year  of  Cyrus.  By  some 
writers,  however,  the  "seventy  years"  are  calculated  from 
the  burning  of  the  temple  by  Nebuchadnezzar  to  the  dedica- 
tion of  the  second  temple,  finished  by  Nehemiah ;  the  interval 
between  which  comprised  neither  more  nor  less  than  the  num- 
ber of  years  fixed  by  prophecy.  Those  who  can  appreciate 
a  narrative  of  the  trials  and  difficuhies,  encouragements  and 
final  success  of  Israel,  in  their  labours  to  re-organize  and 
establish  their  nation,  will  find  it  in  the  books  of  Ezra,  Ne- 
hemiah, Haggai,  and  Zechariah.  Their  records,  equally  in- 
imitable for  their  simplicity  and  truth,  never  fail  to  produce  a 
delightful,  salutary,  and  lasting  impression  on  every  enlight- 
ened and  candid  mind.  It  would  be  foreign  to  our  object  to 
insert  them  entire ;  a  particular  enumeration  of  the  facts  which 
they  contain  would,  most  probably,  impart  little  pleasure  to 
the  reader  of  this  work.  We  shall  merely  advert  to  the  state 
of  the  Jews  in  the  time  of  Nehemiah. 

Malachi,  the  last  inspired  writer  of  the  Old  Testament, 
wrote  after  the  restoration  of  the  temple,  for  he  distinctly  re- 
fers to  its  service.  While  he  ministered,  the  Jews  had  a  gov- 
ernor, and  consequently  he  must  have  been  contemporary 
with  Nehemiah,  the  last  governor  of  the  city,  and  the  chief 
instrument  in  restoring  the  original  constitution  of  Moses. 
He  was  governor  many  years,  and  most  zealously  and  disin- 
terestedly promoted  the  welfare  of  the  people.  He  imposed 
on  them  no  tribute,  at  least  for  his  own  support ;  and,  from 
the  liberal  grants  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  the  then  king 
of  Persia,  to  him,  and  Ezra  his  predecessor  in  oflice,  for  the 
restoration  of  the  city  and  temple,  and  its  service,  the  tribute, 
if  any  was  required  by  Persia,  must  have  been  trifling.  This 
monarch  was  distinguished,  during  his  long  reign  of  more 
than  forty  years,  by  his  patronage  of  the  Jews  in  their  own 
land,  and  in  every  part  of  the  empire ;  a  remarkable  circum 
stance,  which  some  ascribe  to  the  influence  of  Esther  the 
Jewess,  whom  they  suppose  to  have  been  his  wife.  It  is, 
however,  more  certain  that  he  authorised  Nehemiah  to  re- 
establish the  entire  laws  of  Moses,  and  to  call  in  the  power  of 
the  Persian  governors  of  all  the  districts  west  of  the  Euphrates, 


I 


m 


IlEION   OF   ARTAXERXES   LONGIMLANUS.  53 

to  protect  and  assist  him  in  the  important  work  which  he  was 
appointed  to  perform. 

Under  Nenemiah's  government  the  daily  services  of  the 
temple  and  the  great  festivals  were  observed  according  to 
the  law ;  the  Aaronic  priesthood  and  several  orders  of  the  Le- 
vites  and  Nethinims  were  established,  and  the  separation  of 
the  people  from  all  unholy  alliances  was  effected.  Some 
have  indeed  supposed  that,  in  declaring  the  marriage  of 
Israelites  with  idolaters  invalid,  Nehemiah  and  Ezra  car- 
ried their  national  reformation  beyond  the*  constitution  of  Mo- 
ses, and  in  support  of  their  opinion,  they  appeal  to  the  conduct 
of  Joseph,  Samson,  Solomon  and  Esther :  it  is,  however,  far 
more  probable  that  their  examples  were  contrary  to  the  spirit 
of  the  law  than  that  Nehemiah  and  Ezra  misinterpreted  that 
law.  They  were  supernaturally  guided  in  their  ministerial 
labours,  and  their  whole  conduct  demonstrated  their  accurate 
knowledge  and  supreme  reverence  for  the  law.  How  fully 
persuaded  they  were  that  God  had  prohibited  his  peo- 
ple from  marrying  not  orAj  the  descendants  of  Canaan,  but 
also  the  Ammonites,  Moabites,  and  Egyptians,  is  plain  from 
Ezra  ix.  1  ;  Neh.  xiii.  23.  And  the  reasons  which  these  ven- 
erable instructors  urged  to  induce  Israel  to  put  away  the 
wives  whom  they  had  taken  from  these  people,  lest  they 
should  tempt  them  to  idolatry,  will  apply  with  equal  force 
to  every  idolatrous  nation.  If  we  believe  that  Israel  were 
chosen  out  of  the  nations  to  witness  for  God,  we  can  scarcely 
doubt  that  it  was  unlawful  for  them  to  intermarry  with 
any  idolatrous  nation.  It  will  be  perhaps  difficuh  to  con- 
ceive them  placing  themselves  under  stronger  temptations  to 
worship  idols,  than  by  choosing  wives  indiscriminately  from 
among  the  heathen  nations,  those  only  excepted  whom  they 
were  commanded  to  extirpate.  Indeed,  had  they  not  been 
exceedingly  prone  to  form  conjugal  as  well  as  political  alli- 
ances with  idolaters,  a  new  law  on  this  subject  was  scarcely 
necessary,  after  what  was  written.  Gen.  vi.  2,  3,  for  it  is  ob- 
vious from  this  passage  that  the  first  great  degeneracy  from 
the  true  religion  originated  in  the  worshippers  of  God  uniting 
by  marriage  v^dth  idolatrous  families.  With  such  an  awful 
example  before  his  eyes,  no  man  living  in  the  fear  of  God. 
and  desirous  to  keep  himself  from  idols,  would  have  ventured 
to  choose  an  idolater  for  his  wife  ;  for  he  must  have  seen  that 
by  such  conduct  he  would  expose  himself  to  the  strongest 
temptation  to  depart  from  the  living  and  true  God.  But  the 
law  delivered.  Exod.  xxxiv.  16 ;  Deut.  vii.  3.  was  sufficient  to 

6* 


»- 


^4  STATE    OF    THE    JEWS    IN    THE 

guide  Israel  on  the  subject ;  for  the  most  powerful  argument 
enforcing  obedience  applied  to  all  idolaters  equally  with  the 
Canaanites :  "  Neither  shalt  thou  make  marriages  with  them. 
For  they  will  turn  away  thy  sons  from  following  me^  that 
they  may  serve  other  gods ;  so  will  the  anger  of  the  Lord  be 
kindled  against  you,  and  destroy  thee  suddenly."  It,  how- 
ever, merits  notice,  that  the  Israelites  might,  without  trans- 
gressing the  law,  marry  heathens,  Canaanites  not  excepted,  if 
they  were  converted  to  the  true  religion  ;  for  religious  pros- 
elytes were  incorpqrated  with  the  Jews,  not  in  their  civil,  but 
religious  capacity :  one  law  was  common  to  the  stranger  and 
the  home-born.  By  attention  to  this  principle,  we  are  enabled 
to  account  for  a  prince  of  Judah,  in  the  best  days  of  the  Jew- 
ish nation,  marrying  Rahab  the  harlot,  a  Canaanite  ;  and  for 
the  venerable  Boaz  choosing  Ruth  the  Moabite  for  the  wife 
of  his  bosom.  In  respect  of  Moses,  there  is  strong  reason  to 
believe  that  Zipporah  was  a  religious  woman :  her  father,  a 
prince  of  Midian,  and  his  family,  appear  to  have  been  be- 
lievers, worshippers  of  the  God  of  Israel,  Exod.  xviii.  9 — 12. 
As  to  Joseph,  if  we  attentively  consider  his  whole  conduct, — 
his  zealous  regard  to  personal  religion,  and  his  care  to  pre- 
serve Israel  separate  from  the  idolatrous  Egyptians — influ- 
enced by  Christian  love,  ( 1  Cor.  xiii.  5 — 7,)  we  shall  feel  dis- 
posed to  conclude  that  his  wife  and  family  were  religious 
proselytes.  If  the  prince  of  Midian  was  converted,  why  not 
the  prince  of  On  ;  Joseph  was  not  less  disposed  to  speak  for 
his  God  than  Moses,  and  the  grace  of  God  is  rich  and  free. 
Many  of  the  Egyptians,  a  "  mixed  multitude/'  were  Jewish 
proselytes  ;  by  faitn  they  and  Israel  passed  through  the  Red 
Sea,  which  the  idolatrous  Egyptians  essaying  to  do,  were 
drowned. 

Nehemiah  appears  not  to  have  been  much  more  successful 
in  his  ministry  than  Elijah,  Hezekiah,  Josiah,  and  other  holy 
men,  who  had  also  attempted  to  reform  Israel.  Those  who 
first  returned  from  Babylon  were  probably  in  general  the 
most  religious  of  the  nation  ;  and  hence  Nehemiah,  perhaps, 
was  encouraged  by  them  in  his  work.  And  it  is  manifest 
that  he  effected  a  more  complete  reformation  than  any  pre- 
ceding reformer.  The  form  of  the  constitution  was  completely 
restored  ;  but  many  most  imperfectly  conformed  to  it,  and  not 
a  few  others  presumptuously  violated  its  generous  spirit,  and 
transgressed  its  most  important  laws.  Though  by  words  and 
solemn  swearing  they  adopted  the  form  of  godliness,  yet  in 
practice  they  renounced  its  power.     Thus  they  fulfilled  the 


# 


REION  OF   ARTAXERXES   LONGIMANT7S.  SS 

predictions  of  Moses  and  the  prophets,  that  the  nation  would 
in  all  ages  show  themselves  a  disobedient  and  obstinate  peo- 
ple. After  the  captivity,  they  never  relapsed  into  idol  or 
imag-e  worship,  the  predominant  great  sin  of  their  ancestors ; 
and  thus  they  fulfilled  another  prediction,  that  the  restored 
from  Babylon  would  be  ashamed  of  their  idols :  Hos.  ii.  4. 
But  according  as  they  multiplied  and  prospered,  they  became 
selfish,  sensual,  and  hypocritical.  Being  destitute  of  the  love 
of  God,  they  offered  to  him  in  sacrifice  animals  which  they 
could  neither  sell  nor  eat.  Conjugal  infidelity  was  not 
deemed  by  them  a  crime,  and  those  who  had  power  or  influ- 
ence, oppressed  and  crushed  the  poor  ;  Mai.  i.  ii. 

True  religion,  however,  flourished  among  a  few.  They 
feared  Jehovah,  unfeignedly  loved  one  another,  were  accus- 
tomed to  contemplate  the  nature,  perfections,  and  doings  of 
their  God,  and  frequently  associated  together  for  religious  con- 
versation and  worship  ;  Mai.  iii.  16.  Thus  the  Israelites  of 
the  age  of  Nehemiah,  as  a  nation,  in  regard  to  religion,  re- 
sembled their  ancestors  in  all  preceding  ages.  The  majority 
were  unbelievers,  hypocrites,  or  apostates  ;  and  the  minority 
walked  in  the  steps  of  their  fathers,  Abraham,  Isaac,  and 
Jacob. 

We  have  no  decided  evidence  that  prophets  were  success- 
ively raised  up  in  future  as  in  former  generations,  to  instruct, 
warn,  reprove,  and  comfort  them.  It  is  generally  believed 
that  from  Malachi  to  the  times  of  John  the  Baptist,  the  Divine 
Spirit  inspired  no  one  in  Israel.  This,  however,  seems  im- 
probable, when  we  observe. than  God  announces  that  he 
would  still  manifest  himself  to  be  their  king,  by  supernatural 
events.  Of  this  we  have  ample  evidence  in  the  writings  of 
Haggai  and  Zechariah ;  and  it  is  fully  implied  in  the  address 
of  Jehovah  by  Malachi : — "  Bring  ye  all  the  tithes  into  the 
storehouse,  that  there  may  be  meat  m  mine  house,  and  prove 
me  now  herewith,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts,  if  I  will  not  open 
you  the  windows  of  heaven,  and  pour  you  out  a  blessing,  that 
there  shall  not  be  room  enough  to  receive  it.  And  I  will  re- 
buke the  devourer  for  your  sakes,  and  he  shall  not  destroy 
the  fruits  of  your  ground;  neither  shall  your  vme  cast  her 
fruit  before  the  time  in  the  field,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts.  And 
all  nations  shall  call  you  blessed ;  for  ye  shall  be  a  delight- 
some land,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts."  And  had  they  not  been 
familiar  with  supernatural  communications,  it  is  not  easy  to 
account  for  the  ready  conjecture  of  the  people  on  the  occasion 
of  Zecharias'  silence  on  coming  out  of  the  temple,  that  he 


#     -  a 


66  STATE    OF    THE   JEWS   IN   THE 

had  "  seen  a  vision."  But  such  communications  may  have 
been  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  continued  through  the  agency 
of  the  high-priests.  To  their  exalted  office  was  attached  the 
privilege  of  consulting  or  inquiring  for  the  people  what  was 
the  mind  of  the  Lord  respecting  them  in  cases  of  great  emer- 
gency, doubt,  perplexity,  and  distress.  The  answer  was  re- 
ceived by  the  instrumentality  of  the  Urim  and  Thumraim. 
Perhaps  some  may  infer,  that  with  the  loss  of  this  the  high- 
prifest  lost  also  the  privilege  of  revealing  the  mind  of  the  Lord 
after  the  captivity ;  but  as  the  privilege  seems  to  have  been 
enjoyed  by  the  chiefs  of  the  chosen  race  of  the  Sethites,  who 
were  the  chief  priests  from  the  beginning  till  the  consecration 
of  Aaron,  it  may  have  been  continued  with  his  successors 
after  the  restoration  from  Babylon.  And  it  is  only  on  this 
supposition  that  we  can  perceive  the  propriety  of  the  interpre- 
tation of  the  declaration  of  Caiaphas  to  the  Jewish  council : — 
"  It  is  expedient,"  he  said,  "  that  one  man  die  for  the  people, 
and  that  the  whole  nation  perish  not."  This  is  considered  by 
John,  a  prediction  and  he  informs  us  that  Caiaphas  was  in- 
spired to  utter  it,  not  because  he  was,  by  office,  a  prophet,  or 
even  understood  the  full  import  of  his  words,  but  because  he 
was  high-priest  that  year,  John  xi.  51.  Hence,  we  appre- 
hend, that  John  believed  that  the  gift  of  predicting  future 
events,  or  of  revealing  the  secret  designs  of  the  Almighty, 
was  inseparable  from  the  office  of  high-priest.  Brief  are  the 
notices  of  the  peculiar  services  of  the  high-priest  after  the  days 
of  the  prophets.  The  most  remarkable  instance  of  any  of 
them  receiving  supernatural  instruction  is  that  which  we  shall 
have  to  record  of  the  high-priest  Jaddua,  in  the  time  of  Alex- 
ander the  Great. 

The  chief  ministers  of  Jehovah,  the  supreme  King,  accord- 
ing to  the  original  form  of  government,  were  Moses,  his  suc- 
cessors the  judges  and  kings,  and  the  high-priests ;  and  the 
inferior  ministers  were  the  elders,  or  heads  of  the  tribes  and 
of  families.  This  form  of  government  was  probably  restored 
by  Ezra.  Seventy  elders  were  chosen  in  the  wilderness  to 
assist  Moses ;  and  the  Jews  assert  that  these  had  successors, 
who  constituted  what  they  call  the  Sanhedrim,  or  great  coun- 
cil of  the  nation,  who,  with  the  supreme  civil  ruler  and  high- 
priest,  judged  all  cases  of  difficulty.  Of  the  existence  of  this 
council  we,  however,  discern  no  distinct  trace  in  the  history 
of  the  Jews,  from  the  days  of  Moses  till  the  times  of  the  Mac- 
cabees ;  but  from  that  period  it  became  the  supreme  court  of 
the  nation.     That  Nehemiah  or  the  high-priest,  in  imitation 


m- 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES   LONGIMANUS.  57 

of  Moses,  occasionally  assembled  the  chiefs  of  the  nation  to 
assist  them  in  the  government,  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt ; 
and  this  may  have  given  rise  to  the  Sanhedrim.  The  high- 
priest,  or  his  deputy,  was  the  president ;  and  the  members 
were  chosen  from  the  priests,  chiefs  of  tribes  or  families,  and 
from  the  scribes,  or  those  esteemed  for  their  learning.  This 
council  usually  met  in  a  hall  built  partly  within  and  partly 
without  the  temple,  from  which  edifice  it  was  excluded  by  the 
Romans  when  they  deprived  the  council  of  the  power  of  life 
and  death,  about  three  years  before  the  death  of  Jesus  Christ. 
After  this  we  observe  the  Sanhedrim  assembled  in  the  palace 
of  the  high-priest.  Appeals  from  the  lower  courts,  and  "other 
weighty  matters,  were  brought  before  this  tribunal.  Among 
other  questions  of  importance,  subject  to  its  decision,  the  Tal- 
mudists  include  the  inquiry,  '  Whether  a  person  be  a  false 
prophet  or  not  ?'  Comp.  Luke  xiii.  33.  Its  power  had  been 
limited  in  the  time  of  Christ  by  the  interference  of  the  Ro- 
mans. It  was  still,  however,  in  the  habit  of  sending  its  legates 
or  messengers  to  the  synagogues  in  foreign  countries,  (Acts 
ix.  2.)  and  retained  the  right  of  passing  the  sentence  of  con- 
demnation, or,  what  is  similar  in  effect,  of  decreeing  punish- 
ment in  cases  where  there  was  proof  of  criminality ;  but  the 
power  of  executing  the  sentence,  when  passed,  was  taken  from 
it,  and  lodged  with  the  Roman  procurators,  John  xviii.  31. 
There  was  one  exception,  it  is  true,  during  the  procuratorship 
of  Pilate,  and  only  one ;  for  he  permitted  the  Sanhedrim  them- 
selves, in  the  case  of  Christ,  to  see  the  sentence  of  which  they 
had  been  the  authors,  put  in  execution,  John  xviii.  3 1  ;  xix,  6. 
The  stoning  of  Stephen  was  not  done  by  the  authority  of  the 
Sanhedrim,  but  in  a  riot,  (Acts  vii.)  James,  the  brother  of 
John,  (Acts  xii,  2,)  was  slain  in  consequence  of  a  sentence  to 
that  effect  from  king  Herod  Agrippa.  The  high-priest 
Ananus  did  indeed  condemn  James,  the  brother  of  Jesus,  (i.  e. 
relation  or  cousin,)  to  be  stoned,  and  others  likewise ;  but  it 
was  done  when  the  procurator  was  absent,  and  was  disap- 
proved by  the  Jews  themselves." 

The  first  rational,  or  what  may  be  justly  named  a  liberal 
constitution,  conferred  on  any  nation,  we  have  sufficient  rea- 
son to  assert,  was  that  delivered  by  Moses  to  Israel.  He 
placed  them  under  just  and  equitable  laws,  clearly  announced 
to  all,  and  ordained  that  all  should  be  taught  to  know  them. 
The  oriental  governments  were  generally  despotic,  the  will 
of  the  sovereign  was  the  law,  and  the  law  of  to-day  might  be 
set  aside  to-morrow  ;  and  in  what  were  accounted  free  states, 


# 


58  STATE    OF    THE    JEWS   m    THE 

such  as  those  of  Greece,  the  multitude  were  slaves,  and  re- 
quired to  submit  to  laws  which  were  framed  not  for  their  bene- 
fit but  for  that  of  their  masters.  The  rulers  of  Israel  were  not 
properly  legislators :  their  sole  duty  was  to  govern  and  judge 
according  to  institutes,  which  they  were  bound  not  less  than 
the  other  members  of  the  community  to  obey.  And  the  legis- 
lator had  delivered  the  most  solemn  injunctions,  that  all  ranks 
and  ages  should  acquire  an  accurate  knowledge  of  all  the 
laws,  and  cherish  a  sacred  regard  for  them,  as  the  revealed 
will  of  their  God,  Sovereign,  and  Judge.  A  whole  tribe 
were  consecrated  to  teach  and  explain  them ;  and  a  similar 
office  was  assigned  to  all  parents  in  relation  to  their  children. 
This  supposes  that  the  entire  community  were  to  be  taught  to 
read  and  understand  the  law.  That  Moses  neglected  no  ap- 
propriate means  to  diffuse  this  species  of  knowledge  among 
all  the  tribes,  we  may  be  assured,  when  we  reflect  on  his 
fidelity  to  the  Lord,  and  his  love  for  his  people.  To  what  ex- 
tent he  was  imitated  by  the  rulers  who  succeeded  him,  we 
have  no  means  of  ascertaining,  for  the  subject  is  seldom  re- 
ferred to  in  the  Scriptures. 

That  the  people  in  future  ages  remembered  not  his  en- 
treaties to  cultivate  knowledge  of  their  national  constitution, 
is  obvious  from  their  history.  Their  indifference  may  have 
roused  the  prophets  to  devise  and  execute  plans  to  dispel  the 
moral  darkness  which  surrounded  them.  One  of  these  was 
the  institution  of  schools  or  colleges,  which  were  probably 
open  to  all  who  aspired  to  be  instructors  of  the  people.  Jeho- 
shaphat,  king  of  Judah,  adopted  a  scheme  still  more  calculated 
perhaps,  to  enlighten  all  the  people.  He  appointed  a  number 
of  the  sacred  order,  and  of  the  most  learned  of  the  chiefs  and 
rulers,  to  go  over  the  whole  country,  and  teach  all  classes. 
And  the  prophets  and  most  religious  persons  appear,  during 
the  captivity,  to  have  assembled  the  people  for  religious  in- 
struction and  devotional  exercises.  These  assemblies  proba- 
bly originated  the  synagogues.  They  may  have  been  estab- 
lished as  early  as  Nehemiah,  if  not  before  his  time.  How 
solicitous  he  and  Ezra,  and  other  eminent  persons  were  to 
promote  the  knowledge  of  the  law  among  the  people,  every 
one  perceives  who  knows  the  sacred  writings.  We  know 
not  the  precise  time  that  synagogues  were  instituted  ;  but  the 
apostle  speaks  of  them  as  ancient,  and  very  numerous :  "  For 
Moses  of  old  time  hath  in  every  city  them  that  preach  him, 
being  read  in  the  synagogues  every  sabbath  day  " 

While,  from  the  erection  of. the  temple  of  Solomon,  sacrifice 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES    LONGIMANUS.  69 

and  the  offering  of  incense,  the  principal  rites  of  public  wor- 
ship, could  only  be  lawfully  observed  at  the  temple,  Israel 
might  attend  in  any  place  to  all  the  other  services  of  religion. 
The  places  at  first  selected  for  their  public  meetings  were 
probably  under  shades  of  trees,  particularly  near  the  banks 
of  rivers  and  streams.  These  were  named  proseuchae,  ora- 
tories, or  retired  spots,  usually  resorted  to  by  the  pious  for 
private  and  social  worship  ;  and  to  these,  probably,  reference 
is  made  in  Psal.  cxxxvii.  1 — 3 ;  Acts  xvi.  13.  Edifices, 
called  synagogues,  Josephus  says,  were  early  raised  by  the 
Jews  in  foreign  countries;  but  not  in  Judea  till  the  age  of  the 
Maccabees.  Their  name,  signifying  an  assembly,  was  de- 
rived from  the  object  to  which  they  were  appropriated.  The 
following  extract  may  suffice  for  a  description  of  them  drawn 
from  the  Jewish  writings.  They  "  could  only  be  erected  in 
those  places  where  ten  men  of  age,  learning,  piety,  and  easy 
circumstances  could  be  found  to  attend  to  the  service  which 
was  enjoined  in  them.  Large  towns  had  several  synagogues  ; 
and  soon  after  the  captivity,  their  utility  became  so  obvious, 
that  they  were  scattered  over  the  land,  and  became  the  parish 
churches  of  the  Jewish  nation.  Their  number  appears  to 
have  been  very  considerable ;  and  when  the  erection  of  a 
synagogue  was  considered  as  a  mark  of  piety,  (Luke  vii.  5,) 
or  gratitude  to  heaven,  we  need  not  be  surprised  to  hear  that 
they  muhiplied  beyond  all  necessity,  so  that  in  Jerusalem 
alone  there  were  not  fewer  than  460  or  480.  They  were 
generally  built  on  the  most  elevated  ground,  and  consisted  of 
two  parts.  The  one  on  the  most  westerly  part  of  the  build- 
ing contained  the  ark  or  chest,  in  which  the  book  of  the  law 
and  the  sections  of  the  prophets  were  deposited,  and  was 
called  the  temple  by  way  of  eminence.  The  other,  in  which 
the  congregation  assembled,  was  termed  the  body  of  the 
church.  The  people  sat  with  their  faces  towards  the  temple, 
and  the  elders  in  the  contrary  direction,  and  opposite  to  the 
people ;  the  space  between  them  being  occupied  by  the  pulpit 
or  reading  desk.  The  seats  of  the  elders  were  considered  as 
more  holy  than  the  others,  and  are  spbken  of  as  '  the  chief 
seats  in  the  synagogue,'  Matt,  xxiii.  6.  The  stated  office- 
bearers in  every  synagogue  were  ten,  though  in  rank  they 
were  but  six.  Their  names  and  duties  are  given  by  Light- 
foot,  to  whom  the  reader  is  referred.  But  we  must  notice  the 
Archisynagogos,  or  ruler  of  the  synagogue,  who  regulated 
all  its  concerns,  and  granted  permission  to  preach.  Of  these 
there  were  three  in  each  synagogue.     Dr.  Lightfoot  believes 


60  '^    "feft'ol'^^S?^ii%  IN  THE  ^ 

them  to  have  possessed  a  civil  power,  and  to  have  constituted 
the  lowest  civil  tribunal,  commonly  known  as  '  the  council 
of  three,'  whose  office  it  was  to  decide  the  differences  that 
arose  between  any  members  of  the  synagogue,  and  to  judge 
of  money  matters,  thefts,  losses,  &C.  To  these  Officers  there 
is  probably  an  allusion  in  I  Cor.  vi.  6.  The  second  office- 
bearer was  '  the  angel  of  the  church,'  or  minister  of  the  con- 
gregation, who  prayed  and  preached.  In  allusion  to  these 
the  pastors  of  the  Asiatic  churches  are  called  angels^  Rev.  ii.  iii. 
The  service  of  the  synagogue  was  as  follows : — The  people 
being  seated,  the  minister,  or  angel  of  the  church,  ascended 
the  pulpit,  and  offered  up  the  public  prayers,  the  people  rising 
from  their  seats,  and  standing  in  a  posture  of  deep  devotion, 
Matt  vi.  5  ;  Mark  xi.  25  ;  Luke  xviii.  11,  13.  The  prayers 
were  nineteen  in  number,  and  were  closed  by  reading  the 
execration.  The  next  thing  was  the  repetition  of  their  phy- 
lacteries ;  after  which  came  the  reading  of  the  law  and  the 
prophets.  The  former  was  divided  into  54  sections,  with 
which  were  united  corresponding  portions  from  the  prophets ; 
(see  Acts  xv.  21 ;  xiii.  27.)  and  these  were  read  through 
once  in  the  course  of  the  year.  After  the  return  from  the 
captivity,  an  interpreter  was  employed  in  reading  the  law  and 
the  prophets,  (see  Neh.  viii.  2 — 10,)  who  interpreted  them 
into  the  Syro-Chaldaic  dialect,  which  was  then  spoken  by  the 
people.  The  last  part  of  the  service  was  the  expounding  of 
the  Scriptures,  and  preaching  from  them  to  the  people.  This 
was  done  either  by  one  of  the  officers,  or  by  some  dis- 
tinguished person  who  happened  to  be  present.  The  reader 
will  recollect  one  memorable  occasion  on  which  our  Saviour 
availed  himself  of  the  opportunity  thus  afforded  to  address 
his  countrymen,  (Luke  iv.  20.)  and  there  are  several  other 
instances  recorded  of  himself  and  his  disciples  teaching  in  the 
synagogues.  See  Matt.  xiii.  54;  Mark  vi.  2;  John  xviii. 
20;  Acts  xiii.  5,  15,  44;  xiv.  1;  xvii.  2—4,  10—12,  17; 
xviii.  4,  25  ;  xix.  8.  The  whole  service  was  concluded  with 
a  short  prayer,  or  benediction.  The  Jewish  synagogues 
were  not  only  used  for  the  purpose  of  divine  worship,  but 
also  for  courts  of  judicature,  in  such  matters  as  fell  under  the 
cognizance  of  the  '  council  of  three,'  of  which  we  have  al- 
ready spoken.  On  such  occasions  the  sentence  given  against 
the  offender  was  sometimes  carried  into  effect  in  the  place 
where  the  council  was  assembled.  Hence  we  read  of  per- 
sons being  beaten  in  the  synagogue^  and  scourged  in  the  synor 
gogue^  Matt.  x.  17  ;  Mark  xiii.  9." 


[t 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES    LONGIMANXJS.  61 

In  later  times,  the  Greek  or  Alexandrine  version  was  read 
in  the  synagogues  of  the  Hellenists,  or  Jews  and  Proselytes, 
who  spoke  the  language  of  Greece;  and  this  version  was 
long  highly  esteemed  by  the  Talmudists,  till  they  observed 
that  Christians  appealed  to  it  in  their  controversies  with  their 
nation.  The  doxologies  and  prayers  were  also  anciently  re- 
peated in  the  language  spoken  by  the  worshippers. 

The  entire  structure  of  the  political,  civil,  and  religious 
polity  of  Israel  was  founded  on  the  sacred  writings.  These 
were  therefore  inexpressibly  precious  to  every  genuine  patriot 
in  all  ages  ;  but  their  value  was  much  enhanced  to  the  pious 
after  their  exile.  From  the  inspired  records  issued  the  only 
rays  of  hope  which  cheered  and  animated  them  during  the 
long  and  dark  night  of  their  captivity ;  and  by  these  were 
their  steps  directed,  and  their  strength  augmented  in  their 
course,  after  the  dawn  of  their  deliverance  broke  on  their 
wondering  eyes.  How  unfeigned  and  ardent  was  their  love 
for  the  laws,  promises,  and  predictions  which  God  had  com- 
municated to  their  fathers,  may  be  easily  discerned  by  every 
attentive  reader  of  the  sacred  books  written  during  and  very 
early  after  the  captivity.  The  authors  repeatedly  appeal  to 
"  the  law  of  Moses,"  as  the  rule  for  regulating  all  the  affairs 
of  their  nations,  and  confess  and  deplore  their  disobedience  to 
the  oracles  and  instructions  of  the  prophets  as  the  principal 
cause  of  all  the  calamities  which  they  had  endured.  Can  we 
then  doubt  that  the  restored  Jews  possessed  copies  of  the  writ- 
ings which  hrA  V.^rn  received  as  inspired  by  their  faithful 
kings,  piiests,  and  prophets?  The  second  book  of  Esdras, 
among  the  many  proofs  of  its  apocryphal  and  fabulous  charac- 
ter, makes  Ezra  to  assert  that  the  law  had  been  burnt,  and 
that  the  Holy  Ghost  would  enable  him  to  write  it  anew,  and 
all  things  that  had  been  done  since  the  beginning  of  the  world  ; 
and  this  opinion  was  entertaii<  >d  by  some  of  the  Christian 
fathers.  It  is.  however,  in  Jiiect  opposition  to  repeated  de- 
clarations in  the  books  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  that  they  re- 
established the  worship  of  God  according  to  "  the  law  of 
Moses,  the  man  of  God,"  and  as  it  was  "  written  in  the  book 
of  Moses."  That  these  eminent  men,  and  the  contemporary 
prophets,  in  imitation  of  the  inspired  men  of  former  genera- 
tions, augmented  the  sacred  writings,  we  may  readily  believe. 
Nor  is  the  tradition  improbable  that  Ezra,  with  their  appro- 
bation, collated  a  number  of  copies,  in  order  to  present  the 
nation  with  a  perfect  copy  of  all  the  inspired  writings  down  to 
his  time.     For  this  work  he  was  fully  qualified  by  the  con- 

VOL.    I.  6 


^ 


62  STATE   OP   THE   JEWS   IN   THE 

siimmate  knowledge  of  these  writings,  by  which  we  find  him 
distinguished  above  all  his  contemporaries,  and  still  more  by' 
the  spirit  of  prophecy  which  we  know  rested  on  him. 

To  say  with  some  that  the  Sacred  Scriptures  which  are  in  our 
hands  are  of  no  greater  antiquity  than  Ezra,  betrays  extreme 
ignorance  of  the  subjects  and  style  of  them.  What  pretended 
miracle  on  record  may  not  be  credited  sooner  than  the  opinion 
that  Ezra,  or  any  one  man  of  his  or  any  future  age,  composed 
the  books  of  Moses,  the  sacred  historical  writings,  and  the 
prophets  ?  The  respective  books  carry  indelible  marks  of 
their  authenticity  and  genuineness,  as  has  been  in  general  in- 
controvertibly  proved  by  not  a  few  learned  men  ;  and,  indeed, 
they  all  contain  internal  evidence  that  they  belong  to  the  dif- 
ferent ages  in  which  they  indicate  that  they  were  written.  A 
number  of  explanatory  phrases  and  words  occur  in  some  of 
the  most  ancient  books,  which  were  expedient  to  enable  readers 
in  the  later  ages  of  the  Jews  to  understand  the  record ;  and 
these  Ezra  was  most  likely  to  add,  from  the  strong  desire 
which  it  is  manifest  he  felt  to  put  his  people  in  possession  of 
Divine  knowledge.  Thus,  for  example,  to  the  ancient  Laish 
is  given  its  later  known  name  Dan,  Gen.  xiv.  14  ;  and  de- 
scriptive narrations  often  conclude  with  the  phrase,  "unto 
this  day."  Interpolations  of  a  similar  nature  frequently  occur 
as  in  Gen.  xxxvi.  31,  Deut.  iii.  11,  Prov.  xxv.  I. 

With  the  exception  of  a  few  names  in  the  genealogical  lists, 
the  probability  is  strong  that  during  Nehemiah's  ministration, 
before  the  death  of  inspired  men,  the  canon  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment was  perfected  by  Ezra,  who  is  said  to  have  lived  to  the 
age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  years.  He  divided  it,  tradi- 
tion says,  into  three  parts  ;  the  Law,  the  Prophets,  and  the 
Hagiographa  or  holy  writings.  To  this  division  our  Lord  is 
believed  to  allude  in  Luke  xxiv.  44,  and  it  is  noticed  and  ex- 
plained by  Josephus  ;  for  in  his  first  book  against  Apion,  he 
remarks,  "  We  have  only  two  and  twenty  books  which  are  to 
be  believed  as  of  divine  authority,  of  which  five  are  the  books 
of  Moses.  From  the  death  of  Moses  to  the  reign  of  Arta- 
xerxes,  king  of  Persia,  the  prophets,  who  were  the  successors 
of  Moses,  have  written  in  1 3  books.  The  remaining  four 
books  contain  hymns  to  God,  and  documents  of  life  for  the 
use  of  men."  In  which  division,  according  to  him,  the  law 
contains,  I  Genesis,  2  Exodus,  3  Leviticus,  4  Numbers, 
5  Deuteronomy:  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  1  Joshua, 
2  Judges  and  Ruth,  3  Samuel,  4  Kings,  5  Isaiah,  6  Jeremiah, 
with  his  Lamentations,  7  Ezekiel,  8  Daniel,  9  the  twelve 


#= 


REIGN   OP    AB.TAXERXES    LONGIMANUS.  63 

minor  prophets,  10  Job,  11  Ezra,  12  Nehemiah,  13  Esther: 
and  the  Hagiographa,  1  the  Psalms,  2  the  Proverbs,  3  Eccle- 
siastes,  4  the  Songs  of  Solomon  ;  which  altogether  make  22 
books.  "  This  division,"  Prideaux  observes,  "  was  made  for 
the  sake  of  reducing  the  books  to  the  number  of  their  alphabet, 
in  which  are  22  letters.  But  at  present  they  reckon  these 
books  to  be  24,  and  dispose  of  them  in  this  order,  1st,  the  law, 
which  contains,  1  Genesis,  2  Exodus,  3  Leviticus,  4  Numbers, 
5  Deuteronomy  ;  2ndly,  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  which 
they  divide  into  the  former  prophets  and  the  latter  prophets  ; 
the  books  of  the  former  prophets  are,  6  Joshua,  7  Judges, 
8  Samuel,  9  Kings  ;  and  the  books  of  the  latter  prophets  are, 
10  Isaiah,  11  Jeremiah,  12  Ezekiel,  and  13  the  twelve  minor 
prophets  ;  3rdly,  the  Hagiographa,  which  are,  14  the  Psahns, 
15  the  Proverbs,  16  Job,  17  the  Song  of  Solomon,  which  they 
call  the  Song  of  Songs,  18  Ruth,  19  the  Lamentations,  20 
Ecclesiastes,  2 1  Esther,  22  Daniel,  23  Ezra,  and  24  the  Chron- 
icles. Under  the  name  of  Ezra,  they  comprehend  the  book 
of  Nehemiah,  for  the  Hebrews,  and  also  the  Greeks,  anciently 
reckoned  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  but  as  one  book.  But  this 
order  hath  not  been  always  observed  among  the  Jews,  neither 
IS  it  so  now  in  all  places  ;  for  there  hath  been  great  variety  as 
to  this,  and  that  not  only  among  the  Jews,  but  also  among  the 
Christians,  as  well  Greeks  as  Latins.  But  no  variation  herein 
is  of  any  moment ;  for  in  what  order  soever  the  books  are 
placed,  they  are  still  the  word  of  God,  and  no  change  as  to 
this  can  make  any  change  in  that  divine  authority  which  is 
stamped  upon  them."  The  same  intelligent  writer  adds,  that 
"  The  five  books  of  the  law  are  divided  into  54  sections.  This 
division  many  of  the  Jews  hold  to  be  one  of  the  constitutions 
of  Moses  from  Mount  Sinai ;  but  others,  with  more  likelihood 
of  truth,  attribute  it  to  Ezra.  It  was  made  for  the  use  of  their 
synagogues,  and  the  better  instructing  of  the  people  there  in 
law  of  God ;  for  every  sabbath  day  one  of  these  sections  was 
read  in  their  synagogues ;  and  this,  we  are  assured  in  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles,  was  done  amongst  them  of  old  time, 
which  may  well  be  interpreted  from  the  time  of  Ezra.  They 
ended  the  last  section  with  the  last  words  of  Deuteronomy  on 
the  sabbath  of  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  and  then  begun  anew 
with  the  first  section,  from  the  beginning  of  Genesis,  the  next 
sabbath  after,  and  so  went  round  in  this  circle  every  year. 
The  number  of  these  sections  was  54,  because,  in  their  inter- 
calated years  (a  month  being  then  added)  there  were  54  sab- 
baths.    On  other  years  they  reduced  them  to  the  number  of 


m 


64  ^'*   STATE   OF    THE    JEWS   IN    THE 

the  sabbaths  which  were  in  those  years,  by  joining  two  short 
ones  several  times  into  one ;  for  they  held  themselves  obliged 
to  have  the  whole  law  thus  read  over  in  their  synagogues 
every  year.  Till  the  time  of  the  persecution  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  they  read  only  the  law  ;  but  then  being  forbid  to 
read  it  any  more,  in  the  room  of  the  54  sections  of  the  law, 
they  substituted  54  sections  out  of  the  prophets,  the  reading 
of  which  they  ever  after  continued.  So  that,  when  the  read- 
ing of  the  law  was  again  restored  by  the  Maccabees,  the  sec- 
tion which  was  read  every  sabbath  outof  the  law  served  for 
their  first  lesson,  and  the  section  out  of  the  prophets  for  their 
second  lesson,  and  so  it  was  practised  in  the  time  of  the  Apos- 
tles. And  therefore,  when  Paul  entered  into  the  synagogue 
at  Antioch  in  Pisidia,  it  is  said  that  'he  stood  up  to  preach, 
after  the  reading  of  the  law  and  the  prophets  ;'  that  is,  after 
the  reading  of  the  first  lesson  out  of  the  law,  and  the  second 
lesson  out  of  the  prophets.  And  in  that  very  sermon  which 
he  then  preached,  he  tells  them,  '  that  the  prophets  were  read 
at  Jerusalem  every  sabbath-day,'  that  is,  in  those  lessons  which 
were  taken  out  of  the  prophets.  These  sections  were  divided 
into  verses,  which  the  Jev^^s  call  pesukim.  They  are  marked 
out  in  the  Hebrew  bibles  by  two  great  points  at  the  end  of 
them,  called  from  hence  soph-pasuk,  i.e.  the  end  of  the  verse. 
If  Ezra  himself  was  not  the  author  of  this  division  (as  most 
say,)  it  was  not  long  after  him  that  it  was  introduced ;  for  cer- 
tainly it  is  very  ancient.  It  is  most  likely  it  was  invented  for 
the  sake  of  the  Targumists  or  Chaldee  interpreters.  For, 
after  the  Hebrew  language  had  ceased  to  be  the  mother  tongue 
of  the  Jews,  and  the  Chaldee  grew  up  into  use  amongst  them 
instead  of  it,  (as  was  the  case  after  their  return  from  the.  Baby- 
lonish captivity,)  their  usage  was,  that,  in  the  public  reading 
of  the  law  to  the  people,  it  was  read  to  them,  first  in  the  original 
Hebrew,  and  after  that  rendered  by  an  interpreter  into  the 
Chaldee  language,  that  so  all  might  fully  understand  the 
same.  And  this  was  done  period  by  period ;  and  therefore, 
that  these  periods  might  be  the  better  distinguished,  and  th*e 
reader  more  certainly  know  how  much  to  read  at  every  in- 
terval, and  the  interpreter  how  much  to  interpret  at  every  in- 
terval, there  was  a  necessity  that  some  marks  should  be  in- 
vented for  their  direction  herein.  The  rule  given  in  their 
ancient  books  is,  that  in  the  law  the  reader  was  to  read  one 
verse,  and  then  the  interpreter  was  to  render  the  same  into 
the  Chaldee  ;  but  that  in  the  prophets  the  reader  was  to  read 
hree  verses  together,  and  then  the  interpreter  to  render  the 


-m 


®= 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES    LONGIMANTJS.  "  65 

same  three  verses  into  Chaldee  in  the  same  manner  ;  which 
manifestly  proves  that  the  division  of  the  Scriptures  into  verses 
must  be  as  ancient  as  the  way  of  interpreting  them  into  the 
Chaldee  language  in  their  synagogues  ;  which  was  from  the 
very  time  that  synagogues  were  erected,  and  the  scriptures 
publicly  read  in  them  after  the  Babylonish  captivity." 

The  division  into  verses  was  common  to  the  Greeks  and 
Romans,  and  it  may  have  been  adopted  from  them  by  the 
Jews  after  the  times  of  Ezra.  The  present  division  of  the 
Psalms  is  obviously  of  ancient  date ;  for  the  Apostles  observe 
it,  as  in  Acts  xiii.  13.  But  the  dividing  of  the  Scriptures  into 
chapters  is  a  modern  invention,  ascrib^  to  Cardinal  Hugo  de 
Sancto  Caro,  who  died  about  1262.  He  wrote  a  commentary 
on  the  whole  Scriptures,  and  the  first  concordance  of  them 
adapted  for  the  Vulgate. 

Prideaux  adduces  strong  reasons  in  support  of  the  opinion 
that  the  whole  Scriptures  were  transcribed  by  Ezra  in  the 
Chaldee  character ;  "  for  that  having  now  grown  wholly  into 
use  among  the  people  after  the  Babylonish  captivity,  he 
changed  the  old  Hebrew  character  for  it,  which  hath  since 
that  time  been  retained  only  by  the  Samaritans,  among 
whom  it  is  preserved  even  to  this  day.  This  was  the  old 
Phenician  character,  from  which  the  Greeks  borrowed  theirs. 
And  the  old  Ionian  alphabet  bears  some  similitude  to  it,  as 
Scaliger  shows  in  his  notes  upon  Eusebius's  Chronicon. 
In  this  Moses  and  the  prophets  recorded  the  sacred  oracles  of 
God,  and  in  this  the  finger  of  God  himself  wrote  the  ten  com- 
mandments in  the  two  tables  of  stone.  There  are  some,  I 
acknowledge,  who  strenuously  contend  for  the  antiquity  of  the 
present  Hebrew  letters,  as  if  they,  and  none  other,  had  always 
been  the  sacred  character  in  which  the  holy  scriptures  were 
written  ;  and  the  Samaritan  was  never  in  use  for  tnis  purpose 
but  only  among  the  Samaritans,  who,  in  opposition  (say  they) 
to  the  Jews,  on  the  rise  of  that  enmity  which  was  between 
them,  wrote  out  the  law  of  Moses  (which  is  the  only  scripture 
they  receive)  in  this  character  different  from  them.  Were 
we  to  judge  of  sacred  things  by  their  external  beauty,  we 
should  concur  with  this  opinion,  for  the  Chaldee  character  is 
one  of  the  beautifulest,  and  the  Samaritan  the  uncouthest,  and 
the  most  incapable  of  caligraphy  of  all  that  have  been  used 
among  the  different  nations  of  the  world.  But  the  opinion 
of  the  most  learned  men,  and  upon  good  grounds,  is  on  the 
other  side ;  for  there  are  many  old  Jewish  shekels  still  in 
being,  and  others  of  the  same  sort  are  frequently  dug  up  in 

6* 


m- 


66  STATE    or    THE    JEWS   IN   THE 

Judea,  with  this  inscription  on  them  in  Samaritan  letters, 
Jerusalem  Kedosha,  i.  e.  Jerusalem  the  holy ;  which  inscrip- 
tion shows  that  they  could  not  be  the  coin  either  of  the  Israel- 
ites of  the  Ten  Tribes,  or  of  the  Samaritans  who  afterwards 
succeeded  them  in  their  land  ;  for  neither  of  them  would  have 
put  the  name  of  Jerusalem  upon  their  coin,  or  ever  have  called 
It  the  holy  city.  These  pieces  therefore  must' have  been  the 
coin  of  those  of  the  two  tribes  before  the  captivity ;  and  this 
proves  the  Samaritan  character  to  be  that  which  was  then  in 
use  among  them.  And  it  cannot  be  said  that  these  shekels 
are  counterfeited  by  modern  hands,  for  Rabbi  Moses  Ben 
Nachman  tells  us  of  several  which  he  met  with  in  his  time 
which  had  this  inscription  upon  them  in  Samaritan  letters, 
who  lived  above  500  years  since.  And  therefore  it  must  fol- 
low that  the  present  Hebrew  character  was  introduced  among 
the  Jews  after  the  Babylonish  captivity ;  and  the  general  tes- 
timony of  the  ancients  is,  that  it  was  Ezra  that  did  first  put 
the  holy  scriptures  into  it,  on  the  review  which  he  made  of 
them  on  his  coming  to  Jerusalem.  Eusebius,  in  his  Chroni- 
con,  tells  us  so,  and  St.  Jerome  doth  the  same,  and  so  do  also 
both  the  Talmuds ;  and  the  generality  of  learned  men,  as 
well  among  the  Jews  as  Christians,  hold  to  this  opinion. 
Capellus  hath  written  a  tract  for  it,  and  Buxtorf,  the  son,  ano- 
ther against  it ;  they  who  shall  think  fit  to  read  them  will  see 
all  that  can  be  said  on  either  side :  but  I  think  the  argument 
which  is  brought  from  the  shekels  cannot  be  answered." 

To  Ezra  was  also  ascribed  the  introduction  of  the  Hebrew 
points ;  but  the  learned  generally  regard  them  as  the  work 
of  comparatively  modern  Jews ;  and  that  they  are  of  no  other 
use  than  to  intimate  the  sense  in  which  the  original  authors 
understood  the  Sacred  Writings.  It  is  remarkable  that  the 
Pentateuch  used  by  the  Jews  has  always  been  without  points, 
which  certainly  is  enough  to  excite  strong  suspicion  that  they 
were  unknown  to  the  great  reformers  of  the  Jewish  nation. 

These  eminent  men,  one  of  the  most  prominent  charac- 
teristics of  whom  was  burning  zeal  for  the  law  of  Jehovah, 
doubtless  made  provision  for  the  diffusing  of  the  knowledge 
of  that  law.  And  nothing  was  more  essential  to  this  than  the 
multiplying  of  copies  of  it,  that  it  might  find  its  place  in  every 
family.  A  class  of  priests  appear  to  have  always  existed  in 
the  nation.  These  were  denominated  Scribes,  and  must  have 
been  numerous  almost  at  all  times ;  for  various  duties  were 
imposed  on  them.  Some  of  them  were  secretaries  to  the 
kings  and  great  men,  and  others  were  employed  in  the  forma- 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXE8    L0NGIMANTJ8.  67 

tion  and  care  of  the  genealogies  of  the  families,  and  the 
enumeration  of  all  the  men  above  twenty,  and  under  sixty 
years  old,  who  were  liable  to  be  called  to  serve  in  the  army. 
Others,  besides  being  appointed  to  guard  the  purity,  and  sup- 
ply copies  of  the  sacred  writings,  were  expected  to  explain 
their  meaning  to  the  people.  The  Scribes  are  often  men- 
tioned from  the  times  of  the  Judges  to  the  last  age  of  the  Jews. 
Among  those  of  them  wholly  devoted  to  religious  affairs  in 
the  time  of  the  re-estabhshment  of  the  nation,  Ezra  was  evi- 
dently the  most  esteemed  and  honoured.  This  class  greatly 
increased  in  his  day,  or  soon  after,  under  the  name  of  Maso- 
rites.  This  name,  most  probably,  belongs  to  a  future  age ; 
for  it  is  derived  from  Masorah,  which  signifies  "  tradition ;" 
and  indicates  that  those  to  whom  it  was  appropriated,  were 
the  zealous  advocates,  and  defenders  of  the  traditionary  reh- 
gious  opinions  of  the  fathers.  In  this  trait  of  character,  they 
had  no  resemblance  to  Ezra  and  his  companions ;  for  in  the 
record  of  their  principles  or  practices  we  have  the  clearest 
proof  that  they  were,  in  religion,  exclusively  guided  by  the 
revelations  written  by  Moses  and  the  prophets.  In  opposition, 
however,  to  this  undoubted  fact,  the  Masorites  pretended  to 
believe,  and  strenuously  maintained,  that  Ezra  not  only  had 
restored  the  law  of  Moses,  which  they  said  had  been  lost  dur- 
ing the  captivity,  but  that  he  had  also  restored  the  true  inter- 
pretations of  the  law.  And  that  these  might  be  implicitly 
received  by  all,  they  insisted  that  God  had  delivered  them  to 
Moses,  at  the  same  time  that  the  law  itself  was  communicated 
to  him  in  Mount  Sinai.  These  interpretations,  conveyed,  as 
their  authors  said,  down  from  generation  to  generation,  con- 
stitute the  traditions,  which  for  many  ages,  have  been  more 
reverenced  by  the  Jews  than  the  inspired  writings. 

The  Jewisn  traditions  were,  perhaps,  comparatively  few  at 
first ;  but  they  were  so  exceedingly  augmented  in  successive 
ages,  that  the  teachers  called  in  the  New  Testament  scribes, 
lawyers,  rabbis,  masters  or  doctors,  judged  it  expedient  about 
A,  D.  105,  to  collect  them  in-  a  work,  named  the  Mishna,  or 
Oral  Law.  On  this  work  was  written  many  commentaries  ; 
the  principal  of  which  are  known  under  the  name  Talmuds, 
or  Gemera,  which  denotes  perfection.  There  are  two  Tal- 
muds ;  one  written  in  Judea,  about  a.  d.  300,  and  the  other 
in  Babylon,  a.  d,  500.  Than  these  no  work  contains  more 
striking  evidence  of  the  delusion  and  pride  of  human  intel- 
lect. Having  renounced  belief  in  the  pure  doctrines  and  pre- 
cepts of  the  Sacred  Scripture,  the  authors  and  their  mentally 


i 


68  STATE   OF   THE   JEWS    IN    THE 

blinded  disciples,  regard  as  Divine  truth  the  most  absurd  and 
incredible  opinions ;  a  curious  review  of  which  may  be  seen 
in  "  The  Traditions  of  the  Jews,"  published  in  1742,  by 
J.  Peter  Slehelin,  London.  Nothing  has  assuredly  more 
concealed  from  mankind,  the  excellence  of  the  true  religion, 
or  alienated  their  minds  from  its  Divine  Author  and  Object, 
than  the  demand  on  his  worshippers  to  believe  doctrines,  and 
sacredly  to  observe  ceremonies,  merely  sanctioned  by  human 
authority  or  antiquity.  And  nothing  has  been  a  more  pro- 
ductive cause  of  the  divisions  and  animosities,  strifes,  conten- 
tions, revilings  and  murders,  which  have  disgraced  and  ruined 
the  communities  who  have  avowed  themselves  the  wor- 
shippers of  the  True  God,  the  God  of  love,  of  order,  of  holi- 
ness, and  of  peace. 

An  instructive  illustration  of  this  is  afforded  by  the  Phari- 
sees, the  first  known  and  the  most  influential  recognized  sect 
of  the  Jews.  Enough  is  recorded  of  them  to  show  that  they 
took  their  rise  among  the  Masorites,  whom  they,  perhaps, 
rivalled,  and  at  length  far  exceeded,  in  their  zeal  for  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  elders.  The  appellation  was  apparently  limited 
to  a  class  of  religious  teachers,  whose  disciples  embraced, 
almost  all  who  pretended  to  fervent  devotion ;  see  the  article 
Pharisees  in  the  Biblical  Pocket  Dictionary.  Many  have 
supposed  that  they  originated  in  the  introduction  of  the  philo- 
sophy of  the  Stoicks,  because  they  admitted  with  that  philo- 
sophical sect,  that  all  things  were  decreed  by  God.  This 
doctrine,  which  is  often  called  fate,  if  correctly  understood, 
was  common  among  the  Jews  in  all  ages.  The  most  pious 
acknowledged  God  in  all  things ;  and  while  they  repudiated 
the  idea  that  God  was  the  author  of  any  moral  evil,  directly 
or  indirectly,  they  firmly  believed  that  every  being  owed  its 
existence,  capacities,  and  continuance  to  Him,  and  that  he 
permitted  nothing  to  be  thought  or  done,  but  what  he  would 
render  subservient  to  accomplish  his  purposes.  Thus  they 
viewed  all  things  of  God;  he  was  not  only  the  universal 
Creator,  but  also  the  superintender  of  all  his  works,  perform- 
ing in  heaven  and  earth,  and  ihe  invisible  state,  whatsoever 
he  pleased.  Nor  were  any  of  the  other  doctrines  peculiar  to 
the  Pharisees  borrowed  from  learned  pagans.  They  were 
the  truths  of  revelation,  either  disguised  or  perverted.  Thus 
they  taught  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  the  resurrection 
and  eternal  duration  of  the  transformed  body ;  the  future  re- 
wards of  the  righteous,  and  future  eternal  punishment  of  the 
wicked ;  and  that  good  and  bad  angels  existed ;  the  former 


I 


REIGN  OF  ARTAXERXES  LONGDCANU&  69 

ministering  for  God  on  earth,  and  the  latter  under  their  chief, 
Satan  or  Beelzebub,  deceiving  or  inflicting  evil  on  man  in  the 
present  world.  It  seems  also,  probable,  that  they  believed  in- 
the  transmigration  of  souls,  at  least  to  the  extent  of  their  pass- 
ing from  one  human  body  into  another.  This  opinion  was, 
however,  much  more  ancient  than  the  Grecian  or  Roman 
philosophers ;  it  was  prevalent  among  the  ancient  Egyptians 
and  Asiatics. 

No  doctrine  was  more  dear  to  the  Pharisees,  or  had  more 
influence  on  their  life,  than  that  God  had  pledged  himself  to 
CMicept,  protect,  bless  with  special  favour  in  this  life,  and  eter- 
nally exah  the  Jews,  on  account  of  Abraham's  excellence,  if 
they  carefully  observed  the  law  and  the  traditions.  They  be- 
lieved that  he  hated  every  other  people,  and  purposed  to  re- 
duce them  to  a  state  of  slavery  under  them,  when  Messiah 
appeared  and  ascended  the  throne  of  David  his  father.  They 
extended  ceremonial  washing  far  beyond  the  laws  of  Moses, 
and  declared  the  neglect  of  the  most  unmeaning  of  them,  such 
as  the  washing  of  hands  before  meals,  a  crime  equally  great 
as  fornication,  and  worthy  of  death.  They  refused  to  eat  with 
Gentiles  or  any  who  adhered  not  to  the  traditions.  They  as- 
sumed the  appearance  of  extreme  gravity  and  devotion,  mak- 
ing broad  their  phylacteries,  fasting  twice  a  week,  praying 
frequently  in  public  places,  and  ostentatiously  supplying  the 
wants  of  the  poor.  * 

A  few  of  them  were  distinguished  by  integrity,  steadfastly 
obeying  the  laws  of  justice,  truth,  and  purity  ;  according  to 
the  letter  of  the  law,  as  interpreted  by  the  traditions,  they  were 
"  blameless."  But  the  leaders  of  the  sect  were  generally  desti- 
tute of  moral  principle,  and  unmoved  by  the  dictates  of  con- 
science. Their  ambition,  thirst  for  applause,  covetousness, 
and  sensual  habits  and  pursuits,  were  unbounded,  except  by 
whatever  was  necessary  to  prevent  the  multitude  from  detect- 
ing their  real  character ;  for  they  omitted  nothing  that  was 
calculated  to  induce  all  ranks  to  venerate  them  for  piety  and 
zeal  towards  God,  and  to  confide  in  them  as  the  only  safe 
guides  in  religion  and  the  affairs  of  life.  To  augment  their 
authority  and  power,  they  laboured  and  travelled  to  dissemi- 
nate their  opinions,  they  compassed  sea  and  land  to  make 
proselytes  who,  might  be  prepared  to  execute  any  scheme, 
however  immoral  or  atrocious,  which  they  conceived  would 
advance  their  worldly  interests  or  gratify  their  malignant  and 
licentious  desires  and  appetites.  They  indeed  claimed  to  be 
the  legitimate  successors  of  the  holy  prophets ;  their  fathers 


Iff  STATE  OF   THE  JEWS,   ETC. 

had  killed  them,  but  their  monuments  they  carefully  preserved 
and  profusely  ornamented. 

Nothing  satisfied  these  rabbins  short  of  completely  enslaving 
the  minds  of  the  multitude.  To  effect  this  they  undermined 
the  authority  of  the  Scriptures,  and  exalted  their  own  as  that 
alone  which  was  infallible.  Thus,  like  the  corrupt  Christian 
teachers  of  later  centuries  they  maintained  that  the  written 
law  could  not  be  understood  without  the  Mishna,  or  traditions 
of  the  church  The  spirit  of  the  pharisees  pervades  the  Tal- 
muds  and  their  expositors.  The  oral  and  written  laws,  re- 
marks a  rabbi,  "  depended  on  each  other  like  two  twins  of  a 
roe.  And  to  him  who  separateth  the  one  from  the  other,  are 
directed  the  words,  '  A  whisperer  separateth  chief  friends.' 
He  is  as  one  that  hath  no  God."  Others  thus  write :  "  To 
study  the  Scriptures  is  neither  virtue  nor  vice.  It  is  something 
of  a  virtue  to  study  the  Mishna ;  but  the  greatest  of  all  virtues 
is  the  study  of  the  Gemara.  The  Scripture  is  like  water ; 
the  Mishna  like  wine ;  and  the  Gemara  spiced  wine.  The 
words  of  the  scribes  are  more  delightful  than  those  of  the 
prophets.  You  must  believe  the  judge,  should  he  say  that  thy 
right  hand  is  the  left,  or  the  left  the  right.  He  who  murmurs 
against  his  rabbi,  doth  as  much  as  he  who  murmurs  against 
God.  He  who  transgresses  the  precepts  of  one  learned  in  the 
law  is  worthy  of  death.  It  is  duty  to  respect  the  disciples  of 
the  wise,  but  much  more  their  instructions.  The  fear  due  to 
the  rabbins  is  equal  with  the  fear  of  God.  It  is  proper  for 
every  man  to  honour  his  father,  but  much  more  his  teacher  • 
for  the  former  is  merely  the  instrument  of  bringing  him  into 
this  life,  while  the  latter  guides  him  to  the  life  hereafter,  which 
is  eternal.  He  who  teaches  a  Talmud  ordinance  in  the  pres- 
ence of  his  instructor,  is  guilty  unto  death.  Every  one  who 
partakes  of  a  feast  where  a  wise  man  is  present,  doth  as  much 
as  if  he  shared  in  the  presence  of  the  Divine  glory.  To  re- 
ceive the  disciple  of  a  rabbi  into  one's  house,  is  a  service  equal 
to  offering  daily  sacrifice ;  and  to  do  him  any  service,  or  suf- 
fer him  to  enjoy  and  use  your  goods,  is,  as  it  were,  to  be 
linked  to  the  Divine  glory." 


CHAPTER   IV 


STATE  OF  THE  PAGAN  WORLD  IN  THE  REIGN  OP 
ARTAXERXES  LONGIMANUS. 


Cyrus  stands  in  the  system  of  prophecy  on  a  loftier  eminence 
than  any  other  king,  if  we  except  good  Josiah,  king  of  Judah  : 
the  name  of  each  was  announced  hundreds  of  years  before  his 
birth,  by  Him  to  whom  all  things  are  ever  present.  And  it 
is  worthy  of  notice,  that  the  principal  work  performed  by  each 
is  described  by  the  prophetic  Spirit  with  a  particularity  which 
occurs  very  frequently  in  Divine  predictions,  1  Kings  xxii.  2 ; 
Isa.  xliv.  27,  28 ;  xlv.  1 — 3.  Whether  we  can  perceive  it  or 
not,  doubtless  these  kings  discovered,  in  character  or  conduct, 
some  peculiar  excellence,  to  show  the  Divine  propriety  of  the 
exclusive  honour  conferred  on  them.  No  king  of  the  chosen 
people  exhibited  a  life  as  blameless,  or  a  reformation  as  per- 
fect, as  did  Josiah.  We  can  speak  with  less  certainty  of  the 
character  and  deeds  of  Cyrus.  But  in  two  things,  and  these 
the  most  interesting  to  the  true  religion,  he  surpassed  all  the 
former  kin^s  who  reigned  over  the  Pagan  world.  He  was 
the  first,  and  perhaps  the  last,  who,  without  any  apparent  ser- 
vice received  from  the  race  of  Jacob,  bestowed  on  them  the 
greatest  and  most  valuable  favours,  which  sovereign,  ample, 
and  uncontrolled  power,  and  overflowing  wealth,  can  com- 
mand. He  generously  and  spontaneously  liberated  them  from 
slavery, — restored  them  to  their  land, — and,  from  his  treasures 
of  state,  for  which,  as  a  despotic  monarch,  he  was  responsible 
to  no  man,  he  supplied  them  with  means  to  rebuild  their  city 
and  re-establish  their  religion.  But  his  exaltation  had,  we 
conceive,  a  still  more  extensive  influence  on  the  true  religion  ; 
for  he  was  the  first  of  a  succession  of  Pagan  sovereigns  who 
exposed  idol-worship  and  idols  to  the  scorn  and  derision  of 
the  human  race. 

Cyrus  appears  to  have  been  the  first  conqueror  who  laid 
the  basis  of  that  political  connexion  between  Asia  and  Europe, 


# 


# 


72         8TATE  OF  THE  PAGAN  WORLD  IN  THE 

which  eventually  produced,  or  was  followed  hy,  exceedingly 
great  and  permanent  changes  in  the  principles  and  conduct 
of  mankind.  The  only  Europeans  probably  known  to  the 
Asiatics  were  Greeks ;  and  for  them  they  do  not  seem  to  have 
entertained  much  respect.  They,  however,  soon  learned  to 
admire  and  fear  them.  The  Grecian  race  had  been  for  a 
number  of  ages  rising  in  rank  among  the  nations.  Colonies 
from  Egypt  had  early  brought  into  Greece  the  learning,  arts, 
and  religion  of  their  native  country ;  and  several  of  the  most 
talented  Greeks,  by  persevering  investigation  of  the  state  of 
knowledge  in  Egypt,  and  other  countries  which  they  visited, 
enriched  their  minds  ;  and,  on  returning  to  their  own  country, 
successfully  laboured  to  advance  its  civilization.  Even  be- 
fore the  age  of  Cyrus,  the  Grecian  race  had  filled  Greece 
Proper,  and  established  large  and  prosperous  colonies  along 
the  coast  of  the  JEgea-n  sea  in  Asia  Minor,  and  towards  Thrace, 
on  the  Italian  coast,  south-east  from  Rome,  and  in  Sicily.  The 
principal  kingdom  in  Western  Asia  at  this  period  appears  to 
have  been  Lydia,  whose  capital  was  the  magnificent  Sardis, 
situated  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Timolus,  in  Asia  Minor.  Its 
reigning  sovereign,  Croesus,  celebrated  for  his  immense  wealth, 
had  formed  an  alliance  with  Babylon,  whose  king,  Nabona- 
dius,  or  Labynatus,  instead  of  defending  his  throne  against 
Cyrus,  fled  to  Sardis,  and  persuaded  Croesus  to  raise  a  vast 
army  to  subdue  the  Persians.  He  collected  at  Thymbra,  a 
city  not  far  from  Sardis,  more  than  four  hundred  thousand 
men,  consisting  of  Egyptians,  Thracians,  Greeks,  and  natives 
of  all  the  nations  of  Asia  Minor,  who  were  his  allies.  Cyrus 
quickly  led  his  army  to  Thymbra,  obtained  a  complete  victory, 
and  Croesus  was  among  the  captives ;  but  he  was  liberated  by 
the  generous  conqueror,  on  condition  of  becoming  a  tributary 
king  to  Persia.  From  this  time  many  Greeks  served  in  the 
Persian  armies,  and  were  acknowledged  to  excel  in  war  all 
their  companions  in  arms.  "  Cyrus,  after  the  conquest  of 
Lydia,  continued  in  Lesser  Asia  till  he  had  subdued  the 
several  nations  inhabiting  that  great  continent,  from  the 
^gean  sea  to  the  Euphrates.  From  thence  he  marched  into 
Syria  and  Arabia,  and  having  reduced  those  nations  likewise 
into  subjection,  he  again  entered  Assyria,  and  marched  towards 
Babylon,  the  only  city  in  the  East  that  now  held  out  against 
him ;  the  king  Labynatus,  having  blocked  himself  up  in  the 
capital.  Cyrus,  however,  by  perseverance,  after  a  vigorous 
siege  of  two  years,  surmounted  all  difficulties,  and  became 
master  of  the  kingdom,  b.  c.  538.     The  taking  of  Babylon 


=s 


=# 


REIGN   OF   ARTAXERXES   LONGIMANTTS.  73 

put  an  end  to  the  Babylonian  empire,  and  fulfilled  the  predic- 
tions which  the  prophets  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Daniel,  had 
uttered  against  that  proud  metropolis."  The  siege  and  cap- 
ture of  this  great  city  are  thus  described  by  Keith. — "  Baby- 
lon had  been  the  hammer  of  the  whole  earth,  by  which  na- 
tions were  broken  in  pieces,  and  kingdoms  destroyed.  Its 
mighty  men  carried  the  terror  of  their  arms  to  distant  regions, 
and  led  nations  captive.  But  they  were  'dismayed,'  accord- 
ing to  the  word  of  the  God  of  Israel,  whenever  the  nations 
which  he  had  stirred  up  against  them  stood  in  array  before 
their  walls.  Their  timidity,  so  clearly  predicted,  was  the  ex- 
press complaint  and  accusation  of  their  enemies,  who  in  vain 
attempted  to  provoke  them  to  the  contest.  Cyrus  challenged 
their  monarch  to  single  combat,  but  in  vain  ;  for  '  the  hands 
of  the  king  of  Babylon  waxed  feeble.'  Courage  had  departed 
from  both  prince  and  people;  and  none  attempted  to  save 
their  country  from  spoliation,  or  to  chase  the  assailants  from 
their  gates.  They  sallied  not  forth  against  the  invaders  and 
besiegers,  nor  did  they  attempt  to  disjoin  and  disperse  them, 
even  when  drawn  all  around  their  walls,  and  comparatively 
weak  along  the  extended  line.  Every  gate  was  still  shut; 
and  '  they  remained  in  their  holds.'  Being  as  unable  to  rouse 
their  courage,  even  by  a  close  blockade,  and  to  bring  them  to 
the  field,  as  to  scale  or  break  down  any  portion  of  their 
stupendous  walls,  or  to  force  their  gates  of  solid  brass,  Cyrus 
reasoned  that  the  greater  that  was  their  number,  the  more 
easily  would  they  be  starved  into  surrender,  and  yield  to 
famine,  since  they  would  not  contend  with  arms  nor  come 
forth  to  fight.  And  hence  arose,  for  the  space  of  two  years, 
his  only  hope  of  eventual  success.  So  dispirited  became  its 
people,  that  Babylon,  which  had  made  the  world  as  a  wilder- 
ness, was  long  unresistingly  a  beleaguered  town.  But,  pos- 
sessed of  many  fertile  fields,  and  provisions  for  twenty  years, 
which  in  their  timid  caution  they  had  plentifully  stored,  they 
derided  Cyrus  from  their  impregnable  walls,  within  which 
they  remained.  Their  profligacy,  their  wickedness,  and  false 
confidence  were  unabated ;  they  continued  to  live  carelessly 
in  pleasures,  but  their  might  did  not  return ;  and  Babylon  the 
great,  unlike  to  many  a  small  fortress  and  unwalled  town, 
made  not  one  effort  to  regain  its  freedom  or  to  be  rid  of  the 
foe.  Much  time  having  been  lost,  and  no  progress  having 
been  made  in  the  siege,  the  anxiety  of  Cyrus  was  strongly 
excited,  and  he  was  reduced  to  great  perplexity,  when  at  last 
it  was  suggested  and  inmiediately  determined  on,  to  turn  the 

VOL.    L  7 


#. 


f4  STATE   OP   THE   PAGAN   WORLD   IN   THE 

course  of  the  Euphrates,  But  the  task  was  not  an  easy  one. 
The  river  was  a  quarter  of  a  mile  broad,  and  twelve  feet  deep ; 
and  in  the  opinion  of  one  of  the  counsellors  of  Cyrus,  the  city 
was  stronger  by  the  river  than  by  its  walls.  Diligent  and 
kborious  preparation  was  made  for  the  execution  ot  the 
scheme,  yet  so  as  to  deceive  the  Babylonians.  And  the  great 
trench,  ostensibly  formed  for  the  purpose  of  blockade,  which 
for  the  time  it  effectually  secured,  was  dug  around  the  walls 
on  every  side,  in  order  to  drain  the  Euphrates,  and  to  leave 
its  channel  a  straight  passage  into  the  city,  through  the  midst 
of  which  it  flowed.  But,  in  the  words  of  Herodotus, '  If  the 
besieged  had  either  been  aware  of  the  designs  of  Cyrus,  or  had 
discovered  the  project  before  its  actual  accomplishment,  they 
might  have  effected  the  total  destruction  of  their  troops.  They 
had  only  to  secure  the  little  gates  which  led  to  the  river,  and 
to  man  the  embankment  on  either  side,  and  they  might  have 
enclosed  the  Persians  as  in  a  net  from  which  they  could  never 
have  escaped.'  Guarding  as  much  as  possibly  they  could 
against  such  a  catastrophe,  Cyrus  purposely  chose,  for  the 
execution  of  his  plan,  the  time  of  a  great  annual  Babylonish 
festival,  during  which,  according  to  their  practice,  the  Baby- 
lonians drank  and  revelled  the  whole  night.  And  while  the 
unconscious  and  reckless  citizens  were  engaged  in  dancing 
and  merriment,  the  river  was  suddenly  turned  into  the  lake, 
the  trench,  and  the  canals ;  and  the  watchful  Persians,  both 
foot  and  hoise,  so  soon  as  the  subsiding  of  the  water  permitted, 
entered  by  its  channel,  and  were  followed  by  the  allies  in 
array,  on  the  dry  part  of  the  river.  '  I  will  dry  up  thy  sea, 
and  make  thy  springs  dry.  That  sayeth  to  the  deep  be  dry, 
I  will  dry  up  thy  rivers.'  One  detachment  was  placed  where 
the  river  first  enters  the  city,  and  another  where  it  leaves  it. 
And  '  one  post  did  run  to  meet  another,  and  one  messenger 
to  meet  another,  to  show  the  king  of  Babylon  that  his  city  is 
taken  at  the  end,  and  that  the  passages  are  shut.'  '  They 
were  taken,'  says  Herodotus,  '  by  surprise ;  and  such  is  the 
extent  of  the  city,  that,  as  the  inhabitants  themselves  affirm, 
they  who  lived  in  the  extremities  were  made  prisoners  before 
any  alarm  was  communicated  to  the  centre  of  the  place,'  where 
the  palace  stood.  Not  a  gate  of  the  city  wall  was  opened  ; 
not  a  brick  of  it  had  fallen.  But  a  '  snare  was  laid  for  Baby- 
lon— it  was  taken,  and  it  was  not  aware  ;  it  was  found  and 
also  caught,  for  it  had  sinned  against  the  Lord.  How  is  the 
praise  of  the  whole  earth  surprised  !  For  thou  hast  trusted 
in  thy  wickedness,  and  thy  wisdom,  and  thy  knowledge,  it 


4 


m 


1 


REIGN    OF   ARTAXE&XES    LONGIMANTJS.  73 

hath  perverted  thee,  therefore  shall  evil  come  upon  thee,  and 
thou  shalt  not  know  from  whence  it  riseth,  and  mischief  shall 
come  upon  thee,  and  thou  shalt  not  be  able  to  put  it  off,  &,c. — 
None  shall  save  thee.'  '  In  their  heat  I  will  make  their  feasts, 
and  I  will  make  them  drunken,  that  they  may  rejoice  and 
sleep  a  perpetual  sleep,  and  not  wake,  saith  the  Lord.  I  will 
bring  them  (fown  like  lambs  to  the  slaughter,  &c.  I  will 
make  drunken  her  princes  and  her  wise  men,  her  captains 
and  her  rulers,  and  her  mighty  men,  and  they  shall  sleep  a 
perpetual  sleep,'  &c.  Cyrus,  as  the  night  drew  on,  stimulated 
his  assembled  troops  to  enter  the  city,  because  in  that  night 
of  general  revel  within  the  walls,  many  of  them  were  asleep, 
many  drunk,  and  confusion  universally  prevailed.  On  pass- 
ing, without  obstruction  or  hinderance,  into  the  city,  the  Per- 
sians, slaying  some,  putting  others  to  flight,  and  joining  with 
the  revellers  as  if  slaughter  had  been  merriment,  hastened  by 
j^e  shortest  way  to  the  palace,  and  reached  it  ere  yet  a  mes- 
senger had  told  the  king  that  his  city  was  taken.  The  gates 
of  the  palace,  which  were  strongly  fortified,  were  shut.  The 
guards  stationed  before  them  were  drinking  beside  a  blazing 
light,  when  the  Persians  rushed  impetuously  upon  them.  The 
louder  and  altered  clamour,  no  longer  joyous,  caught  the  eai 
of  the  inmates  of  the  palace,  and  the  bright  light  showed  them 
the  work  of  destruction,  without  revealing  its  cause.  And 
not  aware  of  the  presence  of  an  enemy  in  the  midst  of  Baby- 
lon, the  king  himself,  (who,  as  every  Christian  knows,  had 
been  roused  from  his  revelry  by  the  hand-writing  on  the 
wall,)  excited  by  the  warlike  tumult  at  the  gates,  commanded 
those  within  to  examine  from  whence  it  arose ;  and  according 
to  the  same  word,  by  which  '  the  gates'  (leading  from  the 
river  to  the  city)  '  were  not  shut,  the  loins  of  kings  were  loosed 
to  open  before  Cyrus  the  two-leaved  gates.'  At  the  first  sight 
of  the  opened  gates  of  the  palace  of  Babylon,  the  eager  Per- 
sians sprang  in.  '  The  king  of  Babylon  heard  the  report  of 
them — anguish  took  hold  of  him,' — he  and  all  who  were 
about  him  perished :  God  had  numbered  his  kingdom  and 
finished  it :  it  was  divided  and  given  to  the  Medes  and  Per- 
sians: the  lives  of  the  Babylonian  princes,  and  lords,  and 
rulers,  and  captains,  closed  with  that  night's  festival :  the 
drunken  slept  a  perpetual  sleep,  and  did  not  wake.  '  Her 
young  men  shall  fall  in  the  streets^  and  all  her  men  of  war 
shall  be  cut  off  in  that  day.'  Cyrus  sent  troops  of  horse 
throughout  the  streets,  with  orders  to  slay  all  who  were  found 
there.     And  he  commanded  proclamation  to  be  made,  in  the 


®  "     # 


76  STATE   OF   THE   PAGAN    WORLD   IN   THE 

■  Syrian  language,  that  all  who  were  in  the  houses  should  re- 
main within  ;  and  that,  if  any  were  found  abroad,  he  should 
be  killed.  These  orders  were  obeyed.  '  They  shall  wander 
every  man  to  his  quarter.' — '  I  will  fill  thee  with  men  as  with 
caterpillars.'  Not  only  did  the  Persian  army  enter  with  case 
as  caterpillars,  together  with  all  the  nations  that  had  come  up 
against  Babylon,  but  they  seemed  also  as  numerous.  Cyrus, 
after  the  capture  of  the  city,  made  a  great  display  of  his  cavalry 
in  the  presence  of  the  Babylonians,  and  in  the  midst  of  Baby 
Ion.  Four  thousand  guards  stood  before  the  palace  gates, 
and  two  thousand  on  each  side.  These  advanced  as  Cyrus 
approached  ;  two  thousand  spearmen  followed  them.  These 
were  succeeded  by  four  square  masses  of  Persian  cavalry, 
each  consisting  of  ten  thousand  men  ;  and  to  these  again  were 
added,  in  their  order,  the  Median,  Armenian,  Hyrcanian, 
Caducian,  and  Sacian  horsemen, — 'all,'  as  before,  'riding 
upon  horses,  every  man  in  array,' — with  lines  of  chariot^^ 
four  abreast,  concluding  the  train  of  the  numerous  hosts. 
Cyrus  afterwards  reviewed,  at  Babylon,  the  whole  of  his 
army,  consisting  of  one  hundred  and  tj\'enty  thousand  horse, 
two  thousand  chariots,  and  six  hundred  thousand  foot.  Baby- 
lon, which  was  taken  when  not  aware,  and  within  whose 
walls  no  enemy,  except  a  captive,  had  been  ever  seen,  was 
also  '  filled  with  men  as  with  caterpillars,'  as  if  there  had 
not  been  a  wall  around  it. — The  Scriptures  do  not  relate  the 
manner  in  which  Babylon  was  taken,  nor  do  they  ever  allude 
to  the  exact  fulfilment  of  the  prophecies  ;  but  there  is,  in  every 
particular,  a  strict  coincidence  between  the  predictions  of  the 
prophets  and  the  historical  narratives  both  of  Herodotus  and 
Xenophon." 

Cyrus,  having  conquered  Babylon,  as  the  captain  of  the 
combined  armies  of  the  Persians  and  Medes,  generously  placed 
on  the  throne  his  relation  Cyaxares,  or  Darius,  called  in  Scrip- 
ture Darius  the  Mede.  Cyrus  succeeded  him,  and  after  a 
prosperous  reign  of  seven  years,  left  an  immense  empire  to 
his  son  Cambyses,  a  vain,  suspicious,  vindictive,  and  cruel 
prince,  whose  reign  was  chiefly  distinguished  by  his  conquest 
of  Egypt,  which  he  did  not  long  survive.  Smerdis,  pretend- 
ing to  be  a  son  of  Cambyses,  whom  he  had  privately  mur- 
dered, obtained  the  sceptre,  as  the  proper  heir,  for  a  few 
months.  The  impostor  was  detected ;  and  eight  nobles  freed 
the  empire  of  the  usuper,  by  putting  him  to  death.  One  of 
these,  known  in  history  under  the  name  of  Darius  Hystaspes, 
was  exalted  to  the  throne,  b.  c.  521,  and  the  others  became 


REIGN   OF    AB.TAXERXES   LONGIMANU8.  77 

his  hereditary  counsel.  About  the  seventeenth  year  of  his 
reign  the  Greeks  in  lona  renounced  his  authority,  and  the 
Athenians  sent  a  fleet  and  army  to  assist  them  in  their  efforts 
to  maintain  their  liberty.  The  united  army  captured  Sardis; 
A  soldier  undesignedly  raised  a  fire,  which  rapidly  spread 
over  the  city,  and  wholly  consumed  it,  except  the  citadel. 
When  this  event  was  reported  to  Darius  he  was  filled  with 
indignation  against  the  Greeks,  especially  the  Athenians.  To 
confirm  this  resentment,  he  ordered  one  of  his  servants  to  re- 
peat aloud  every  day,  at  the  hour  of  dinner,  "  Remember  the 
Athenians."  Some  years  later  the  mighty  army  of  Persia  in- 
vaded Greece,  and  were  repelled  on  the  celebrated  field  of 
Marathon,  when  the  military  prowess  of  the  Grecians  aston- 
ished the  world.  Darius  probably  ascribed  the  disgrace  of 
his  army  to  the  incapacity  of  their  officers ;  and  he  resolved  to 
place  himself  at  their  head.  He,  however,  died  before  the 
preparations  for  the  new  invasion  of  Greece  were  completed. 

His  son  Xerxes  had  no  sooner  subdued  the  Egyptians,  who 
had  revolted,  than  he  determined  to  execute  the  purpose  of 
his  father.  To  insure  success,  he  entered  into  "  an  alliance 
with  the  Carthaginians,  at  that  time  the  most  powerful  people 
of  the  West,  in  which  it  was  agreed,  that  while  the  king  was 
to  invade  Greece  in  person,  with  all  the  force  of  Asia,  the 
Carthaginians,  with  three  hundred  thousand  men,  were  to  at- 
tack the  colonies  of  Greek  extraction  in  Italy  and  Sicily." 
The  world  had  never  beheld  a  more  terrible  array  than  that 
exhibited  by  the  fleet  and  army  of  Xerxes.  The  latter,  on 
arriving  in  Thrace,  were  computed  at  "  one  million  and  seven 
hundred  thousand  foot,  and  fourscore  thousand  horse,  which, 
together  with  twenty  thousand  men  that  conducted  the  camels, 
and  took  care  of  the  baggage,  amounted  to  one  million  eight 
hundred  thousand  men  ;  the  former  consisted  of  twelve  hun- 
dred and  seven  large  ships,  and  three  thousand  galleys  and 
transports  ;  on  board  of  all  thest;  vessels  were  found  to  be  five 
hundred  seventeen  thousand  six  hundred  and  ten  men.  After 
he  had  entered  Europe,  the  nations  on  this  side  of  the  Helles- 
pont that  submitted  to  him,  added  to  his  landforces  three  hun- 
dred thousand  more,  and  two  hundred  and  twenty  ships  to 
his  fleet,  on  board  of  which  were  twenty-four  thousand  men  ; 
so  that  the  whole  number  of  his  forces,  when  he  arrived  at 
Thermopylae,  including  servants,  enuchs,  women,  suttlers, 
and  other  people  of  that  sort,  amounted  to  near  five  million." 

The  noble  defence  and  glorious  triumph  of  Athens  and 
Lacedemon,  whom  almost  all  the  other  states  of  Greece  left 
7* 


^         STATE  OF  THE  PAGAN  WORLD  IN  THE 

to  contend  against  Persia  have  no  parallel  in  the  records  of 
the  world.  Leonidas,  king  of  Lacedemon,  with  his  three 
hundred  Spartans,  withstood  the  whole  power  of  Persia,  died 
in  the  contest,  and  obtained  undying  fame.  The  Persian  fleet 
was  destroyed ;  the  army  melted  away,  and  the  vain  and 
proud  monarch  with  difficulty  escaped  the  vengeance  of  those 
whom  he  had  long  hated  and  despised. 

On  the  expulsion  of  his  army  from  the  soil  of  Greece  the 
Grecian  name  became  renowned  over  the  earth,  and  the  great 
king  trembled  on  his  throne.  Every  successive  effort  to  re- 
trieve his  honour  terminated  in  fresh  disasters.  And  he  who 
had  vainly  boasted  that  he  was  lord  of  the  earth  and  the 
ocean,  to  alleviate  the  anguish  of  prostrated  pride  and  disap- 
pointed hopes,  surrendered  himself  to  the  low  gratifications 
derived  from  pompous  exhibitions  and  voluptuous  pleasures. 
While  he  slept,  the  chief  guardian  of  his  palace  deprived 
him  of  life,  b.  c.  456,  and,  after  murdering  the  heir,  placed 
the  youngest  son,  Artaxerxes,  on  the  throne.  He  is  said  to 
have  been  the  handsomest  man  of  the  empire  ;  but  his  arms 
being  longer  than  common,  the  Greeks  usually  called  him 
Longimanus. 

Instructed  by  his  father's  experience  and  his  own  observa- 
tion, he  very  soon  perceived  that  the  interests  of  the  empire 
required  him  to  study  the  arts  of  peace  rather  than  those  of 
war  and  conquest;  hence  he  sedulously  avoided  all  wars 
which  were  not  necessary  to  maintain  the  power  and  the  in- 
tegrity of  his  dominions.  To  escape  the  fetters  by  which 
Providence  had  rivetted  the  Persian  kings  to  Asia,  they  had 
for  half  a  century  struggled  in  vain,  shed  the  blood  of  my- 
riads of  their  people,  exhausted  the  strength  of  the  empire, 
and  laid  waste  its  richest  provinces.  The  small  states  of 
Greece  formed  an  impenetrable  defence  to  Europe. 

Fully  convinced  of  this,  Artaxerxes  procured  peace  with 
these  states  by  acknowledging  their  independence,  their  right 
to  their  seas  and  islands,  and  gave  freedom  to  the  Asiatic 
Greeks  to  live  according  to  their  own  laws.  In  consequence 
of  this,  the  intercourse  between  Europe  and  Asia  on  the  one 
hand  rapidly  extended  •  and  the  language,  civilization,  science, 
and  arts  of  Greece,  were  more  widely  diffused ;  and  on  the 
other  the  peculiar  principles,  customs,  and  manners  of  the 
Asiatics  became  more  accurately  and  generally  known  to  the 
Europeans ;  and  many  of  the  worshippers  of  the  True  God, 
of  the  fire,  and  of  idols  of  gold,  silver,  wood,  and  stone,  ex- 
changed ideas,  while  they  affectionately  mixed  together  in  the 


KEiaS   OF   A&TAXERXES   LONOIMAMXJS.  79 

armies,  cities,  and  villages.  This  change  of  circmstances  was 
certainly  in  favour  of  the  true  religion,  for  rays  of  light,  hov<r- 
ever  few  or  weak,  tend  to  dissipate  darkness. 

Could  Artaxerxes  Longimanus  have  personally  inspected 
all  the  plans  secretly  devised,  and  the  acts  performed  in  his 
name,  the  vast  multitudes  under  his  government  would  have 
had  ample  reason  to  have  hailed  him  as  their  father  ;  for  he 
was  comprehensive  in  understanding,  deliberate  in  judgment, 
and  just  and  generous  in  his  dispositions  and  conduct.  But 
when  we  reflect  on  the  general  character  of  the  principal  ser- 
vants of  despotic  governments,  especially  among  nations  al- 
most wholly  destitute  of  the  first  principles  of  morals,  we  have 
reason  to  believe  that  few  of  the  governors  of  his  provinces 
resembled  him.  And  though  not  altogether  irresponsi- 
ble, yet  they  possessed  sufficiency  of  power  to  prevent,  in 
general,  any  serious  complaint  of  their  injustice,  oppression, 
or  cruelty,  reaching  his  ears.  One  small  province  alone  was 
secure,  during  the  greatest  part  of  his  long  reign,  from  many 
of  the  calamities  which  barbarous  rulers  very  possibly  inflicted 
on  the  empire.  Judea  was  favoured  with  many  native  rulers 
who  had  aspired  to  power,  and  most  diligently  and  faithfully 
exercised  it,  solely  to  protect  the  people,  and  promote  by 
every  means  which  they  could  command,  the  welfare  of  all 
ranks. 

This  some  ascribe  to  the  influence  of  Esther  the  niece  of 
Mordecai.  They  believe  that  Artaxerxes  was  named  by  the 
Jews  Ahasuerus ;  and,  by  consequence,  that  the  remarkable 
transactions  recorded  in  the  sacred  book  that  bears  her  name, 
transpired  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign.  But  not  a  few  refer 
these  to  the  reign  of  his  father  Xerxes.  All,  however,  agree 
that  Ezra  received  his  commission  to  preside  over  his  own 
people  in  Jerusalem,  in  the  seventh  year  of  Artaxerxes :  and 
that  he  was  succeeded  by  Nehemiah,  in  the  twentieth  year  of 
that  monarch,  during  the  whole  of  whose  subsequent  reign 
he  retained  his  office,  and  survived  him  a  number  of  years. 

The  Old  Testament  was  evidently  completed  during  this 
king's  reign  ;  and,  about  the  same  period,  Herodotus  the  first 
profane  historian  worthy  of  credit,  wrote  his  celebrated  work. 
Other  works  of  equal,  or  even  of  more  value,  may  have  been 
written  before  his  age ;  but  none  of  them  have  descended  to 
us.  And  it  may  be  justly  regarded  as  one  of  the  first  and 
best  fruits  of  the  great  and  astonishing  impulse  which  the  hu- 
man mind  had  received,  at  a  comparatively  recent  period,  in 
Greece  and  Asia,  and  which  was,  perhaps,  diffused  and  felt, 


t: 


^^  OF  THK    ^^\ 


®= 


80  STATE    OF    THE   PAGAN    WORLD    IN    THE 

in  a  less  or  a  greater  degree,  over  the  whole  of  the  then 
known  world.  Fabulous  tradition  is  the  only  vehicle  which 
contains  any  notice  of  the  state  of  the  globe,  of  mankind,  their 
transactions,  and  the  events  which  affected  them,  previously 
to  the  writings  of  Herodotus.  All  remains  enveloped  by 
a  dark  cloud,  through  which  no  eye  can  distinctly  dis- 
cern the  light  of  truth.  Every  step  to  approach  it  occasions 
confusion  of  intellect,  doubt,  despair,  or  scepticism.  If  there 
be  one  fact  visible,  it  is,  that  mental  darkness  covered  the 
earth,  and  thick  moral  darkness  the  people ;  and  the  truth  of 
this  is  amply  illustrated,  and  incontrovertibly  confirmed,  by 
the  testimony  of  the  holy  oracles. 

Reckoning  from  the  death  of  Joseph,  in  Egypt,  to  the 
reign  of  Darius  Hystaspes,  we  have  a  period  of  about  eight 
hundred  years,  during  which  every  record,  divine  or  human, 
leads  us  to  believe  that  idolatry,  perfectly  constructed  into  a 
system  of  religion,  was  established  in  all  nations,  and  con- 
formed to  by  every  individual,  without  suspicion,  or  at  least 
without  venturing  to  express  doubt  of  its  inutility  or  immoral 
and  mentally  degrading  tendency.  The  form  of  this  reli- 
gion was  radically  the  same  every  where,  akhough  all  the 
idols  and  rites  were  not  precisely  similar  in  aspect.  It  was 
also,  in  every  case,  exclusively  adapted  to  gratify  the  senses, 
and  exclude  every  just  conception  of  the  universal  Creator, 
Sovereign,  and  Judge  of  the  universe.  The  inevitable  effect 
was,  that  mankind  lived  altogether  as  absolutely  irresponsible 
to  the  Supreme  and  Perfect  Being,  all-sufficient  to  impart 
perfect  blessedness,  and  inflict  inconceivable  misery.  Such  a 
God  was  not  in  all  their  thoughts.  He  was  supplanted  by 
imaginary  beings  all  of  whom  were  extremely  imperfect; 
and  not  a  few  of  those  deemed  most  worthy  of  adoration, 
were  flagrantly  wicked,  partial,  and  unrelenting.  The  state 
of  the  mind  or  affections,  and  general  conduct  of  mankind, 
were  scarcely  an  object  of  interest  to  any  idolater,  compared 
to  the  observances  of  rites  to  which  no  spiritual  signification 
was  attached,  and  some  of  the  principal  of  which  were  most 
impure,  cruel,  and  sanguinary, — such  as  prostitution  of  fe- 
males, endurance  of  personal  sufferings,  and  human  sacrifice. 
Thus  the  whole  system  was  evidently  constructed  to  repress 
or  extirpate  moral  feeling,  and  to  permit  sensual  desires,  pas- 
sions, and  appetites  to  govern  man,  at  least,  without  any  dread 
of  displeasing  a  Being  who  had  any  claim  to  supreme  love, 
or  any  right  from  his  nature,  or  even  conduct,  to  regard  his 
votaries  with  aversion,  or  to  refuse  to  grant  his  favour  when 


REIGN   OF    ARTAXERXES   LONGIMANUS.  81 

they  honoured  the  gods  of  their  country  by  observance  of 
their  ritual. 

While  morals  were  completely  separated  from  religion,  the 
parts  of  us  ritual  declared  indispensable  entirely  discounte- 
nanced the  exercise  of  the  intellectual  powers,  in  relation  to 
God  and  his  will,  and  subjected  the  worshippers  to  the  do 
minion  of  the  guardians  of  idolatry.  These  claimed  the  ex- 
clusive privilege  of  knowledge  of  the  will  of  the  gods,  and 
of  having  at  command  never-failing  means  to  obtain  this 
knowledge,  and  to  dispense  their  favours,  and  execute  their 
wrath  or  vengeance.  By  consequence,  every  man  who  pre- 
sumed not  to  despise  the  gods,  necessarily  limited  his  opi- 
nions on  every  subject  to  those  communicated  by  his  teach- 
ers, and  his  actions  to  the  rules  which  they  chose  to  pre- 
scribe. The  multitude  being  thus  reduced  to  ment<il  as  well 
as  moral  slavery,  lived  and  acted  merely  to  advance  the  hon- 
our and  interests,  and  gratify  the  will  and  pleasure,  of  their 
religious  lords.  These,  in  every  nation,  comprised  all  to 
whom  the  government  of  the  nation  was  intrusted — kings, 
priests,  and  diviners,  who  monoplized  all  knowledge  and 
all  power.  The  king  was  always  nominally  the  head  or 
chief  of  all  the  officers  of  religion,  and  occasionally,  if  not 
frequently,  officially  performed  the  duties  of  high-priest 
Under  his  direction,  and  supported  with  all  political  and  civil 
power,  they  pretended  to  predict  future  events  by  divination, 
to  explain  prodigies,  interpret  dreams,  and  to  avert  evils,  or  to 
confer  benefits,  b}*^  means  of  augury  and  incantations." 

In  some  cases,  as  in  Greece,  according  as  civilization  ad- 
vanced, religion  was  so  far  separated  from  policy,  that  its 
doctrines  and  ceremonies  were  intrusted  to  priests ;  and  the 
instruction  of  the  laws,  and  the  regulation  of  the  manners,  to 
persons  celebrated  for  wisdom  and  patriotism ;  these  were 
denominated,  '  wise  men.'  But  the  former  always  were  ex- 
pected, and  indeed  bound  to  act  in  subserviency  to  the  latter, 
by  the  application  of  all  the  apparatus  of  idolatry,  to  retain 
the  people  in  slavery.  For  the  opinion  of  Strabo  was  univer- 
sally admitted,  "  that  it  was  not  possible  to  lead  a  promiscuous 
multitude  to  religion  and  virtue  by  philosophical  harangues : 
this  could  only  be  eflfected  by  the  aid  of  superstition,  by  pro- 
digies and  fiibles  ;  the  thunderbolt ;  the  aegis,  the  trident,  the 
spear,  torches,  and  smoke,  were  the  instruments  made  use  of 
by  the  founders,  and  supporters  of  states,  to  terrify  the  igno- 
rant vulgar  into  subjection."  And  that  this  method  might 
always  succeed,  it  was  an  universal  and  unalterable  rule  to 


%-- 


82  STATE  OF  THE  PAGAN  WORLD  IN  THE 

conceal  from  the  vulgar  the  knowledge  of  the  gods,  and  the 
peculiar  manner  of  maintaining  intercourse  with  them.  The 
principal  patrons  of  the  gods  were  all  accounted  wise ;  and 
these  included  the  priests,  diviners,  and  others  initiated  into 
the  mysteries.  Many  suppose  that  among  these  mysteries 
were  included  correct  and  honourable  conceptions  of  the  only 
True  and  Living  God,  and  of  the  laws  of  nature  and  provi- 
dence. If  so,  can  we  imagine  any  depravity  of  mind,  or 
wickedness  of  conduct  more  dreadful  than  the  fact,  that 
the  most  intelligent  class  of  men  engaged,  on  oath,  to  retain 
this  knowledge  to  themselves,  in  order  to  maintain  absolute 
authority  over  the  consciences  of  their  fellow-men,  and  treat 
them  as  the  beasts  of  the  field  ?  That  they  were  guilty  of 
the  latter  crimes,  no  one  will  deny ;  but  no  satisfactory  evi- 
dence has  been,  nor,  we  think,  can  be  adduced,  that  they  con- 
tinued possessed  of  the  knowledge  of  the  True  God,  and 
secretly  adored  him.  The  metaphorical  or  allegorical  phrase- 
ology employed  by  those  called  '  wise'  among  the  heathen,  in 
their  representation  of  the  origin  of  all  things,  the  gods,  the 
heavens,  and  the  earth,  sufficiently  demonstrate  that  they  haa 
no  distinct,  defined,  and  determinate  ideas  of  the  one  all-per- 
fect or  all-sufficient  Deity.  Those  who  taught  not  that  all  things 
were  eternal,  ascribed  their  origin  to  a  principle  indescrib- 
able, from  which  they  asserted  that  every  thing  in  the  uni- 
verse issued, — gods,  man,  sun,  moon,  and  stars,  earth,  air, 
and  seas ;  and  to  which  all  these  things  would  ultimately  re- 
turn. This  principle  pervaded  every  being  and  thing,  con- 
sequently, every  thing  was  of  the  same  nature,  and,  in  the 
lapse  of  ages,  would  be  absorbed  by  the  principle  whence  it 
emanated.  This  principle,  originating  all  things,  has  cer- 
tainly no  more  relation  to  the  Supreme  Being  than  any  fig- 
ment of  the  mind  has  to  a  real  being  or  substance.  The 
common  sense  interpretation  of  this  opinion  is,  that  all  things 
proceeded  from  nothing,  and  would  ultimately  return  to  no- 
thing. It  is  therefore  obvious  that  nothing  remained  to  be 
objects  of  worship  except  the  gods,  which  the  wise  multi- 
plied past  numbering,  according  as  their  vain  imaginations 
or  their  worldly  interest  suggested ;  and  these  phantoms  of 
deluded  or  deluding  minds  were  supported  by  a  vast  scheme 
of  imposture,  which  unhappily  darkened  the  understanding, 
perverted  the  judgment,  and  demoralised  the  aflfections  of  the 
human  race  for  many  ages,  and  still  exists  in  some  great  na- 
tions, subjecting  them  to  the  dominion  of  the  prince  of  dark- 
ness.     This  wretched  thraldom  may  be,  in  our  own  time,  wit- 


# 


REISN   OF   ARTAXERXES    LONGIMANTJS.  8.1 

nessed  in  a  mitigated  degree,  in  Tartary,  India,  and  Burraah, 
as  it  prevailed  in  ancient  Babylon,  Syria,  Egypt,  Greece,  and 
Europe ;  and  one  cannot,  without  a  degree  of  wonder  and 
melancholy,  survey  a  not  remote  approximation  to  it  in  Spain, 
Italy,  and  other  countries  whose  inhabitants  seem  little  dis- 
posed to  think  that  "  light  is  sweet,  and  that  it  is  a  very  pie? 
sant  thing  to  behold  the  Sun"  of  righteousness  and  truth. 

The  reign  of  idolatry  almost  wholly  limited  the  powers  of 
man  to  the  acquisition  of  the  arts  to  support  and  destroy  life. 
Personal  independence,  in  thought  or  action,  was  unknown 
Nominally  the  will  of  the  sovereign  was  the  boundary  of 
freedom,  but  in  reality  the  will  of  the  wise,  or  the  priesthood> 
alone  swayed  the  human  race  ;  for  monarchs  appear  to  have 
been  as  completely  their  slaves  as  the  people.  Very  few  of 
the  individuals  of  transcendent  talents  who  sat  on  the  thrones 
of  this  world  dared  to  command  and  control  the  wise.  No 
one  was  permitted  to  utter  a  thought  opposed  to  the  expressed 
opinion  of  the  arbitrators  of  knowledge  ;  nor  could  any  on^e 
change  his  position  or  rank  in  society,  without  the  consent 
of  the  regulators  of  conduct.  Life  and  property  were  equally 
insecure  ;  for  the  will  of  the  despot,  or  of  his  servants  the 
wise,  disposed  of  both  as  they  pleased.  Notwithstanding  this 
tremendous  power  of  the  wise,  rational  freedom  was  as  litli«' 
enjoyed  by  themselves  as  by  the  multitude  whom  they  en- 
slaved ;  for  they  were  not,  by  the  unalterable  rules  of  their 
incorporation,  permitted  or  expected  to  add  one  thought,  dis- 
covery, or  art,  to  the  treasury  of  knowledge  conveyed  to  them 
by  their  predecessors.  And  as  the  preservation  of  that  trea- 
sure depended  almost,  if  not  wholly,  on  the  oral  instruction 
or  traditions  of  the  wise,  its  value  would  doubtless  be  lessened, 
although  the  quantity  might  be  augmented,  every  successive 
generation.  Thus  the  world  exhibited  a  scene  unspeakably 
calamitous  and  terrific.  The  mind  of  the  human  race  was 
still  as  death,  while  their  passions  raged  with  the  fury  of  hell; 
and  their  habitations  were  "  full  of  horrid  cruelty," 

In  their  history,  according  to  our  apprehension,  the  cap- 
tivity  of  the  Jews  was  an  event  of  the  deepest  interest.  It 
originated  a  mighty  under-current  in  the  ocean  of  mind, 
which,  though  perhaps  not  detected,  yet  was  powerfully  felt  at 
the  extremity  of  its  shores,  especially  in  Central  and  Western 
Asia,  Greece,  Italy,  and  the  adjacent  regions.  The  men  of 
that  generation,  accustomed  to  the  overthrow  and  ruin  of  na 
tions,  might  possibly  perceive  nothing  very  uncommon  or  re- 
markable in  the  conquest  and  dispersion  of  the  Jews,  the  con- 


I 


%= 


84  STATE   or   THE    PAGAN    WORLD    IN   THE 

flagration  of  their  holy  temple  and  city,  and  the  desolation  of 
their  favoured  land.  But  let  any  candid  and  enlightened  mind 
reflect  on  the  nature  of  the  transactions  which  were  produced 
by  the  ministry  of  Daniel  and  his  companions,  and  on  the 
infinite  importance  of  the  subjects  specified  in  the  decrees 
proclaimed  by  the  orders  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  and  he  will 
not  hesitate  to  believe  that  they  were  consummately  fitted  to 
awaken  the  human  mind,  to  a  new,  a  rational,  and  spiritual 
life.  The  absolute  supremacy,  self-e.xistence,  and  all-suffi- 
ciency of  the  one  God,  were  announced  in  the  plainest  and 
most  sublime  phraseology,  and  the  universal  acknowledge- 
ment of  those  great  and  eternal  truths  was  enforced  by  special 
arguments,  which  were  most  appropriate  to  command  the  at- 
tention of  the  generation  to  whom  they  were  addressed. 
From  the  fact  that  the  authority  by  which  they  were  made 
known  was  treated  as  infallible,  and  the  power  by  which  they 
were  enforced  was  felt  to  be  irresistible,  and  the  least  expres- 
sion of  disregard  of  it  instant  and  inevitable  destruction,  no 
one  could  remain  unaffected  by  the  subjects  placed  before  him. 
He  might  secretly  hate  them,  but  his  thoughts  must  have 
been  fi.xed  on  them.  The  number  who,  by  these  means,  came, 
for  the  first  time,  to  know  the  True  God,  no  one  can  tell.  It 
may  be  that,  through  Divine  mercy,  many  became,  in  this 
sense,  Jews. 

Similar  remarks  are  suggested  by  the  transactions  of  Da- 
rius the  Mede,  the  Cyaxares  of  profane  history,  and  of  Cyrus, 
which  respected  the  Jewish  people.  But  we  proceed  to  notice 
the  first  recorded  public  expression  of  contempt  for  idols. 
Tradition  favours  the  opinion  that  the  Persians,  unlike  all 
other  ancient  nations,  were  at  no  period  irZoZ-worshippers,  ac- 
cording to  the  definite  meaning  of  words.  However  ques- 
tionable this  may  be,  it  is  most  probable  that  the  principal 
men  among  them,  as  early  as  Cambyses,  ha^  become  image- 
worshippers,  and  had  thus  returned  to  the  first  stage  of  idola- 
try, when  the  Supreme  Being  was  adored  through  the  me- 
dium of  various  objects,  accounted  symbolical  representations 
of  him.  It  is  only  on  this  supposition  that  one  can  believe 
in  the  power  of  that  king  to  persuade  his  army  to  rob  the 
temples  of  Egypt,  and  destroy  them  and  the  various  idols  of 
that  country.  The  idols  of  Phenicia  and  of  other  kingdoms 
were  treated  with  like  indignity  by  future  Persian  kings. 

On  the  death  of  Cambyses,  the  throne  was  seized  by  Smer- 
dis,  one  of  the  magi,  or  wise  men.  It  is  probable  that  they 
were  suspected  or  known  to  have  supported  his  usurpation ; 


m 


REIGN   OF   ARTAXERXES   LONGIMANUS.  85 

for  they  were  all  massacred  at  his  death ;  and  this  tremen- 
dous vengeance  on  the  priesthood  may  have  afforded  oppor- 
tunity to  Zoroaster  to  construct  and  establish  the  system  of 
image-worship,  which  long  prevailed,  as  the  national  religion 
of  Persia.  Tradition  speaks  of  several  religious  leaders  or 
philosophers  of  this  name ;  he  who  is  believed  to  have  actu- 
ally existed,  and  to  have  instituted  or  restored  the  worship  of 
the  sun  and  fire,  is  reported  to  have  flourished  in  the  reign 
of  Darius  Hystaspes,  who  succeeded  Smerdis.  The  idols  of 
every  country  were  usually  more  feared  than  despised  by 
conquerors  ;  in  so  much  that  they  deemed  it  necessary  for  the 
securing  of  conquered  countries  to  carry  the  idols  captive 
with  the  chief  inhabitants.  Their  destruction  by  the  Persians 
was  regarded  by  other  nations  with  horror,  and  pronounced 
a  crime  unparalleled,  calling  for  the  most  terrible  vengeance 
of  the  gods.  Scarcely,  however,  could  such  a  deed  have 
been  performed  in  the  presence  of  all  classes  of  the  commu- 
nity, without  rousing  the  thoughts  of  strong  reflecting  minds ; 
and  even  forcibly  impressing  on  their  hearts,  the  great  and 
overwhelming  truth,  that  the  idols  were  nothing,  and  were  of 
no  service  to  states,  except  to  deceive  and  delude  the  ignorant, 
simple,  and  sensual. 

The  progressive,  and  it  may  be  imperceptible  and  invisible 
diffusion  of  this  feeling  may  have  enabled  Artaxerxes  to  ad- 
vance more  easily  and  effectually  than  he  could  otherwise 
have  done,  the  liberty  of  the  Jews  to  worship  the  True  God 
publicly,  in  all  parts  of  his  empire.  In  past  ages,  whoever 
openly  renounced  idols  would  have  instantly  sufl!ered  death. 
Conquerors  were  missionaries  of  the  gods  whom  they  wor- 
shipped. Hence  Nineveh  is  denominated  "  the  mistress  of 
witchcraft,  that  selleth  nations  through  her  whoredoms,  and 
families  or  tribes  through  her  crafts."  To  maintain  the  domi- 
nions acquired  by  the  sword  and  blood,  they  establish  idolatry, 
and  the  whole  system  of  divination,  which  invested  it  with 
power  to  undermine  the  judgment  and  brutalize  the  feelings 
which  elevate  man  to  the  highest  rank  in  the  visible  creation 
of  God. 

Persecution  for  opinion  had  shown  itself  in  Asia  imme- 
diately after  the  character  and  conduct  of  the  Jews  were  un- 
derstood. It,  however,  was  not  witnessed  in  Greece  before  the 
reign  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus  ;  for  it  was  then  that  inde- 
pendence of  thought  manifested  itself  in  Europe.  Anaxago- 
ras,  and  Socrates,  one  of  his  disciples,  who  far  surpassed  his 
master  in  reputation,  and,  it  is  not  doubted,  in  useful  talentj 

VOL  L  8 


86  STATE   OF   THE   PAGAN    WORLD    IN   THE 

and  mental  acquirements,  certainly  were  contemporary  with 
Artaxerxes.  Anaxagoras  was  not  the  first  Grecian  who  in- 
vestigated the  truth  of  received  opinions,  and  judged  for  him- 
self, on  the  appearance  of  nature,  and  the  mental  powers  of 
man  ;  and  others,  perhaps,  had  discerned  the  system  of  decep- 
tion which  universally  predominated.  But  no  one  hefore  him 
is  recorded  to  have  surmised,  or  declared,  that  inanimated  sub- 
stances were  destitute  of  mind,  and  therefore  not  proper  ob- 
jects of  religious  worship ;  because  that  creation  demonstrated 
that  its  Author  must  possess  an  infinitely  intelligent  mind. 
However  deficient  may  have  been  his  discernment  of  the  In- 
finite and  the  Eternal,  it  is  certain  that  it  led  him  to  ridicule 
the  diviners,  who  pretended  to  reveal  the  mind  of  the  gods  by 
the  phenomena  exhibited  by  dead  or  living  animals,  or  by  in- 
tercourse with  beings  which  only  existed  in  the  imagination 
of  their  devout  or  self-interested  votaries.  He  conceived  him- 
self "  born  to  contemplate  the  heavens,"  neglected  his  estate, 
and  assumed  the  office  of  a  public  teacher  of  philosophy  in 
Athens.  The  profane  nature  of  his  instructions  roused  the 
indignation  of  the  citizens.  He  was  accused  of  reviling  the 
gods  and  their  ministers,  and  condemned  to  death ;  but  after 
an  imprisonment,  the  sentence  w^s,  through  the  great  influence 
and  exertions  of  his  celebrated  pupil  Pericles,  mitigated  into  a 
fine  and  banishment.  He  passed  the  rest  of  his  day^  in  Lamp- 
sacus,  a  famous  city  on  the  Hellespont,  whence,  by  the  agency 
of  many  whom  he  instructed,  his  comparatively  rational  phi- 
fosophy  was  very  extensively  disseminated  over  Greece  and 
Asia  Minor.  Diogenes  Apolloniades,  succeeded  him  in  his 
school  or  academy,  and  presuming  to  teach  the  same  truths, 
was,  like  him,  compelled  to  save  his  life  by  flight. 

Socrates  far  excelled  all  his  philosophical  predecessors,  by 
the  mode  of  study  which  he  recommended,  and  the  subjects 
which  he  communicated;  and,  as  Mitford  remarks,  "his  life 
forms  a  new  era  in  the  history  of  Athens  and  of  man."  He 
had  acquired  juster  conceptions  than  his  learned  instructors 
of  the  Creator,  and  of  the  relative  and  social  duties  of  mankind : 
and  he  felt  his  personal  obligations  to  them  and  interest  in 
them.  Probably  it  was  the  voice  of  his  conscience  or  judg- 
ment in  its  very  imperfectly  enlightened  state,  that  he  meant 
by  the  divine  spirit  who,  he  said,  constantly  attended  him, 
"  whose  voice,  distinctly  heard,  never  expressly  commanded 
what  he  was  indisposed  to  do,  but  frequently  forbade  what  he 
had  intended."  He  was  the  first  in  Greece  who  had  ever 
even  proposed  to  ascertain  and  explain  the  principles  of  morals 


I 

4^ 


REION   OF   ARTAXERXES    LONGIMANUS.  ^ 

The  rule  of  conduct  universally  followed  in  his  time  was  that 
"might  made  right."  Benevolence,  integrity,  justice,  or  other 
moral  excellencies,  were  scarcely  visible  in  any  class  of  society. 
The  learned  sought  fame  or  usefulness  by  investigating  nature 
or  perfecting  the  sciences  apart  from  morals  or  religion.  This 
scene  provoked  the  displeasure  of  Socrates,  and  he  resolved  f«> 
devote  his  life  to  learn  and  teach  the  duty  of  man  to  man.  ''  H« 
estimated  the  value  of  knowledge  by  its  utility,  and  recon^- 
mended  the  study  of  geometry,  astronomy,  and  other  sciences, 
only  so  far  as  they  admit  of  a  practical  application  to  the  pur 
poses  of  human  life.  His  great  object,  in  all  his  conferences 
and  discourses,  was  to  lead  men  into  an  acquaintance  with 
themselves ;  to  convince  them  of  their  follies  and  vices  ;  to  in- 
spire them  with  the  love  of  virtue  ;  and  to  furnish  them  with 
useful  moral  instructions.  Cicero  might,  therefore,  very  justly 
say  of  Socrates,  that  he  was  the  first  who  called  down  philo- 
sophy from  heaven  to  earth,  and  introduced  her  into  the  public 
walks  and  domestic  retirements  of  men,  that  she  might  instruct 
them  concerning  life  and  manners.  The  moral  lessons  which 
Socrates  taught,  he  himself  diligently  practised ;  whence  he 
excelled  other  philosophers  in  personal  merit,  no  less  than  in 
his  method  of  instruction.  His  conduct  was  uniformly  such 
as  became  a  teacher  of  moral  wisdom."  His  views  oi  Deity 
and  the  homage  due  him  by  man  were  most  imperfect,  and  far 
from  harmonious:  for  while  he  seems  most  strongly  disposed 
to  recommend  him  as  alone  worthy  of  supreme  love  and  rever- 
ence, he  approved  by  word  and  deed  of  the  superstitions  which 
debased  the  human  race.  "  To  unveil  the  nature  of  Deity  was 
not  among  his  pretensions.  He  only  insisted  on  the  perfect 
goodness  and  perfect  wisdom  of  the  Supreme  God,  the  creator 
of  all  things,  and  the  constant  superintendence  of  his  provi- 
dence over  the  affairs  of  men.  As  included  in  these,  he  held 
that  every  thing  done,  said,  or  merely  wished  by  men,  was 
known  to  the  Deity,  and  that  it  was  impossible  he  could  be 
pleased  with  evil.  The  unity  of  God,  though  implied  in 
many  of  his  reported  discourses,  he  would  not  in  direct  terms 
assert ;  rather  carefully  avoiding  to  dispute  the  existence  of  the 
muhifarious  gods  acknowledged  in  Greece ;  but  he  strongly 
denied  the  weaknesses,  vices,  and  crimes  commonly  imputed 
to  them.  So  far,  however,  from  proposing  to  innovate  in 
forms  of  worship  and  religious  ceremonies,  so  various  in  the 
diflerent  Grecian  states,  and  sources  of  more  doubt  and  con- 
tention than  any  other  circumstances  of  the  heathen  religion, 
he  held  that  men  could  not  in  these  matters  do  wrong,  if  they 


88  STATE   OF   THE    PAGAN    WORLD    IN    THE 

followed  the  laws  of  their  own  country  and  the  institutions 
of  their  forefathers.  He  was  therefore  regular  in  sacrifices, 
both  upon  the  public  altars  and  in  his  family.  He  seems  to 
have  been  persuaded  that  the  Deity,  by  various  signs,  re- 
vealed the  future  to  men,  in  oracles,  dreams,  and  all  the 
various  ways  usually  acknowledged  by  those  conversant  in 
the  reputed  science  of  augury.  '  Where  the  wisdom  of  men 
cannot  avail,'  he  said,  '  we  should  endeavour  to  gain  informa- 
tion from  the  gods  ;  who  will  not  refuse  intelligible  signs  to 
those  to  whom  they  are  propitious.'  Accordingly,  he  con- 
sulted oracles  himself,  and  he  recommended  the  same  prac- 
tice to  others,  in  every  doubt  on  important  concerns." 

Notwithstanding  his  conformity  to  the  religion  of  his  coun- 
try, by  his  representation  of  the  pure  and  spiritual  nature  of 
its  gods,  and  his  persevering  disinterested  efforts  to  reclaim 
the  people  from  vice  and  profligacy,  he  roused  the  envy  of 
the  public  teachers,  who  were  supported  by  their  scholars  and 
the  people,  by  condemning  their  opinions  and  practices.  He 
was  accused  of  blasphemy,  or  of  reviling  the  gods  of  Athens, 
proclaiming  new  gods,  and  corrupting  the  principal  3'^outh,  by 
selecting  passages  from  Homer  to  enforce  anti-democratic 
principles.  Though  no  satisfactory  proof  that  he  was  guilty 
of  the  crimes  of  which  he  was  accused  was  adduced,  the 
clamour  of  the  people  caused  the  sentence  of  death  to  be 
passed  against  him.  Had  he  condescended  to  supplicate  the 
rulers  of  the  city,  he  might  have  obtained  an  acquittal  or  miti- 
gation of  the  sentence  ;  but  this  he  declared  was  unbecoming 
a  lover  of  the  truth — a  character  which,  as  we  shall  after- 
wards have  occasion  to  observe,  he  was  ambitious  to  exem- 
plify in  his  life  and  death.  Though  his  perception  of  Divine 
truth  was  obscure,  and  his  representation  of  it  still  more  im- 
perfect, yet  his  instructions  and  example  subverted  the  do- 
minion of  idolatry,  and  from  his  time  it  was  insufHcient  to 
maintain  the  presumptuous  assumptions  of  its  chief  advocates 
to  direct  and  control  the  public  mind,  and  prevent  personal 
inquiry  after  truth.  Succeeding  philosophers,  however,  were 
either  satisfied  with  the  knowledge  of  Deity  which  he  had 
communicated  to  them,  or,  alarmed  by  his  fate,  declined  to  de- 
nounce idol- worship,  or  expose  the  deceptive  arts  of  its  minis- 
ters. He  left  no  writings,  but,  by  comparing  his  sentiments 
reported  by  those  of  his  friends  who  were  qualified  to  judge 
and  worthy  to  be  credited,  with  the  opinions  of  the  future 
philosophers  of  Greece  and  Asia,  it  is  certain  that  not  one  of 
them  entertained  moro   just  conceptions   of   the  T^ue  and 


m- 


m  m 


REION    OF   ARTAXERXES   LONGIMANUS.  89 

Living  God,  the  spiritual  nature  of  man,  and  the  invisible 
state.  This  is  manifest  from  the  numerous  works  of  Plato, 
the  most  celebrated  disciple  of  Socrates,  and  confessedly  the 
philosopher  who  was  most  eminent  for  his  knowledge  of  re- 
ligion and- morals. 

This  great  philosopher  taught  that  there  was  a  Supreme 
Being,  the  former  of  all  things  ;  but  this  Being,  according  to 
him,  was  neither  the  only  eternal  existence,  nor  in  nature  pos- 
sessed of  immeasurable  perfection.  He  held  that  there  were 
two  eternal,  independent  causes*of  all  things;  God  and 
matter.  The  latter  was  a  substance  without  form  or  quality, 
but  received  both  from  the  former.  Human  reasonings  are 
generally  inconsistent  and  contradictory,  and  Plato's  were 
not  an  exception.  He  speaks  of  nature  possessing  a  power 
capable  of  resisting  the  will  and  operation  of  Deity,  and  this 
he  regards  as  the  origin  and  necessary  continuance  of  evil  in 
the  universe.  "  It  cannot  be  that  evil  be  destroyed,  for  there 
must  always  be  something  contrary  to  good.  God  wills,  as 
far  as  it  is  possible,  every  thing  good,  and  nothing  evil." 
Plato  seems  still  further  to  assign  limits  to  the  perfection  of 
Deity,  by  the  assertion  that  He  formed  a  perfect  world,  ac- 
cording to  eternal,  immutable  patterns.  What  i§  to  be  under- 
stood by  these  patterns  has  never  been  determined  by  the 
learned.  Some  consider  them  to  consist  of  conceptions  or 
ideas  eternally  existing  in  the  Divine  mind  ;  and  others,  that 
they  mean  innumerable  real  beings,  subsisting  in  God,  and 
proceeding  from  him,  actually  distinct  from  him  and 
matter,  but  employed  bv  him  to  form  sensible  things,  to  be 
contemplated  by  rational  beings.  The  latter  opinion  is  ob- 
viously equivalent  to  the  emanations  from  God,  which  charac- 
terised the  vain  philosophy  of  the  wise  men  of  oriental  coun- 
tries. This  imagination  probably  originated  another  equallv 
destitute  of  truth, — that  each  material  world  was  endued  with 
a  soul,  and,  like  the  matter  from  which  it  was  formed,  eternal. 
It  was  not  therefore  difficult  for  the  philosopher  to  believe 
that  the  soul  was  immortal,  although  he  supposed  it  material, 
and  on  that  account  partaking  of  the  imperfection  and  evil 
belonging  to-  matter.  Hence  he  ascribes  the  evident  moral 
defects  of  the  human  race  to  the  manner  in  which  God 
originally  formed  the  universe,  and  particularly  to  an  act  of 
these  souls  in  some  unknown  remote  period.  "  God,"  says 
Plato,  "separated  from  the  soul  of  the  world  inferior  souls, 
equal  in  number  to  the  stars,  and  assigned  to  each  its  proper 
celestial  abode  ;  but  that  these  souls  (by  what  means,  or  for 

8* 


m 


# 


90  STATE  OF   THE   PAGAN   WORLD   IN   THE 

what  reason  does  not  appear)  were  sent  down  to  the  earth 
into  human  bodies,  as  into  a  sepulchre  or  prison.  He 
ascribes  to  this  cause  the  depravity  and  misery  to  which  hu- 
man nature  is  liable ;  and  maintains,  that  it  is  only  by  disen- 
gaging itself  from  all  animal  passions,  and  rising  above  sensi- 
ble objects  to  the  contemplation  of  the  world  of  intelligence 
that  the  soul  of  man  can  be  prepared  to  return  to  its  original 
habitation."  His  system  of  morals,  of  course,  contained  no 
principle  tending  to  humble  man  in  the  presence  of  his  Crea- 
tor, nor  any  adequate  m&tive  to  reconcile  to  God  a  heart 
alienated  from  the  holiness  of  his  nature  and  laws,  and  con- 
scious of  being  justly  exposed  to  his.  displeasure  and  ven- 
geance. The  sum  of  his  morality  was  that  "our  highest 
good  consists  in  the  contemplation  and  knowledge  of  the  first 
good,  which  is  Mind,  or  God.  All  those  things  which  are 
called  good  by  men,  are  in  reality  such  only  so  far  as  they 
are  derived  from  the  first  and  highest  good.  The  only 
povsrer  in  human  nature  which  can  acquire  a  resemblance  to 
the  Supreme  Good,  is  reason.  The  minds  of  philosophers 
are  fraught  with  valuable  treasures  ;  and,  after  the  death  of 
the  body,  they  shall  be  admitted  to  Divine  entertainments  ;  so 
that,  whilst  with  the  gods  they  are  employed  in  surveying  the 
fields  of  truth,  they  will  look  down  with  contempt  upon  the 
folly  of  those  who  are  contented  with  earthly  shadows. 
Goodness  and  beauty  consist  in  the  knowledge  of  the  first  good 
and  the  first  fair.  That  only  what  is  becoming  is  good : 
therefore  virtue  is  to  be  pursued  for  its  own  sake ;  and,  be- 
cause it  is  a  Divine  attainment,  it  cannot  be  taught,  but  is  the 
gift  of  God.  He  alone  who  has  attained  the  knowledge  of 
the  first  good  is  happy.  The  end  of  this  knowledge  is,  to  ren 
der  man  as  like  to  God  as  the  condition  of  human  nature  will 
permit.  This  likeness  consists  in  prudence,  justice,  sanctity, 
temperance." 

The  revolution  in  religious  and  moral  principles  which 
had  been  thus  commenced  in  Greece,  passed  to  the  metro- 
polis and  chief  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  rapid  as 
lightning,  after  the  extension  of  its  power  to  Greece  and  Asia. 
It  was  confessedly  superficial,  as  our  notice  of  it,  in  its  nature, 
and  inefficient  to  produce  a  radical  and  enduring  change  on 
the  human  aflfections,  in  relation  to  God  or  man.  It  was, 
however,  salutary  on  the  interests  of  true  religion.  This 
every  one  may  discover  who  adverts  to  the  liberty  of  religious 
thoughts  and  actions  permitted  from  the  time  of  Artaxerxes 
throughout  nearly  the  whole  known  world.      The  worship 


» 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES    LONGIMANUS. 


91 


of  the  True  God  gradually  and  progressively  spread  in  the 
empire  of  idols,  and  multitudes  of  their  votaries  became  utter- 
ly regardless  of  their  honour  ;  and  not  a  few  joined  the  syna- 
gogues, and  ascended  occasionally  to  the  temple  of  the  Jews, 
who  had  been  for  many  centuries  unirersally  hated  or  de- 
spised, as  the  enemies  of  the  gods  and  of  mankind. 

Whence  came  the  dim  light  of  truth  which  partially  illu- 
minated the  minds  of  the  original  agents  of  this  moral  revolu- 
tion? Did  these  men  possess  talents  transcending  their 
learned  predecessors  who  were  the  very  pillars  of  idolatry  ? 
Or  were  they  naturally  more  disposed  to  seek  after  the  One 
God  and  Saviour  ?  No  one  will,  on  these  accounts,  place 
Anaxagoras,  Socrates,  and  Plato,  before  Thales,  Lycurgus, 
and  Solon.  The  purer  light  of  the  former  had  doubtless  fall- 
en on  them,  as  it  radiated  from  the  holy  fire  of  Moses  and 
the  prophets,  which  every  great  evemt  dispersed  wider  and 
wider  over  the  inhabited  world.  This  fire  the  philosophers, 
influenced  by  it,  may  not  have  perceived,  or  in  the  pride  of  in- 
tellect, might  have  disdained  to  acknowledge.  Nor  would 
this  be  surprising;  for  similar  has  been  the  mental  condition 
of  the  philosophers  and  learned  in  the  Christian  age.  Every 
truly  candid  man  is  fully  persuaded  that  they  own  all  their 
superiority  over  the  ancients,  in  religion  and  moral  ideas,  to 
Christianity,  but  few  among  them  have  discerned  or  publicly 
avowed  this  fact.  That  Greece  was  assuming,  and  Rome 
about  to  take,  a  new  position  in  relation  to  the  countries  in 
which  the  Jews  sojourned,  at  the  period  when  moral  light 
shone  on  them,  will,  we  think,  be  distinctly  observed  by  all 
who  may  peruse  the  subsequent  pages ;  and  the  extreme  dark- 
ness in  which  the  learned  Greeks  and  Romans  remained  must 
excite  the  astonishment  of  all  reflecting  persons,  who  are  not 
strongly  persuaded  of  the  entire  aversion  of  the  hearts  of  all, 
and  especially  of  those  who  deem  themselves  the  exclusively 
wise  and  the  prudent  of  this  world,  from  Jehovah  the  abso- 
lutely perfect  and  independent  Being. 


m= 


CHA.PTER  V. 

THE  REIGN  OF  DARIUS  NOTHUS. 


The  death  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus  was  generally  la- 
mented, for  during  his  long  reign  the  Persian  empire,  in  Asia, 
had  been,  on  the  whole,  prosperous  and  happy.  And  had 
his  numerous  subjects  foreseen  the  calamitous  events  which 
were  about  to  fall  on  them,  their  grief  would  assuredly  have 
been  more  intense  and  universal.  To  the  Jews  especially 
his  memory  was  peculiarly  dear,  for  they  had  been  more  fa- 
voured by  him  than  by  any  of  his  predecessors.  If  they, 
however,  appreherjded  that  his  demise  would  prove  detrimen- 
tal to  their  interests,  the  pious  among  them  doubtless  soon 
perceived  abundant  reason  to  admire  and  adore  the  love  and 
goodness  of  the  God  of  their  fathers ;  for  the  state  of  the  em- 
pire continued  for  several  years  remarkably  favourable  to  the 
interests  of  their  nation,  and  of  the  true  religion. 

The  royal  family  were  the  first  to  bewail  the  loss  of  their 
generous  and  just  chief  and  sovereign.  He  had  left  only  one 
son,  named  Xerxes,  by  his  queen,. but  seventeen  sons  by  his 
concubines.  The  former  ascended  the  throne  amidst  the  joy- 
ful acclamations  of  the  people.  He  appears  to  have  been 
more  disposed  to  sensual  gratifications  then  qualified  to  govern 
a  great  empire.  His  ambitious,  cruel,  and  unnatural  brother 
Sogdianus,  taking  advantage  of  his  weakness  and  folly,  con- 
spired to  destroy  him.  On  a  festival  day  the  king  had  retired 
to  his  chamber  intoxicated  ;  he  was  soon  followed  by  his  trea- 
cherous brother,  led  on  by  Pharnacias,  one  of  the  king's  fa- 
vourite eunuchs.  They  easily  murdered  the  king,  and  found 
no  difficulty  to  proclaim  Sogdianus  his  successor.  He  had 
scarcely  taken  possession  of  the  throne  when  he  also  killed 
Bagorazus,  the  most  faithful  of  all  his  father's  eunuchs,  and 
one  respected  by  all  the  nobles  and  the  army.  These  there- 
fore gladly  joined  his  brother  Ochur,  who  raised  an  army  in 
Hyrcania,  the  government  of  which  had  been  committed  to 


®= 


REIGN    OF    DARIUS   NOTHUS.  93 

him  by  their  father,  and  hastened  to  the  capital,  with  the 
avowed  purpose  to  revenge  the  death  of  Xerxes.  Having 
seized  Sogdianus,  he  condemned  him  to  suffer  death  by  suf- 
focation in  ashes,  a  mode  of  punishment  inflicted  by  the  Per- 
sians on  the  greatest  criminals,  and  which  is  thus  described 
by  ancient  writers: — "  A  large  quantity  of  ashes  was  thrown 
into  one  of  the  largest  towers ;  the  criminal  was  cast  in  from 
the  top,  and  the  ashes  were,  by  a  wheel,  turned  perpetually 
round  him,  till  he  was  suffocated." 

Ochus  was  immediately  proclaimed  king  in  less  than  seven 
months  after  his  father's  death,  and  changed  his  name  to  that 
of  DariuSj  to  which  historians  add  Nothus,  the  bastard,  to  dis- 
tinguish him  from  other  Persian  emperors  named  Darius. 
The  reign  of  Darius  Nothus,  which  lasted  nineteen  years, 
was  far  from  tranquil.  He  first  had  to  defend  his  power 
against  a  great  rebellion,  headed  by  Arsites,  one  of  his  bro- 
thers' by  the  same  mother.  This  prince  found  a  fit  instrument 
to  fulfil  his  pleasure  in  Artyphius,  son  of  Megabyzus,  who 
had  been  one  of  the  noblest  servants  and  ablest  commanders 
of  the  army  of  Arta.xerxes.  The  son  was  probably  stimulated 
to  revolt  from  a  desire  to  revenge  the  disgrace  and  sufferings 
inflicted  on  his  admired  father.  He  twice  defeated  the  king's 
army,  and  would  perhaps  have  finally  triumphed,  had  not  the 
Greeks  in  his  army  been  prevailed  on  by  bribes  to  desert  him 
in  the  third  encounter.  On  surrendering  himself  to  the  ge- 
neral, Artasyras,  by  whom  he  had  been  conquered,  his  life 
was  spired  for  some  time  through  the  fatal  policy  of  the 
queen  Parysatis.  She  persuaded  the  king  to  delay  the  put- 
ting of  the  general  to  death,  lest  it  should  render  the  rebel  bro- 
ther desperate,  and  thereby  prolong  the  rebellion.  The  wis- 
dom of  her  advice  was  quickly  seen  ;  for  Arsites,  on  learning 
the  clemency  showed  Artyphius,  delivered  himself  up  to  his 
royal  brother.  The  queen  having  thus  succeeded  in  her 
subtle  scheme  rested  not  till  Darius  after  a  violent  struggle 
with  his  brotherly  affection,  yielded  to  her  entreaties,  and  put 
to  death  his  brother  and  Artyphius. 

Thus  occupied  in  subjugating  or  punishing  with  death  the 
real  or  supposed  rivals  of  his  power,  who  lived  in  the  pro- 
vmces  situated  nearest  the  capital,  the  more  remote  most  pro- 
bably were  left  by  him  for  a  number  of  years  to  be  governed 
according  to  the  rules  prescribed  by  his  father.  History,  at 
least,  records  no  change  in  Syria,  Judea,  and  Phenicia,  during 
the  greater  part  of  the  reign  of  Darius  Nothus.  The  Jews 
were  every  where  distinguished  by  their  fidelity  to  Persia. 


®= 


•# 


9#  REIGN    OF    DARn;S    NOTHUS. 

This  was  so  universally  known  that  they  owed  to  it,  as  we 
shall  see,  the  singular  favours  conferred  on  them  by  their  fu- 
ture conquerors.  By  consequence,  every  thing  known  of  this 
period  tended  to  the  prosperity  of  the  government  of  Judea 
while  Nehemiah  lived.  He  is  believed  to  have  performed 
the  great  act  which  perfected  the  restoration  of  Moses'  law, 
and  the  last  recorded  to  have  been  done  by  him,  about  a.  m. 
:{595,  B.  c.  409.  The  correctness  of  this  date  is  manifest  from 
the  Chronicon  Alexandrium,  which  contains  the  fullest,  and, 
at  the  same  time,  a  true  account  of  the  succession  of  the 
Jewish  high-priests.  For  if,  as  it  is  generally  understood, 
Joiada  was  high-priest  when  one  of  his  sons  was  expelled  for 
his  profanation  of  the  temple,  the  last  act  of  Nehemiah  could 
not  be  much  earlier  ;  for  Eliashib,  the  father  of  Joiada,  only 
died,  B.  c.  413.  That  Nehemiah  survived  him  is  not  doubtful, 
but  how  long  is  quite  uncertain.  If,  however,  he  was  ap- 
pointed governor  of  Judea,  b.  c.  445,  he  appears  to  have  held 
that  office  more  than  thirty  years,  several  of  which  he  spent 
at  the  Persian  court,  when  he  could  only  rule  Judea  by  a  de- 
puty. 

Under  his  able  and  just  administration  for  so  long  a  period, 
doubtless  the  population  and  the  happiness  of  the  restored  na- 
tion of  the  Jews  greatly  increased.     He  found  them  so  few 
and  scattered  over  the  country,  that  he  deemed  it  expedient  to 
ji  people  the  holy  city  by  persuading  those  in  the  rural  districts 

to  cast  lots  to  decide  who  should  settle  as  citizens  ;  and  one  of 
every  ten  was  chosen.  That  the  city  and  kingdom  presented 
a  scene  far  more  animating  before  his  death,  we  may  reason- 
ably infer,  when  we  reflect  on  the  state  in  which  Judea  ap- 
peared two  or  three  generations  later,  notwithstanding  the  nu- 
merous evils  which  it  had  suffered  in  the  interval.  Many 
things  contributed  in  his  day  to  augment  the  population,  and 
extend  the  influence  of  his  people :  and  accomplish  such  pre- 
dictions as  that  in  Zech.  i.  16,  17.  "I  am  returned  to  Jeru- 
salem with  mercies :  my  house  shall  be  built  in  it,  saith  the 
Lord  of  hosts,  and  a  line  shall  be  stretched  forth  upon  Jeru- 
salem. Cry  yet,  saying,  Thus  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts.  My 
cities  through  prosperity  shall  yet  be  spread  abroad  ;  and  the 
Lord  shall  yet  comfort  Zion,  and  shall  yet  choose  Jerusalem." 
The  Jews  had  rest  from  all  their  surrounding  hereditary  en- 
emies, who  quietly  submitted  to  the  Persian  rule.  The  Tyri- 
ans,  restored  to  liberty,  resumed  their  former  commercial  pur- 
suits, and  were  honoured  by  the  rulers  of  Persia,  who  owed 
them  much  for  the  use  of  their  ships,  when  required  in  war 


REIGN    OF    DARIUS    NOTHU8.  95 

Indeed  they  were  rarely  disposed  to  quarrel  with  the  Jews, 
from  whom  they  received,  in  exchange  for  their  merchandise, 
the  most  of  their  articles  of  food.  The  Moabites,  Ammonites, 
Philistines,  and  Edomites  seem  also  to  have  returned  from  the 
Babylonian  captivity,  and  to  have  multiplied  ;  but  except  the 
last,  these  nations  interfered  not  much  with  the  affairs  of  the 
Jews.  The  Egyptians  were  not  in  circumstances  to  do  them 
wrong ;  for  after  repeated  and  mighty  efforts,  in  which  they 
were  strengthened  by  the  powerful  assistance  of  the  Athe- 
nians, they  were  compelledto  bow  to  Persia,  except  those  whom 
Amyrtceus  withdrew  to  the  fens,  which  were  inaccessible  tb 
the  Persians.  Here  the  disaffected  were  permitted  to  remain 
in  peace  many  years,  and  the  only  attempt  they  made  to  re- 
cover the  kingdom,  from  the  tenth  year  of  Artaxerxes  to  the 
eleventh  of  Darius,  proved  abortive. 

The  care  of  Nehemiah  to  preserve  the  purity  of  the  temple 
worship,  to  which  allusion  has  been  made,  was  the  unde- 
signed occasion  of  the  complete  establishment  of  a  false  but 
imposing  form  of  the  true  religion  in  Samaria,  which  proved 
a  fertile  source  of  grief  to  the  true  worshippers  of  God,  and 
of  much  perplexity  to  the  Jews,  for  several  ages.  Samaria 
was  the  name  of  the  capital  of  the  Ten  Tribes  of  Israel.  It 
was  situated  in  a  rich  district  to  which  it  gave  name,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Jerusalem,  on  the  road  to  Galilee.  This 
district  was  peopled  by  a  mixed  multitude,  transplanted  from 
various  idolatrous  countries  in  the  East,  by  the  king  of  As- 
syria, to  supply  the  place  of  the  Israelites,  whom  he  had  car- 
ried away  captive.  From  the  original  narrative  of  this  peo- 
ple in  2  Kings  xvii.  24 — 41.  we  learn  that  on  taking  up  their 
residence  in  the  holy  land,  they  suffered  much  from  the  in- 
loads  of  beasts  of  prey,  which  they  conceived  to  be  a  punish- 
ment inflicted  on  them  for  their  idolatrous  practices.  Terror 
impelled  them  to  desire  instruction  how  to  worship  the  God 
of  Israel.  In  compliance  with  their  desire,  the  Assyrian  king 
sent  them  a  priest  belonging  to  the  Ten  Tribes.  Probably 
they  durst  not  have  submitted  to  be  taught  by  a  priest  of  the 
kingdom  of  Judah.  Unhappily  their  new  teacher  taught 
them  not  the  true  nature  of  idolatry  or  of  the  true  religion ; 
and  the  resuh  was,  that,  like  the  Ten  Tribes,  they  for  some- 
time professed  to  worship  the  True  God  and  their  native  idols. 
It  seems,  however,  probable  that  they  had  really  become,  or 
pretended  to  be,  ashamed  of  idol-worship  before  the  return  of 
the  Israelites  from  captivity ;  for  they  t"hen  expressed  a  wish 
to  be  considered  one  with  them  in  the  worship  of  the  True 


96  REIGN   OP    DARIUS    NOTHDS. 

God.  But  the  Israelites  had  no  confidence  in  them,  and  in- 
deed they  seem  to  have  had  ample  reason  to  suspect  their  sin- 
cerity, if  we  may  judge  by  their  future  conduct,  for  they 
showed  themselves  the  most  active  and  most  dangerous  ene- 
mies of  the  restored  captives.  They  persecuted  them  by 
every  means  in  their  power  ;  and  gladly  received  among 
them  every  Israelite  who  was  unwilling  to  submit  in  all 
things  to  the  laws  of  Moses,  or  who  subjected  himself  to  pun- 
ishment among  his  own  people.  But  their  power  to  seduce 
the  Jews  and  disunite  them  was  comparatively  insignificant, 
while  their  form  of  religion  was  distinctly  diflferent  from  that 
instituted  by  Moses  ;  for  religious  errors  are  powerless  if  not 
exhibited  in  the  semblance  of  truth.  This  defect  in  the  arts 
of  the  Samaritans  to  injure  the  Jews  was  most  probably  sup- 
plied by  the  son  of  Eliashib,  the  high-priest,  when  he  joined 
them.  Having  married  the  daughter  of  Sanballat,  the  Persian 
governor  of  Samaria,  his  father-in-law  built  him  a  temple  on 
mount  Gerizim,  intended  to  rival  that  on  mount  Sion,  and  of 
it  he  was  constituted  the  first  high-priest. 

This  memorable  event  happened,  according  to  Josephus,  at 
a  later  j)eriod.  But  it  is  more  probable  that  he  made  a  mis- 
take in  chronology  than  that  there  were  at  diflferent  periods  a 
Persian  governor  named  Sanballat,  and  that  a  son  of  a  high- 
priest  who  succeeded  Joiada,  also  apostatised  and  married  the 
governor's  daughter.  To  Joiada's  son,  called^  by  Josephus 
Manasseh,  may,  most  likely,  be  ascribed,  not  only  the  erection 
of  the  temple  on  Gerizim,  but  also  the  adoption  of  the  books 
of  Moses  by  the  Samaritans.  A  temple  would  have  been  no 
proper  bond  of  union  without  a  form  of  worship ;  and  a  Jew- 
ish high-priest  ambitious  to  seduce  his  countrymen  to  imitate 
his  example  would,  at  once,  from  policy,  prefer  the  form  pre- 
scribed by  Moses.  This  was  especially  natural  to  Manasseh, 
who  had  not  renounced  the  religious  rites,  but  rather  the 
moral  restraints  of  the  lavvs  of  Moses.  By  these  circum- 
stances, the  previous  alienation  existing  between  the  Samari- 
tans and  Jews  was  confirmed  and  strengthened ;  each  main- 
tained that  they  alone  were  the  chosen  people  of  God.  The 
number  of  Jews  evil-affected  towards  their  own  nation  who 
joined  the  Samaritans,  became  so  great  that  they  denied  their 
original  descent,  and  insisted  that  they  were  the  legitimate 
decendants  of  the  patriarchs.  Hence  the  female's  address  to 
our  Lord  at  Jacob's  well. — "  Art  thou  greater  than  our  father 
Jacob,  who  gave  us  the  well,  and  drank  thereof  himself,  and 
his  children,  and  his  cattle  ?"     Their  pretensions,  as  well  as 


• 


KEIGN   OF   DARIUS   NOTmJB. 


"91 


their  unconquerable  opposition,  exceedingly  provoked  the 
pride  and  indignation  of  the  Jews,  who  had  the  pleasure  of 
conquering  them  years  afterwards,  under  their  great  leader 
Hyrcanus.  He  erazed  their  temple,  but  he  could  not  change 
their  hearts.  The  Samaritans  continued  to  regard  its  site  sa- 
cred, and  used  it  as  the  seat  of  their  national  worship.  This 
is  still  done  by  those  who  claim  at  the  present  day  the  honour 
of  being  their  legitimate  descendants.  They  are  now  very 
few  in  number,  and  reside  in  Nepolose,  the  ancient  Shechem 
or  Sychar,  a  town  beautifully  situated  about  forty  miles  from 
Jerusalem. 

They  acknowledged  no  part  of  the  Scriptures  inspired  ex- 
cept the  Pentateuch,  probably  because  the  other  portions  re 
presented  Jerusalem  and  its  temple  as  the  exclusively  sacred 
seat  for  the  public  worship  of  the  True  God.  The  present 
race  possess  a  very  ancient  manuscript,  which  they  assert  to 
be  nearly  3000  years  old.  They  respect  the  books  real  or 
apocryphal  of  Joshua  and  the  Judges.  They  profess  to  look 
for  Messiah,  whom  they  regard  only  as  a  man,  who  shall 
assume  the  royalty,  and  make  their  town  the  metropolis  of 
his  universal  empire.  They  show  a  catalogue  of  their  high- 
priests  regularly  descended  from  Aaron,  and  vaunt  that  they 
alone  retain  the  Hebrew  characters  in  which  God  gave  the 
law  to  Moses.  Ezra  they  regard  as  an  imposter,  and  pro- 
nounce cursed  the  characters  used  by  the  Jews  in  their  writ- 
ings.—See  Chr.  Teacher  for  Nov.  1839. 

The  Samaritan  Pentateuch  deservedly  holds  a  high  place 
in  sacred  literature.  Several  of  the  Christian  fathers  knew 
and  quoted  it ;  but  it  was  afterwards  lost  sight  of  till  Joseph 
Scaliger  called  the  attention  of  the  learned  to  it.  The  first 
copies  that  appear  to  have  reached  Europe,  w^e  owe  to  the 
venerable  archbishop  Usher.  Two  versions  are  extant ;  one 
in  the  Arabic,  and  the  other  in  the  Samaritan  characters. 
The  latter,  Horn  observes,  "  was  made  from  the  Hebrew-Sa- 
maritan text  into  the  Samaritan  dialect,  which  is  intermediate 
between  the  Hebrew  and  the  Aramasan  language.  This  ver- 
sion is  of  gjeat  antiquity,  having  been  made  at  least  before 
the  time  of  Origen,  and  not  improbably  before  the  commence- 
ment of  the  Christian  sera.  The  author  of  the  Samaritan 
version  is  unknown,  but  he  has  in  general  adhered  very 
closely  and  faithfully  to  the  original  text ;  so  that  this  version 
is  almost  exactly  the  counterpart  of  the  original  Hebrew-Sa- 
maritan codex  with  all  its  various  readings.  This  shows,  in 
a  degree  really  surprising,  how  very  carefully  and  accurately 

VOL    I.  9 


I 


98  REIGN    OF    DARIUS    NOTHUS. 

the  Helbrew  Pentateuch  has  been  copied  and  preserved  by  the 
Samaritans,  from  the  ancient  times  in  which  their  version  was 
made.  The  Arabic  version  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch  is 
also  extant  in  Samaritan  characters,  and  was  executed  by  Abu 
Said,  A,  D.  1070,  in  order  to  supplant  the  Arabic  translation  of 
the  Jewish  Rabbi,  Saadia  Gaon,  which  had  till  that  time  been 
in  use  among  the  Samaritans.  Abu  Said  has  very  closely 
followed  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  whose  readings  he  ex- 
presses, even  where  the  latter  differs  from  the  Hebrew  text ; 
in  some  instances,  however,  bdth  Bishop  Walton  and  Bauer 
have  remarked,  that  he  has  borrowed  from  the  Arabic  version 
of  Saadia.  On  account  of  the  paucity  of  manuscripts  of  the 
original  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  Bauer  thinks  this  version  will 
be  found  of  great  use  in  correcting  its  text.  Some  specimens 
of  it  have  been  published  by  Dr.  Durell  in  the  '  Hebrew  Text 
of  the  Parallel  Prophecies  of  Jacob  relating  to  the  Twelve 
Tribes,'  &c.  (Oxford,  1763,  4to.)  and  before  him  by  Castell, 
in  the  fourth  volume  of  the  London  Polyglott ;  also  by  Hwiid, 
at  Rome,  in  1780,  in  8vo.  ;  and  by  Paulus,  at  Jena,  in  1789, 
in  Svo."  A  brief  but  satisfactory  account  of  the  Samaritan 
Pentateuch  is  given  by  Home  in  his  introduction  to  the  Holy 
Scriptures,  vol.  2.  pages  93 — 97.  Sixth  Edition. 

The  construction  of  a  corrupt  system  of  religion  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Jews  was  followed  or  accompanied  by  other 
;ilarming  events.  The  Egyptians,  who  were  never  reconciled 
to  the  Persians,  were  prepared  to  cast  off  their  yoke,  and  only 
waited  an  opportunity,  which  the  feeble  and  distracted  aa- 
ministration  of  Darius  Nothus  encouraged  them  to  expect. 
The  least  evil  which  the  Jews  had  reason  to  dread  from  the 
revolt  of  Egypt  was,  that  their  country  would  be  traversed 
and  impoverished  by  the  Persian  army  on  its  way  to  that 
country.  In  addition  to  this,  many  of  them  would  be  called 
to  join  the  invaders.  And  if  the  Egyptians  succeeded  to  ren- 
der themselves  independent,  it  was  most  probable  that  they 
would  invade  Judea,  and  revenge  themselves  on  the  Jews, 
who  were  well  known  as  the  most  faithful  friends  of  the  Per- 
sians. That  such  events  must  have  been  anticipated  by  the 
principal  Jews,  to  whom  the  state  of  the  empire  was  known, 
cannot  be  doubted.  Darius  discovered  little  of  the  wisdom  or 
firmness  of  mind  indispensable  in  the  sovereign  of  a  great 
people.  He  permitted  himself  to  be  entirely  governed  and 
directed  by  his  queen  and  three  of  his  chief  eunuchs.  Of 
the  latter  Artoxares  was  the  most  loved,  honoured,  and  trusted 
by  his  master,  who  almost  in  all  things  was  guided  by  his 


m 


REIGN  OP  DARIUS  NOTHUS.  99 

counsel.  This  man  beceime  intoxicated  by  the  power  with 
which  he  was  invested,  and  rashly  aspired  to  the  throne. 
"  He  had  found  Darius's  weak  side,  by  which  he  insinuated 
himself  into  his  confidence.  He  had  studied  all  his  passions, 
to  know  how  to  indulge  them,  and  governed  his  prince  by 
their  means.  He  plunged  him  continually  in  pleasures  and 
amusements,  to  engross  his  whole  authority  to  himself  In 
fine,  under  the  name  and  protection  of  queen  Parysatis,  to 
whose  will  and  pleasure  he  was  the  most  devoted  of  slaves, 
he  disposed  of  all  the  affairs  of  the  empire,  and  nothing  was 
transacted  but  by  his  orders."  He  could,  in  these  circum- 
stances, at  any  time,  cut  off  his  king,  and  he  believed  that  his 
appearing  a  eunuch  was  the  only  thing  which  might  indis- 
pose the  Persians  to  acknowledge  him  his  successor.  To  re- 
move this  impression,  he  wore  an  artificial  beard,  married, 
and  caused  it  to  be  propagated  that  he  belonged  not  to  the 
class  of  eunuchs,  although  he  had  deemed  it  expedient  to  as- 
sume the  appearance  of  one.  He  revealed  his  design  and 
object  to  his  wife,  who  discovered  the  whole  to  the  king.  The 
traitor  was  seized,  and  dehvered  over  to  the  ambitious  and  re- 
vengeful queen,  who,  on  account  of  his  boldness  in  deceiving 
her,  feh  malignant  pleasure  in  inflicting  on  him  an  ignomini- 
ous and  cruel  death. 

This  fortunate  deliverance  of  the  king  from  the  fatal  snare 
laid  for  him  in  his  palace  gave  no  stability  to  his  throne. 
Anarchy  and  rebellion  were  widely  spread.  Lydia,  one  of 
the  most  valuable  and  important  provinces  of  the  empire,  was 
governed  by  Pisuthnes.  He  knew  well  the  weakness  of  the 
imperial  government,  and  resolved  to  constitute  himself  the 
independent  king  of  his  province.  "  What  flattered  him  with 
the  hopes  of  succeeding  in  his  attempt,  was,  his  having  raised 
a  considerable  body  of  Grecian  troops,  under  the  command 
of  Lycon  the  Athenian  Darius  sent  Tissaphernes  against 
this  rebel,  and  gave  him,  with  a  considerable  army,  the  com- 
mission of  governor  of  Lydia,  of  which  he  was  to  dispossess 
Pisuthnes.  Tissaphernes,  who  was  an  artful  man,  and  capa- 
ble of  acting  in  all  characters,  found  means  of  tampering  with 
the  Greeks  under  Pisuthnes ;  and,  by  dint  of  presents  and 
promises,  brought  over  the  troops  with  tVieir  general  to  his 
party.  Pisuthnes,  who,  by  this  desertion,  was  unable  to  carry 
on  his  designs,  surrendered,  upon  his  being  flattered  with  the 
hopes  of  obtaining  his  pardon  ;  but  the  instant  he  was  brought 
before  the  king,  he  was  sentenced  to  be  suffocated  in  ashes, 
and  accordingly  met  with  the  same  fate  as  the  rest  of  the 


*.^-. 


f 


-m 


100  REIGN    OF    DARIUS   NOTHUS. 

rebels.  But  his  death  did  not  put  an  end  to  all  troubles  ;  for 
Amorges,  his  son,  with  the  remainder  of  his  army,  still  op- 
posed Tissaphernes  ;  and  for  two  years  laid  waste  the  mari- 
time provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  till  h.e  at  last  was  taken  by  the 
Greeks  of  Peloponnesus,  in  lasus,  a  city  of  Ionia,  and  deli- 
vered up  by  the  inhabitants  to  Tissaphernes,  who  put  him  to 
death." 

A  fiercer  tempest  burst  on  Egypt,  a  province,  if  possible, 
of  greater  consequence  than  even  X^y^ia.  While  the  latter 
country  was  in  a  state  of  revolt,  Amyrtaeus  left  his  fens^  for 
this  was  the  common  name  of  the  region  of  which  Persia  had 
not  been  able,  or  at  least  not  inclined,  to  deprive  him  of  The 
Egyptians,  being  generally  disaffected,  hasted  to  his  standard, 
and  the  Persians  were  speedily  expelled.  Amyrtaeus,  having 
been  acknowledged  the  sovereign  of  all  Egypt,  restored  the 
kingdom  to  peace,  and  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Arabians, 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  invading  Phenicia.  His  schemes 
were  no  sooner  made  known  to  Darius  than  he  resolved  to 
anticipate  him.  In  order  to  do  this  effectually,  he  recalled  his 
fleet  from  the  Lacedemonians,  whom  it  had  been  appointed 
to  aid  in  their  efforts  to  obtain  the  sovereignty  of  Greece. 
While  his  fleet  proceeded  to  Egypt,  he  led,  in  person,  a  great 
army  thither,  and  succeeded  in  reducing  it.  It  is  probable 
that  Amyrtasus  fell  in  defence  of  his  kingdom,  for  we  find 
that  his  son  Pausiris  was  appointed  by  Darius  its  tributary 
sovereign. 

During  the  war  in  Egypt  the  Arabians  and  Medes  revolted, 
but  they  were  soon  brought  into  subjection,  and  Darius  re- 
turned in  triumph  to  his  capital. 

Those  who  permit  their  affections  to  sway  their  judgment 
never  learn  wisdom  by  experience.  Of  this  Darius  Nothus 
was  an  example.  He  passionately  loved  or  feared  his  queen 
Parysatis,  and  had  not  courage  to  refuse  her  any  thing  which 
she  desired.  Their  youngest  son,  Cyrus,  was  her  favourite, 
and  she  eagerly  sought  to  place  him  in  a  condition  to  succeed 
immediately  to  the  throne  on  the  death  of  his  father.  This 
induced  her  to  prevail  on  the  king  to  appoint  Cyrus  to  the 
supreme  command  of  all  the  provinces  of  Asia  Minor ;  an 
office  which  a  youth  of  not  more,  perhaps,  than  sixteen  years 
of  age  could  scarcely  be  supposed  qualified  to  hold  ;  and  this 
his  conduct  fully  proved,  and  occasioned  much  misery  to  the 
empire.  His  hasty  elevation  awakened  and  strengthened  his 
ambition,  uncontrolled  by  reason.  Dazzled  with  the  splen- 
dour of  high  authority,  to  which  he  had  been  little  accustomed, 


'w 


REIGN   OP  DARIUS   NOTHUS.  101 

and  jealousy  of  the  least  omission  in  point  of  ceremonial  hom- 
ag^e,  discovered  by  a  remarkable  action  the  secret  of  his  heart 
Brought  up  from  his  infancy  in  the  reigning  house,  nurtured 
under  the  shade  of  the  throne,  amidst  the  submissions  and 
prostrations  of  the  courtiers,  entertained  long  by  the  discourses 
of  an  ambitious  mother  that  idolized  him,  in  the  desire  and 
hope  of  empire,  he  began  already  to  affect  the  rights  of 
soveteignty,  and  to  exact  the  honours  paid  to  it  with  surpris- 
ing haughtiness  and  rigour.  Two  Persians  of  the  royal  fam- 
ily, his  cousins-german  by  their  mother,  his  father  Darius's 
sister,  had  omitted  to  cover  their  hands  with  their  sleeves  in 
his  presence,  according  to  a  ceremonial  observed  only  to  the 
kings  of  Persia.  Cyrus,  resenting  that  neglect  as  a  capital 
crime,  condemned  them  both  to  die,  and  caused  them  to  be 
executed  at  Sardis  without  mercy.  Darius,  at  whose  feet 
their  relations  threw  themselves  to  demand  justice,  was  very 
much  affected  with  the  tragical  end  of  his  two  nephews,  and 
looked  upon  this  action  of  his  son  as  an  attempt  upon  himself, 
to  whom  alone  that  honour  was  due.  He  resolved  therefore 
to  take  his  government  from  him,  and  ordered  him  to  court, 
upon  the  pretext  of  being  sick  and  having  a  desire  to  see 
him.".  On  his  arrival  at  court,  his  mother  succeeded  to  re- 
concile him  to  his  father,  and  to  maintain  him  in  the  govern- 
ment of  Asia  Minor.  This  was  an  unhappy  event,  especially 
to  Athens.  The  preceding  governors  of  Persia,  in  Asia,  had 
studied  to  preserve  the  balance  of  power  in  Greece,  by  assist- 
ing the  weakest  states.  But  he  adopted  a  different  policy; 
and  by  profuse  expenditure  enabled  the  Lacedemonians  to 
conquer  and  subdue  the  Athenians,  by  which  the  celebrated 
Peloponnesian  war  was  terminated,  and  the  Grecians  united 
under  Sparta,  whose  rulers  soon  attacked  Persia,  apparently 
in  the  confident  hope  of  overthrowing  the  empire. 

About  this  time,  b.  c.  404,  Darius  Nothus  was  seized  with 
disease,  which  soon  terminated  fatally.  The  queen  had  at- 
tempted in  vain  to  prevail  on  him  to  declare  Cyrus  his  suc- 
cessor, instead  of  his  elder  brother,  named  Arsaces.  The 
latter  attended  his  father  in  his  illness,  and  earnestly  desired 
him  to  say  by  what  means  he  had  so  successfully  reigned, 
that  he  might  imitate  his  example,  and  be  blessed.  The  an- 
swer deserves  to  be  recorded  in  letters  of  gold  :  "  I  have  ever 
done  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge,  whatever  religion  and  jus- 
tice required,  without  swerving  from  the  one  to  the  other." 

Our  slight  retrospect  of  the  reign  of  Darius  sufficiently 
shows  that  many  well  educated  Jews  of  the  higher  orders 

9* 


=4 


102  REIGN   OF   DARIUS   N0TRD3. 

must  have,  at  this  period,  become  well  known  to  the  Greeks ; 
for  multitudes  of  both  nations  served  and  mixed  together  in 
the  Persian  armies.  And  as  we  know  that  the  Jews  were 
distinguished  at  this  time  by  their  correct  religious  and  moral 
principles,  the  true  religion  must  have  been  more  extensively 
known  in  Europe  than  in  any  former  age.  Does  not  this 
support  the  opinion  suggested  of  the  true  origin  of  the  vast 
improvement,  at  this  period,  in  Grecian  philosophy,  in  our 
brief  review  of  idolatry  and  philosophy  in  chapter  third  ?  It 
may  be  proper  to  add  here,  that  Socrates  is  the  universally 
acknowledged  instrument  in  his  noble  work,  which  was 
steadily  pursued  by  his  disciple  Plato.  He  was,  like  all  the 
citizens  of  Athens,  occasionally  a  soldier,  had  made  many 
campaigns,  and  was  present  in  many  battles ;  consequently 
he  may  have  had  ample  opportunity  to  acquire  knowledge 
of  the  Jewish  people,  their  character,  principles,  and  religion ; 
and  his  capacities  fitted  him  to  appreciate  them.  Happy  had 
it  been  had  he  searched  more  diligently  for  Divine  truth,  and 
not  limited  his  research  almost  wholly  to  the  principles  which 
merely  contribute  to  secure  man's  temporal  happiness  in  the 
various  relations  of  this  life.  In  this  attainment  he  indeed 
far  surpassed  all  his  teachers  and  the  Pagan  philosophers  of 
preceding  generations.  Socrates  was  put  to  death  about  three 
years  after  the  death  of  Darius.  His  father  was  a  sculptor, 
and  he  first  learned  and  excelled  in  this  trade;  but  "Criton 
is  reported  to  have  taken  him  out  of  his  father's  shop,  from 
the  admiration  of  his  fine  genius,  and  the  opinion  that  it  was 
inconsistent  for  a  young  man  capable  of  the  greatest  things, 
to  continue  perpetually  employed  upon  stone  with  a  chisel  in 
his  hand.  He  became  the  disciple  of  Archelaus,  who  con- 
ceived a  great  affection  for  him.  Archelaus  had  been  pupil 
to  Anaxagoras,  a  very  celebrated  philosopher.  Socrates'  first 
study  was  physics,  the  works  of  nature,  and  the  movement 
of  the  heavens,  stars,  and  planets,  according  to  the  custom  of 
those  times  in  which  only  that  part  of  philosophy  was  known  ; 
and  Xenophon  assures  us  of  his  being  learned  in  it.  But  after 
having  found,  by  his  own  experience,  how  difficult,  abstruse, 
intricate,  and  at  the  same  time  how  little  useful  that  kind  of 
learning  was  to  the  generality  of  mankind,  he  was  the  first, 
according  to  Cicero,  who  conceived  the  thought  of  bringing 
down  philosophy  from  heaven,  to  place  it  in  cities,  and  intro- 
duce it  into  private  houses ;  humanizing  it,  to  use  that  expres- 
sion, aad  rendering  it  more  familiar,  more  useful  in  common 
life,  more  within  the  reach  of  man's  capacity,  and  applying 


# 


« 


REIGN  OF  DARIUS  NOTHU8.  103 

it  solely  to  what  might  make  them  more  rational,  just,  and 
virtuous.  He  found  there  was  a  kind  of  folly  in  devoting 
the  whole  vivacity  of  his  mind,  and  employing  all  his  time 
in  inquiries  merely  curious,  involved  in  impenetrable  dark- 
ness, and  absolutely  incapable  of  contributing  to  human  hap- 
piness, whilst  he  neglected  to  inform  himself  in  the  ordinary 
duties  of  life,  and  in  learning  what  is  conformable  or  opposite 
to  piety,  justice,  and  probity, — in  what  fortitude,  temperance, 
and  wisdom  consist, — what  is  the  end  of  all  government,  what 
the  rules  of  it,  and  what  qualities  are  necessary  for  command- 
ing and  ruling  well."  Socrates,  on  the  whole,  surpassed  his 
contemporaries,  as  far  in  the  purity  of  his  life  as  in  his  know- 
ledge ;  and  though,  by  sacrificing  to  iEsculapius,  he  died  as 
as  a  fool  dieth,  yet  his  inflexible  adherence  to  what  he  deemed 
the  truth,  renders  his  memory  melancholy  dear  to  all  true 
philosophers. 


# 


m 


CHAPTER  VI. 


REIGN  OF  ARTAXERXES  MNEMON. 


The  most  prominent  subjects  of  the  history  of  the  church 
of  God,  or  his  avowed  worshippers,  are  not  their  usual  con- 
duct and  the  ordinary  events  which  befell  them,  but  their 
most  remarkable  declensions  and  reformations  in  the  true 
religion,  and  those  deeds  by  which,  collectively  or  individu- 
ally, the  power  of  faith  was  displayed  in  them,  and  those  pro- 
videnc6s  which  most  signally  discovered  that  they  were  the 
peculiar  objects  of  the  Divine  care  and  protection.  Such 
subjects  are  overlooked  or  contemned  by  mankind  generally ; 
and  as  common  historians  write  only  for  their  instruction,  and 
to  procure  their  applause,  they  bring  before  them  only  those 
things  which  they  know  will  interest  or  please  them.  It  is 
not  therefore  surprising  that  we  have  little  direct  information 
of  the  state  of  the  Jews  in  the  writings  of  the  heathen  histo- 
rians of  Greece  or  Rome.  Now,  as  Greeks  and  Romans 
were  the  exclusive  recorders  of  the  events  which  transpired 
in  those  times,  we  could  not  expect  that  they  would  inform 
us  of  the  religious  state  of  the  Jews ;  and  when  they  are 
silent  concerning  their  political  state,  we  may  conclude  that 
nothing  of  the  kind  very  striking  had  occurred  among  them. 
This  remark  applies  to  all  the  histories  extant  of  the  latter 
kings  of  Persia.  Josephus,  the  Jewish  historian,  passes 
wholly  over  thirty-one  years  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  Mne- 
mon,  doubtless  because  he  found  no  facts  on  record  which  he 
judged  worthy  of  preservation  respecting  his  own  nation. 
It  is  therefore  probable  that  the  Jews  had  hitherto  continued 
to  prosper,  although  not.  under  native  governors,  chosen  by 
the  Persian  king,  as  in  the  previous  interval  from  their  resto- 
ration. 

In  the  thirty-second  year  of  Arsaces,  known  in  history  by 
the  name  of  Artaxerxes,  one  incident  noticed  by  Josephus 
shows  that  a  foreigner  was  their  governor,  and  ruled  over 


#  '  ^ 


#  <► 


REIGN   OF    ARTAXERXES   MNEMON.  105 

them  "wnthout  any  respect  to  their  laws,  at  least  when  obe- 
dience to  these  suited  not  his  views,  and  that  the  Jews  were 
still,  as  a  nation,  rigid  observers  of  the  ritual  laws  of  Moses. 
On  that  year  Joiada  the  high-priest  died,  leaving  two  sons, 
Joiiathan  and  Jesus ;  the  former  was  his  father's  legitimate 
successor,  and  held  the  office  about  thiity-two  years :  but  he 
owed  his  actual  possession  of  his  official  dignity  not  to  fitness 
to  perform  its  duties,  but  to  the  religious  zeal  of  his  people. 
Jesus  or  Joshua  was  ambitious;  and  having  acquired  the 
friendship  of  Bagoas  the  Persian  governor,  he  obtained  from 
him  the  promise  of  the  high-priest's  office.  On  the  death  of 
his  father,  he  claimed  the  office,  and  in  an  altercation  with 
his  brother,  within  the  temple,  he  received  a  stroke  from  him 
which  occasioned  his  instant  death.  The  governor  appears 
to  have  been  in  the  city  at  the  time  of  this  melancholy  and 
wicked  deed,  and  hastened  to  the  temple  to  ascertain  its  real- 
ity ;  for,  according  to  Josephus,  the  report  of  so  great  a  crime 
was  incredible,  one  so  cruel  and  impious  having  never  been 
committed  by  the  Greeks  or  Barbarians.  Bagoas  attempted 
to  enter  the  temple ;  this  roused  the  indignation  of  the  multi- 
tude, who  were  filled  with  horror  at  the  tnought  of  the  sacred 
place  being  defiled  by  his  presence.  On  being  repulsed,  he 
exclaimed,  "  Have  you  had  the  audacity  to  perpetrate  a  mur- 
der in  your  temple,  and  now  refuse  me  admittance?  Am  I 
not  purer  than  the  dead  body  whose  blood  pollutes  it  ?"  Filled 
with  wrath,  he  resolved  to  punish  the  whole  nation,  and  de- 
manded that  henceforth  they  should  pay  a  certain  sum  to 
Persia  for  every  victim  which  was  offered  for  sacrifice  daily 
in  the  temple.  The  oppressive  law  was  enforced  during  the 
life  of  Artaxerxes.  Nor  is  it  probable  that  this  was  the  only 
oppressive  act  of  Bagoas'  administration;  for  a  man  who 
conceived  himself  at  liberty  to  dispose  of  the  chief  office  of 
the  religion  of  the  Jews,  would  not  hesitate  to  advance  his 
own  interest  by  every  possible  means  which  he  considered 
expedient.  Indeed,  his  tyrannical  government  was  perhaps 
the  cause  of  the  first  and  only  revolt  of  the  Jews  from  the 
Persians ;  for  this  happened  very  soon  after  the  murder  of 
Jonathan.  If  Bagoas  the  Jewish  governor  was  the  eunuch 
of  this  name  who  was  a  chief  favourite  in  the  next  Persian 
reign,  he  could  have  no  sympathy  with  the  Jews,  and  was 
qualified  by  his  great  talents  to  inflict  on  them  great  injury, 
by  means  which  he  could  easily  make  appear  to  his  sovereign 
as  just  and  necessary,  so  that  they  could  have  no  hope  of  re- 
dress by  an  appeal  to  the  Persian  court. 


1P6  REIGN   OF   ARTAXERXES   MNEMON. 

Though  the  Jews  are  scarcely  mentioned  by  the  ancient 
writers  concerning  the  Persians  in  the  long  reign  of  Artaxer- 
xes  Mnemon,  yet  several  great  events  of  this  period  had  more 
or  less  influence  on  the  interests  of  the  true  religion.  This 
feature  seems  strongly  impressed  on  the  first,  and  perhaps 
most  momentous  event,  the  conspiracy  of  Cyrus  to  obtain  the 
sovereignty  of  the  empire. 

The  talented  Parysatis,  the  mother  of  the  king,  retained 
her  influence  notwithstanding  the  death  of  her  husband; 
and  to  secure  it,  by  false  accusations,  the  employment  of  assas- 
sinators, or  by  poison,  she  removed  from  the  palace  all  whon^ 
she  hated  or  feared.  But  our  object  requires  not  the  detail  of 
the  intrigues  or  sanguinary  deeds  of  the  court,  which  were 
common  enough  in  Persia  almost  always,  but  were  unparal- 
leled while  this  demoniacal  princess  swayed  the  minds  of  her 
husband  and  son.  In  compliance  with  her  solicitations,  the 
former  on  his  death-bed  had  assigned  to  Cyrus  the  perpetual 
government  of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  latter  acquiesced  in  that 
arrangement.  Reverence  for  God,  and  love  and  friendship 
to  man,  have  never  been  regarded  by  historians  indispensable 
to  the  formation  of  a  great  and  perfect  monarch ;  they  estimate 
human  character  by  exterior  accomplishments  rather  than  by 
moral  excellence:  this  accounts  for  the  too  illustrious  charac- 
ter given  of  young  Cyrus  by  Xenophon,  not  from  report  but 
form  personal  knowledge.  '•  He  was,"  he  says,  ••'  in  the  opin- 
ion of  all  that  were  acquainted  with  him,  after  Cyrus  the 
Great,  a  prince  the  most  worthy  of  the  supreme  authority,  and 
had  the  most  noble  and  most  truly  royal  soul.  From  his  in- 
fancy he  surpassed  all  of  his  own  age  in  every  exercise,  whe- 
ther it  were  in  managing  the  horse,  drawing  the  bow,  throw- 
ing the  dart,  or  in  the  chase,  in  which  he  distinguished  him- 
self once  by  fighting  and  killing  a  bear  that  attacked  him. 
Those  advantages  were  exahed  in  him  by  the  nobleness  of 
his  air,  an  engaging  aspect,  and  by  all  the  graces  of  nature 
that  conduce  to  recommend  merit.  When  his  father  had 
made  him  satrap  of  Lydia  and  the  neighbouring  provinces,  his 
chief  care  was  to  made  the  people  sensible  that  he  had  nothing 
so  much  at  heart  as  to  keep  his  word  inviolable,  not  only  with 
regard  to  public  treaties,  but  the  most  minute  of  his  promises  ; 
a  quality  very  rare  amongst  princes,  and  which,  however,  is 
the  basis  of  ail  good  government,  and  the  source  of  their  own 
as  well  as  their  people's  happiness.  Not  only  the  persons 
under  his  authority,  but  the  enemy  themselves,  reposed  an 
entire  confidence  in  him.     Whether  good  or  ill  were  done 


=# 


1 


REIGN    OF   ARTAXERXES    BffNEMON.  107 

him,  he  always  desired  to  return  it  double,  and  that  he  might 
live  no  longer,  as  he  said  himself,  than  whilst  he  exceeded  his 
friends  in  benefits,  and  his  enemies  in  vengeance.  Nor  was  there 
ever  a  prince  that  people  were  more  afraid  to  offend,  nor  for  whose 
sake  they  were  more  ready  to  hazard  their  possessions,  lives, 
and  fortunes."  This  accomplished  prince,  whom  the  admired 
Grecian  philosopher,  the  disciple  of  Socrates  and  leader  of  ar- 
mies, indiscriminately  eulogises  in  the  finest  and  most  anima- 
ting glow  of  eloquence,  burning  with  ambition,  resolved  to 
assassinate  his  brother  in  the  temple  of  Pasargades,  in  the 
presence  of  the  whole  court  and  the  multitude  assembled  to 
crown  him.  He  was  seized,  and  justly  condemned  to  die. 
The  prayers  and  tears  of  the  mother,  whom  he  resembled  in 
intellectual  power  and  immeasurable  depravity,  procured  not 
only  his  pardon,  but  obtained  an  order  mstantly  to  return  to 
his  government.  On  arriving  in  Asia  Minor,  ample  proof  of 
his  surpassing  power  over  the  minds  of  all  ranks  was  speedi- 
ly manifested.  Treating  with  contempt  the  generosity  and 
compassion  of  his  royal  bi other,  he  conspired  to  dethrone  him, 
and  determined  to  attack  him  in  the  seat  of  the  empire.  He 
exerted  all  his  energies  to  prepare  for  this  great  enterprise ; 
his  court  at  Sardis  was  established  on  a  scale  of  Asiatic  gran- 
deur ;  he  received  the  numerous  Persians  who  resorted  thith- 
er with  such  condescension  and  affability  as  induced  them 
to  perfer  his  interests  to  those  of  their  sovereign.  He  neg- 
lected no  means  calculated  to  impress  the  subjects  of  his  pro- 
vinces with  the  opinion  that  he  was  not  less  desirous  of  their 
welfare  than  of  his  own ;  he  mingled  with  the  common  sol- 
diers, and  appeared  their  friend,  without  laying  aside  the  au- 
thority and  dignity  of  their  commander.  By  various  arts,  he 
seduced  the  army  and  inhabitants  of  the  provinces  goverped 
by  Tissaphernes,  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  faithful  servants 
of  the  king.  They  refused  obedience  to  their  own  governor, 
and  placed  themselves  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Cyrus.  This 
gave  him  an  opportunity  of  declaring  war  against  Tissapher- 
nes, and  under  pretence  of  this,  he  augmented  his  army.  In 
all  his  warlike  plans  he  was  assisted  by  Clearchus,  one  of  the 
ablest  generals  of  Lacedemon,  who,  being  banished  from 
Sparta,  had  found  refuge  at  his  court.  To  him  alone  of  all 
the  Greeks  he  revealed  his  secret  designs,  and  employed  him 
to  raise  a  body  of  Grecian  troops,  from  whom  he  hoped  to  re- 
ceive more  efficient  aid  than  from  any  others.  His  friends 
in  the  Persian  court  increased,  and  most  assiduously  propa- 
gated whatever  tended  to  elevate  his  character  in  the  eyes  of 


1 


# 


108  REIGN   OF  ARTAXERXES   MNEMON. 

the  multitude.  The  reigning  king  was  universally  known 
and  admired  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign  for  his  resemblance 
in  conduct  and  manner  to  his  noble  father.  He  was  most  ge- 
nerous, affable,  just,  and  never  better  pleased  then  when  he 
had  an  opportunity  to  do  good  to  his  subjects ;  but  he  was  more 
inclined  to  peace  than  war.  He  was  therefore,  however  wor- 
thy, not  fitted  to  advance  or  maintain  the  glory  of  the  great 
empire.  Thus  secretly  reasoned  the  emissaries  of  Cyrus, 
whom  they  pronounced  truly  deserving  of  the  throne  of  his 
celebrated  ancestor,  whose  name  he  bore. 

Cyrus  had  been  the  most  efficient  instrument  by  which  the 
Lacedemonians  had  subdued  the  Athenians  and  all  Greece. 
He  sought  their  assistance,  and  they  instantly  gave  orders  to 
their  fleet  to  join  his,  and  to  obey  Tamos  his  admiral  in  all 
things.  In  the  meantime,  to  deceive  his  brother  and  the 
court,  he  sent  him  grievous  complaints  against  Tissaphernes, 
and  besought,  in  the  most  submissive  language,  his  majesty's 
protection  and  aid  to  reduce  to  obedience  an  unfaithful  ser- 
vant. This  was  his  avowed  purpose  in  preparing  a  fleet  and 
army  far  exceeding  what  was  necessary  to  conquer  the  pro- 
vinces in  revolt.  The  troops  consisted  of  thirteen  thousand 
Greeks,  which  were  the  flower  and  chief  force  of  his  army, 
and  of  an  hundred  thousand  regular  men  of  the  barbarous 
nations.  Clearchus  the  Lacedemonian  commanded  all  the 
Peloponnesian  troops,  except  the  Achaeans,  who  had  Socrates 
of  Achaia  for  their  leader.  The  Boeotians  were  under  Pro- 
xenes  the  Theban,  and  the  Thessalians  under  Mnemon.  The 
barbarians  had  Persian  generals,  of  whom  the  chief  was 
Ariseus.  The  fleet  consisted  of  thirty-five  ships  under  Pytha- 
goras the  Lacedemonian,  and  of  twenty-five  commanded  by 
Tamos  the  Egyptian,  admiral  of  the  whole  fleet.  Tissaphernes, 
rightly  judging  that  all  these  preparations  were  too  great  for 
so  small  an  enterprise  as  that  against  Pisidia,  had  set  out  post 
from  Miletus  to  give  the  king  an  account  of  them.  This 
news  occasioned  great  trouble  at  court,  and  Artaxerxes  hastily 
assembled  a  numerous  army  to  meet  his  brother. 

Cyrus  having  ordered  the  fleets  to  sail  along  the  coast,  left 
Sardis,  and  marched  with  his  army  towards  the  upper  pro- 
vinces of  Asia  Minor.  The  army  knew  neither  the  occasion 
of  the  war,  nor  into  what  countries  they  were  going.  Cyrus 
had  only  caused  it  to  be  given  out  that  he  should  act  against 
the  Pisidians,  who  had  infested  his  province  by  their  incur- 
sions. In  his  progress  he  made  it  his  sole  application  to  win 
the  affections  of  the  Greeks,  by  treating  them  with  kindness 


• 


# 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES   MNEMON.  109 

and  humanity,  conversing  freely  with  them,  and  giving  effec- 
tual orders  that  they  should  want  for  nothing.  He  advanced 
continually  by  great  marches.  What  troubled  him  most  on 
the  way  was  the  pass  of  Cilicia,  which  was  a  narrow  defile 
between  very  high  and  steep  mountains,  that  would  admit  no 
more  than  one  carriage  to  pass  at  a  time.  Syennesis,  king 
of  the  country,  prepared  to  dispute  this  passage  with  him,  and 
would  infallibly  have  succeeded,  but  for  the  diversion  made 
by  Tamos  with  his  fleet,  in  conjunction  with  that  of  the  Lace- 
demonians. To  defend  the  coasts  against  the  insults  of  the 
fleet,  Syennesis  abandoned  that  important  post,  which  a  small 
body  of  troops  might  have  made  good  against  the  greatest 
army.  When  they  arrived  at  Tarsus,  the  Greeks  refused  to 
march  any  farther,  rightly  suspecting  that  they  were  intended 
against  the  king,  and  loudly  exclaiming  that  they  had  not  en- 
tered into  the  service  upon  that  condition.  Clearchus,  who 
commanded  them,  had  occasion  for  all  his  address  and  ability 
to  stifle  this  commotion  in  its  birth.  At  first  he  made  use  of 
authority  and  force,  but  with  very  little  success,  and  desisted 
therefore  from  an  open  opposition*  to  their  sentiments.  He 
even  affected  to  enter  into  their  views^  and  to  suppoit  them 
with  his  approbation  and  credit.  He  declared  publicly  that 
he  would  not  separate  himself  from  them  ;  and  advised  them 
to  depute  persons  to  the  prince,  to  know  from  his  own  mouth 
against  whom  they  were  to  be  led,  that  they  might  follow  him 
voluntarily  if  they  approved  his  measures  ;  if  not,  that  they 
might  demand  his  permission  to  withdraw.  By  this  artful 
evasion  he  appeased  the  tumult  and  made  them  easy,  and  they 
chose  him  and  some  other  officers  for  their  deputies.  Cyrus, 
whom  he  had  secretly  apprised  of  every  thing,  made  answer 
that  he  was  going  to  attack  Abrocomas,  his  enemy,  at  twelve 
days  march  from  thence  upon  the  Euphrates.  When  this 
answer  was  repeated  to  them,  though  they  plainly  saw  against 
whom  they  were  going,  they  resolved  to  proceed,  and  only 
demanded  an  augmentation  of  their  pay,  which  the  prince 
readily  granted.  The  information  soon  after  that  he  was 
marching  against  the  king  occasioned  some  murmuring, 
which,  however,  magnificent  promises  silenced,  and  called 
forth  the  strongest  expressions  of  satisfaction  and  joy. 

The  army  of  Cyrus  met  with  no  serious  interruption  till 
they  reached  Cunaxa,  about  twenty-five  leagues  from  Baby- 
lon. Here  they  were  opposed  by  nine  hundred  thousand  of 
the  royal  army,  commanded  by  Tissaphernes,  Gobryas,  and 
Arbaces.     Three  hundred  thousand  more,  under  command 

VOL.    L  10 


• 


110  RfiIGN   OP    ARTAXERXES    MNEMON. 

of  Abrocomas,  arrived,  not  till  three  days  after  the  battle, 
which  terminated  in  the  death  of  Cyrus,  and  the  destruction 
of  the  greater  number  of  his  friends  and  soldiers.  In  the  be- 
ginning of  the  battle  the  enemy  was  routed  by  the  Greeks, 
and  Cyrus  was  proclaimed  king ;  but  the  fierce  ardour  of  the 
victors,  and,  it  is  said,  their  imprudence  in  pursuing  a  fleeing 
enemy,  prevented  them  from  reaping  the  fruit  of  their  victory. 
As  soon  as  the  Greeks  learned  that  Cyrus  was  slain,  they  sent 
deputies  to  Ariseus,  his  Persian  general,  to  offer  him  the  crown 
of  the  empire.  He  approved  not  their  scheme,  because,  he 
said,  many  Persians  more  distinguished  than  he  was,  would  li 

never  submit  to  him.     He  requested  them  to  join  him  in  the  I 

night,  and  march  along  with  his  army  next  day  for  Ionia.  In 
the  ineantime,  Artaxerxes  sent  a  herald  to  the  Greeks,  de- 
manding them  to  lay  down  their  arms.  Their  only  answer 
was,  that  they  expected  "  Peace  in  continuing  here,  or  war  in 
marching.  It  became  not  the  defeated  to  require  the  con- 
querors to  submit."  They  avowed  that  they  would  rather 
die  than  resign  their  liberty.  That  night  they  made  a  cove- 
nant with  Ariseus,  which 'was  solemnly  confirmed  by  sacri- 
ficing a  ram  and  a  buU,  a  wolf  and  a  boar,  in  whose  blood  the 
Greeks  dipped  their  swords,  and  the  Persians  their  javelins. 
On  their  route  to  Babylon  they  had  found  no  provisions 
for  seventeen  days  ;  this  sufficiently  justified  Ariseus  in  pro- 
posing to  return  by  another  way.  On  the  evening  of  their 
first  day's  march  heralds  from  the  king  reached  them  propos- 
ing a  treaty  of  peace.  The  result  was,  that  on  swearing  that 
they  would  commit  no  injury  in  the  countries  through  which 
they  travelled,  they  were  permitted  to  proceed,  as  soon  as 
Tissaphernes  was  prepared  with  his  troops  to  return  with 
them  to  his  government.  This  occasioned  a  delay  of  several 
weeks.  The  three  parties  marched  together  for  a  few  weeks, 
notwithstanding  occasional  quarrels  about  provisions  and 
wood.  After  passing  the  Tigris,  and  the  great  city  of  Casnae 
they  arrived  at  the  river  Zabates.  The  Greeks  had  often 
reason  to  suspect  that  the  Persians  planned  their  destruction. 
But,  while  they  rested  here,  Tissaphernes  succeeded  in  allay- 
ing their  suspicions  ;  and  prevailed  on  Clearchus  and  the 
chief  leaders  to  meet  him  in  his  tent.  They  had  not  been 
long  there  when  they  were  murdered,  and  some  troops  of 
horse  were  ordered  to  scour  the  country  and  destroy  every 
Greek  whom  they  could  find.  The  Greek  army,  on  dis- 
covering the  treachery  and  cruelty  of  their  pretended  friends, 
and  the  loss  of  their  officers,  were  overwhelmed,  and  could 


#= 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES    MNEMON.  Ill 

neither  eat  nor  sleep.  In  the  middle  of  the  night,  Xenophon, 
a  young  Athenian,  and  afterwards  the  illustrious  author  of 
the  work  which  has  perpetuated  his  fame  and  that  of  his  com- 
panions in  arms,  went  to  some  of  the  surviving  officers,  and 
urged  them  to  call  immediately  a  council  to  decide  how  they 
were  to  act ;  for  there  was  obviously  not  a  moment  to  delay. 
He  details  his  own  speech,  and  adverts  to  the  speeches  of 
other  members  of  the  council,  which  was  held  in  the  presence 
of  the  soldiers.  Leaders  were  chosen  in  place  of  those  who 
had  been  seized  and  killed  ;  and  the  whole  army  resolved  to 
set  fire  to  their  tents  and  carriages,  and  retaining  only  what 
Was  absolutely  necessary,  to  march  the  following  morning, 
whatever  might  be  the  conduct  of  their  deceitful  and  bar- 
barous enemies.  They  were  pursued,  and  had  to  repel  not 
only  the  troops  of  Tissaphernes,  but  also  those  who  withstood 
them  in  some  of  the  countries  through  which  they  marched. 
After  many  days'  trials,  and  inexpressible  sufferings  through 
the  interior  of  Asia,  passing  the  Euphrates,  the  sources  of  the 
Tigris  and  the  Araxes  or  Phasis ;  they  traversed  the  region 
of  the  Chalybes,  and  at  length  were  compelled  to  ascend  a 
very  lofty  mountain  named  Tecqua,  whence  they  first  beheld 
the  ocean.  The  first  who  observed  it  shouted  loud  for  joy 
for  a  considerable  time.  His  cry  alarmed  Xenophon,  for  he 
dreaded  that  the  vanguard  was  attacked,  and  hurried  to  sup- 
port it.  The  further  he  proceeded  the  cry  became  more  dis- 
tinct, the  sea !  the  sea !  and  joy  and  delight  succeeded  the 
alarm.  But  when  all  had  reached  the  summit  of  the  moun- 
tain nothing  was  heard  but  a  confused  noise  of  the  whole 
army,  crying  out  together,  the  sea!  the  sea  I  whilst  they  could 
not  refrain  from  tears,  nor  from  embracing  their  generals  and 
officers.  And  then,  without  waiting  for  orders,  they  heaped 
up  a  pile  of  stones,  and  erected  a  trophy  with  broken  buck- 
lers and  other  arms.  Thence  they  advanced  through  the 
mountainous  country  of  Colchis,  and  rested  thirty  days  near 
Trebisond,  a  Greek  colony  on  the  Euxine  Sea.  Here  they 
performed  their  vows  to  the  gods,  that  they  might  regain  their 
own  country  ;  and  for  thirty  days  they  celebrated  with  great 
joy  the  games  in  which  they  delighted.  Ships  were  procured 
to  send  by  sea  to  Greece  their  women,  old  and  sick  men,  and 
superfluous  baggage,  and  the  rest  proceeded  by  land.  Of 
those  Avho  had  survived  the  battle,  forty  horse,  and  three  hun- 
dred foot,  who  were  Thracians,  had  surrendered  to  the  king 
of  Persia.  Ten  thousand  had  commenced  the  retreat ;  and 
of  these   eight  thousand  six  hundred  arrived  safe  in  the 


^  <'«i.»..yii».."im,rr-  r.T,  fi.-j'.  -..   - ,  ■  •*&-r.Ti.-iy.r.---.: — 


1 12  REIGN   OF    AXTAXERXES    MNEMON. 

vicinity  of  Greece,  after  a  march  of  more  than  two  thousand 
three  hundred  miles,  in  a  hundred  and  twenty-two  days. 
This  retreat  is  unparalleled  in  the  annals  of  war,  and  indeed 
no  enterprise  could  be  formed  with  more  valour  and  bravery, 
nor  conducted  with  more  prudence,  nor  executed  with  more 
success.  Ten  thousand  men,  five  or.  six  hundred  leagues 
from  their  own  country,  who  have  lost  their  generals  and 
best  officers,  and  find  themselves  in  the  heart  of  the  enemy's 
vast' empire,  undertake,  in  the  sight  of  a  victorious  and  nu- 
merous army,  with  the  king  at  the  head  of  them,  to  retire 
through  the  seat  of  his  empire,  and,  in  a  manner,  from  the 
gates  of  his  palace,  and  to  traverse  a  vast  extent  of  unknown 
countries,  almost  all  in  arms  against  them,  without  being  dis- 
mayed by  the  prospect  of  the  innumerable  obstacles  and  dan- 
gers to  which  they  were  every  moment  exposed ;  passes  of 
rivers,  of  mountains  and  defiles  ;  open  attacks  ;  secret  ambus- 
cades, from  the  people  upon  their  route ;  famine,  almost  in- 
evitable in  vast  and  desert  regions ;  and  above  all,  the 
treachery  they  had  to  fear  from  the  troops  who  seemed  to  be 
employed  in  escorting  them,  but  in  reality  had  orders  to  de- 
stroy them ;  for  Artaxerxes,  who  was  sensible  how  much  the 
return  of  those  Greeks  into  their  own  country  would  cover 
him  with  disgrace,  and  decry  the  majesty  of  the  empire  in  the 
eyes  of  all  nations,  had  left  nothing  undone  to  prevent  it ;  and 
he  desired  their  destruction,  says  Plutarch,  more  passion- 
ately than  to  conquer  Cyrus  himself,  or  to  preserve  the 
sovereignty  of  his  estates.  Those  ten  thousand  men,  how- 
ever, notwithstanding  so  many  obstacles,  carried  their  point, 
and  arrived,  through  a  thousand  dangers,  victorious  and  tri- 
umphant into  their  own  country.  Antony  long  after,  when 
pursued  by  the  Parthians  almost  in  the  same  country,  finding 
himself  in  like  danger,  cried  out,  in  admiration  of  their  invinci- 
ble valour,  Oh  the  retreat  of  the  ten  thousand! 

The  expedition  of  the  Greeks  under  Cyrus,  their  triumph 
in  the  battle  of  Cunaxa,  and  their  glorious  retreat,  had  an  in- 
fluence on  the  future  destinies  of  man  perhaps  incalculable. 
These  events  were  doubtless  more  universally  known,  in  that 
age,  than  any  of  the  former  achievements  of  the  Greeks ;  and 
while  by  them  that  people  were  stimulated  by  the  most  power- 
ful passions  of  revenge  on  the  Persians,  and  thirst  for  military 
renown,  and  confident  assurance  of  their  ability  to  conquer 
the  world ;  their  name  became  almost  sufficient  to  cause  a 
panic  in  any  army  sent  to  contend  with  them  in  battle.  The 
Grecians  had  seen  the  weakness  of  the  Persian  power,  and 


i 


REIGN   OF   ARTAXERXES   MNEMON.  ^110 

Decame  convinced  that  it  consisted  almost  wholly  in  pride  and 
vanity;  in  wealth  and  sensuality;  in  luxury  and  voluptuous- 
ness ;  and  that  the  Persians  were  almost  destitute  of  physical 
and  intellectual  vigour.  'J'hey  looked  on  them  henceforth 
without  dread,  and  were  fully  prepared  to  follow  any  one 
who  appeared  qualified  to  lead  them  to  combat  for  universal 
empire.  From  this  time  the  Persian  emperors  trembled  on 
their  throne;  and  the  name  of  Greece  made  the  heait  of  their 
princes  and  chief  men  faint.  All  who  felt  interest  in  the  af- 
fairs of  the  world  were  now  solicitous  to  acquire  the  language 
of  this  narrow  spot,  and  an  accurate  knowledge  of  its  politi- 
cal state.  It  was  a  phenomenon  more  wondejful  than  man- 
kind had  ever  witnessed  ;  and  every  successive  year  paved 
the  way  for  Divine  Providence  to  accomplish  the  prophetic 
word,  that  Greece  should  be  constituted  the  third  gieat  em- 
pire, by  whose  deeJs  he  might  in  due  time  unfold  his  secret 
purposes  respecting  his  own  universal  and  eternal  kingdom. 
The  fierce  four-headed  leopard  of  Macedon  was  shaking  him- 
self in  his  den,  and  was  only  restrained  by  invsisible  agency 
from  going  forth  at  once  to  devour  the  wild  bear  of  Media 
and  Persia. 

Tissaphernes  returned  to  Asia  Minor  invested  with  power 
•equal  to  that  which  had  been  conferred  on  Cyrus.  This  un- 
common reward  for  his  services  against  that  prince  was 
enough  to  make  his  presence  terrible  in  the  eyes  of  all  ranks 
who  had  supported  Cyrus,  and  these  included  nearly  all  the 
inhabitants  of  some  provinces.  These  immediately  applied 
to  the  Lacedemonians  for  protection  from  the  rage  of  their 
governor,  and  for  assistance  to  preserve  their  liberty.  The 
latter  fulfilled  all  their  wishes ;  and  this  they  did  the  more 
zealously  from  their  knowledge  of  the  superior  talents,  but 
most  unprincipled,  and  savage  conduct  of  Tissaphernes,  who 
was  justly  regarded  the  most  dangerous  enemy  of  Greece. 
This  war  prevailed  six  years  from  b.  c.  399,  and  spread  to  a 
wide  extent  much  misery  in  the  fine  regions  of  Ionia  and 
other  provinces  of  Asia  Minor.  The  Grecians  had  main- 
tained their  high  character  for  wisdom  and  bravery ;  but 
their  resources  became  exhausted,  and  compelled  them  to 
make  a  dishonourable  peace, — a  resuh  to  be  expected  when 
Sparta  received  not  the  support  of  the  other  states  of  Greece, 
especially  of  the  Athenians,  whose  happiness  she  always 
envied  almost  as  much  as  she  intensely  desired  the  ruin  of 
Persia.  By  the  treaty  which  procured  this  peace,  the  Gre- 
cian cities  in  Asia  whose  liberty  Greece,  when  united,  had 

10* 


il 


T 


114  REIGN   OF    ARTAXERXES    MNEMON. 

compelled  the  Persians  to  grant,  were  declared  entirely  de- 
pendent on  the  Persian  king-,  and  with  them  the  Grecian  isles 
of  Cyprus  and  Clazomenae.  This  treaty,  however,  Athens 
and  all  the  cities  of  Greece,  except  Sparta  and  those  subject 
to  her,  indignantly  rejected  ;  and  were  consequently  more 
desirous  and  determined  than  ever  to  resist  the  mighty  power 
of  Persia.  Opportunity  to  gratify  their  ardent  wishes  was 
soon  afforded  them  by  the  schemes  which  the  great  king  pro- 
posed'to  prosecute  ;  and  these  we  shall  see  had  a  visible  ten- 
dency to  extend  the  knowledge  of  the  true  religion,  and 
deeply  to  effect  the  interests  of  the  chosen  people. 

The  beautiful  island  of  Cyprus  was  assigned  by  the  recent 
treaty  to  the  king  of  Persia,  but  from  the  prosperous  condi- 
tion in  which  it  was,  he  clearly  perceived,  that  to  acquire  the 
possession  called  for  the  employment  of  no  ordinary  means. 
A  Phenician  who  had  usurped  the  throne,  and  subjected  the 
whole  island  to  Persia,  had  been  succeeded  by  Evagoras,  a 
descendant  of  Teucer,  of  the  island  of  Salamis,  who,  at  his 
return  from  Troy,  after  its  fall,  had  built  the  capital,  which 
had  named  Salamis,  after  the  name  of  his  native  land.  Eva- 
goras had  been  carefully  educated,  and  early  became  distin- 
guished amongst  the  youth  by  the  beauty  of  his  aspect,  the 
vigour  of  his  body,  and  more  by  the  modesty  and  innocence 
of  his  manners,  which  were  the  greatest  ornaments  of  that 
age.  As  he  advanced  in  years,  the  greatest  virtues,  valour, 
wisdom,  and  justice,  were  observed  to  brighten  in  him.  He 
afterwards  carried  these  virtues  to  so  conspicuous  an  height, 
as  to  give  jealousy  to  those  that  governed  ;  who  perceived 
justly  that  so  shining  a  merit  could  not  continue  in  the  ob- 
scurity of  a  private  condition  ;  but  his  modesty,  probity,  and 
integrity,  reassured  them,  and  they  reposed  an  entire  confi- 
dence in  him,  to  which  he  always  answered  by  an  inviolable 
fidelity,  without  ever  meditating  their  expulsion  from  the 
throne  by  violence  or  treachery.  A  more  justifiable  means 
conducted  him  to  it ;  Divine  Providence,  as  Isocrates  says, 
preparing  the  way  for  him.  One  of  the  principal  citizens 
murdered  the  person  upon  the  throne,  and  had  contrived  to 
seize  Evagoras  and  to  rid  himself  of  hirn,  in  order  to  secure 
the  crown  to  himself;  but  that  prince  escaping  his  pursuit, 
retired  to  Solos,  a  city  of  Cilicia.  His  banishment  was  so  far 
from  abating  his  courage,  that  it  gave  him  new  vigour.  At- 
tendend  only  with  fifty  followers,  determined  like  himself 
to  conquer  or  die,  he  returned  to  Salamis,  and  expelled  the 
usurper,  though  supported  by  the  credit  and  protection  of  the 


■» 


#= 


L 


REIGN    OF   ARTAXERXES    MNEMON. 


11^ 


king  of  Persia.  Flaving  reestablished  himself  in  Salamis, 
he  soon  rendered  his  little  kingdom  most  flourishing,  by  his 
application  to  the  relief  of  his  subjects,  and  by  protecting 
them  in  all  things,  governing  them  with  justice  and  benevo- 
lence, making  them  active  and  laborious,  and  by  inspiring 
them  with  a  taste  for  the  cultivation  of  land,  the  breeding  of 
cattle,  commerce  and  navigation ;  he  formed  them  also  for 
war,  and  led  them  conquerors  from  city  to  city.  But  many 
of  the  Cypriots  had  no  inclination  to  submit  to  his  govern- 
ment. These  sought  the  aid  of  Artaxerxes  to  oppose  him 
and  he  hastened  to  meet  their  wishes. 

During  his  war  with  the  Lacedemonians,  Arta.xerxes  had 
made  e.xtraordinary  efforts  to  raise  a  fleet;  and  for  this  pur- 
pose had  many  people  employed  in  the  ports  of  Phenicia  in 
building  ships,  and  procuring  sailors  accustomed  to  naval 
war.  The  war  with  Sparta  being  over,  orders  -were  sent  to 
the  servants  of  the  king  of  I^ersia  in  Phenicia  to  renew  and 
augment  those  works ;  and  a  fleet  was  prepared,  consisting 
of  three  hundred  grilleys.  Tiribasus,  a  Persian  of  the  high- 
est rank  and  the  oreatest  reputation,  was  appointed  admiral, 
to  be  assisted  by  Gaos  his  son-in-law.  The  invading  army, 
amounting  to  three  hundred  thousand  men,  was  commirtided 
by  Orontes,  who  was  a  son-in  law  of  the  kingr.  Evagoras, 
notwithstanding  the  aid  afforded  him  from  Athens  Egypt, 
and  other  dominions  disafTefted  to  Persia,  had  no  means  of 
preventing  such  a  mighty  army  from  landing  on  his  island. 
His  fleet  scarcely  exceeded  one  hundred  galleys,  and  his' 
army,  twenty  thousand.  But  he  made  a  noble  resistance; 
and  when  forced  to  yield  and  resign  Cyprus,  was  acknow- 
ledged king  of  Salamis,  its  metropolis,  on  condition  of  an  an- 
nual tribute.  He  survived  this  event  about  twelve  years,  and 
was  succeeded,  n.  c.  373,  by  his  son  Nicocles,  who  proved 
worthy  of  his  noble  descent. 

The  two  preceding  wars,  especially  the  latter,  we  may  be- 
lieve occasioned  the  religion  of  the  Jews  being  more  fully 
known  than  hitherto,  to  many  thousand  subjects  of  Persia 
collected  almost  in  the  vicinity  of  Jerusalem.  It  is  most 
probable  that  they  procured,  by  money  or  by  force,  the  prin- 
cipal part  of  iheir  provisions  from  Judea.  That  country  was 
the  usual  granary  to  supply  Tyre  and  its  dependencies ;  and 
nowhere  else  could  the  Persians,  engaged  in  building  the 
ships,  or  assembled  to  sail  for  the  Grecian  seas  or  for  Cyprus, 
so  conveniently  find  the  provisions  indispensable  to  the  execu- 
tion of  their  plans.     Some  of  them  may  have  known  the 


# 


1  1 G  BEIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES    MNEMON. 

Jews  who  sojourned  in  their  respective  countries,  and  mast 
have  felt  desirous  to  behold  the  temple  and  its  service,  of 
which  they,  doubtless,  had  often  heard  them  speak  with  rap- 
ture; and  many  more  would  be  led  to  view  these  scenes  in 
the  course  of  their  journeys  to  procure  supplies  to  the  navy 
and  army.  While,  however,  they  might  thus  obtain  an  accu- 
rate conception  of  the  form  and  ceremonies  of  the  religion  of 
the  Jews,  there  is  a  strong  probability  that  they  beheld  not  in 
the  most  favourable  light  its  moral  influence;  for  an  anec- 
dote, related  by  Josephus,  (adverted  to  in  page  78,)  indicates 
that  the  priesthood  was  greatly  degenerated  since  the  days  of 
Nehemiah ;  and  we  have  reason  to  suspect  that  the  people 
would  resemble  them,  in  accordance  with  the  proverb,  '•  Like 
people,  like  priests." 

In  all  the  national  declensions  of  Israel,  they  were  visited 
by  adversity  ;  and  the  circumstances  in  which  they  were  now 
placed  may  have  inflicted  on  them  much  suflferings.  \i  the 
then  Persian  governor  was  B<igoas,  who,  twelve  years  later, 
appears  to  have  disposed  as  he  pleased  of  the  hig'h-priests 
office,  he  would  not  hesitate  to  turn  to  his  personal  advantage 
the  orders  from  his  court,  to  procure  from  Judea  mateiials 
and  provisions  for  the  fleet  and  army.  Under  despotic  govern- 
ments the  power  of  the  governors  and  infeiior  officeis,  es- 
pecially in  the  provinces  remote  from  the  throne,  to  do  good 
or  evil,  is  perhaps,  to  us  inconceivable.  The  governor  is  re- 
sponsible to  none  but  his  sovereign  ;  and  the  subordinate 
officers  to  none  else  except  to  the  governor.  If  the  latter 
mutually  agree  to  prey  on  the  people,  who  can  save  them? 
The  difficulty  to  reach  the  throne  of  despots  is  generally  al- 
most insurmountable  ;  urnl  the  more  overwhelming  the  oppres- 
sion which  the  suljects  endure,  they  are  rendered  the  less 
able  to  command  means  by  which  they  may  lay  their  giiev- 
ances  before  the  sovereign.  On  the  supposition,  therefore, 
that  Artixerxes  h.id  still  governed,  as  in  the  eaily  pait  of  his 
reign,  with  s  icred  respect  for  benevolence,  justice,  and  truth, 
the  provinces  of  Phenicia,  JuJea,  and  others  adjoining,  could 
scaicely  escape  extieme  dist.ess,  while  the  preparations  for 
war  were  chiefly  g<iing  on  among  them.  Many  of  the  com- 
munity, would  be  forced  to  serve  the  king,  and  much  of  the 
property  of  the  countries  would  be  forcibly  taken  rather  than 
purchased.  These  and  similar  evils  would  be  chiefly  and 
peculiarly  felt  by  the  Jews,  who  were  little  disposed  to  fight 
m  the  armies  of  foreigners,  and  who  had  no  resources  to  look 
to  beyond  their  own  productions,  for  they  were  not  a  com 


-m 


^' 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES    MNEMON.  117 

mercial  people.  But  before  this  period  the  administration  of 
Artaxerxes  had  become  exceedingly  corrupted, — policy  and 
expediency,  not  truth  and  justice,  directed  all  his  measures. 
He  had  overcome  Greece  more  by  money  than  by  arms :  her 
chief  men  had  been  bribed,  and  the  people  betrayed.  He 
deceived  and  put  to  death  some  of  the  most  able  and  most 
steadfast  of  his  servants,  merely  from  suspicion  that  they  medi- 
tated evil  against  him.  Hence  it  may  be  concluded,  that  if 
he  attained  the  object  of  his  instructions  to  his  servants  in 
Phenicia  and  Judea,  he  would  not  inquire  particularly 
whether  the  inhabitants  were  protected  or  enslaved,  recom- 
pensed for  their  goods  or  robbed.  That  all  the  provinces  of 
the  empire  in  Arabia  and  Syria  were,  at  this  time,  tyrannised 
over,  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that,  not  long  afterwards, 
they  rebelled;  and  the  sufferings  of  the  Jews  must  have  been 
extremely  severe  before  they  joined  the  rebellion  ;  for  they 
had  always  cherished  fervent  gratitude  and  love  towards  the 
Persians.  The  Tyrians  were  already  prepared  to  cast  off* the 
yoke,  for  they  afforded  secret,  if  not  open,  assistance  to  Eva- 
goras  in  his  honourable  defence  of  Cyprus. 

From  B.  c.  384,  event  succeeded  event  whose  prominent 
features  strongly  indicated  that  the  Persian  empire  was  more 
likely  to  be  broken  up  than  established  or  exalted  by  Artaxer- 
xes Mnemon.  He  was  always  more  eminent  for  courage  to 
encounter  dangers  and  difficulties,  than  for  wisdom  to  foresee 
and  prepare  against  them.  This  defect  in  his  character  ex- 
posed the  feebleness  of  his  government,  and  threatened  the 
loss  of  his  honour  and  his  life,  in  his  attempt  to  subdue  the 
Cardusians,  who  had  renounced  his  authority.  Their  unpro- 
ductive country  lay  between  the  Euxine  and  Caspian  seas ; 
they  were  a  poor  and  rude  people,  but  fierce  and  accustomed 
to  predatory  war.  The  king  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
an  army  or  twenty  thousand  horse  and  three  hundred  thou- 
sand foot,  and  proceeded  to  their  country.  Every  kind  of 
f)rovision  soon  failed,  insomuch  that  an  ass's  head  sold  for  a 
arge  sum.  The  entire  dispersion  of  the  army  seemed  in- 
evitable ;  and  was  only  averted  by  the  policy  of  Tiribazus, 
who  succeeded  in  persuading  the  barbarians  to  accept  of 
peace  on  the  most  favourable  terms.  In  this  foolish  expedi- 
tion a  vast  number  of  the  best  troops  of  Artaxerxes  and  all  the 
horses  of  his  army  perished. 

This  disaster  prevented  not  the  king  from  resolving  to  re- 
duce the  Egyptians,  who  had  for  at  least  thirty  years  re- 
nounced the  Persian    power.     To  this   he  was    the  more 


1 


i 


^ 


REIGN   OF    ARTAXERXES    MNEMON. 


"i 


Strongly  impelled,  from  the  fact  that  they  were  not  content  to 
enjoy  their  own  liberty,  but  were  ever  ready  liberally  to  sup- 
port every  nation  that  laboured  for  emancipation  from  the 
yoke  of  Persia ;  and  they  had  caused  their  power  t6  be  more 
dreaded  by  constantly  retaining-  in  their  service  a  great  body 
\  of  Grecians,  under  the  command  of  Chabrias,  a  celebrated 
Athenian. 

Two  years  were  spent  in  preparations  for  the  invasion  of 
Egypt.  In  order  to  augment  his  army  with  tried  troops^ 
Artaxerxes  used  every  means  to  conciliate  the  states  of  Greece, 
that  he  mi^ht,  with  safety,  withdraw  the  soldiers  who  were 
garrisoned  in  the  principal  cities  to  overawe  them.  Greece 
exulted  in  the  unrestrained  liberty  granted  them  to  live  ac- 
cording to  their  own  laws.  The  Thebans  alone  refused  to 
be  dictated  to  by  the  great  king,  for  they  ardently  aspired  to 
the  sovereignty  of  Greece ;  and  this  object  seemed  at  this  time 
attainable  from  the  great  celebrity  of  their  generals,  Pelopi- 
das  and  Epaminondas,  particularly  the  latter,  one  of  the 
greatest  generals  that  ever  appeared  in  Greece.  Ptolemais 
I  or  Acre  was  the  place  appointed  for  the  assembling  of  the 

I  invading  army,  which  was  found  to  consist  of  two  hundred 

thousand  Persians,  under  the  command  of  Pharnabasus,  and 
twenty  thousand  Greeks  under  Iphicrates.  Their  forces  at 
sea  were  in  proportion  to  those  at  land  ;  their  fleet  consistin 
of  three  hundred  galleys,  besides  two  hundred  vessels  o; 
thirty  oars,  and  a  prodigious  number  of  barks  to  transport  the 
necessary  provisions  for  the  fleet  and  army.  Both  comman- 
ders were  eminently  fitted  to  conduct  the  troops  to  vfctory ; 
but  the  Persians  declined  to  follow  the  advice  of  the  Greeks 
lest  the  success,  of  which  they  had  no  doubt,  should  be 
wholly  ascribed  to  the  Greeks.  This  occasioned  at  first  a 
delay  in  the  prosecuting  of  the  war,  which  left  time  for  the 
Egyptians  to  recover  from  the  panic  which  had  seized  them 
on  the  appearance  of  such  a  formidable  enemy ;  and  it  ap- 
pears to  have  ultimately  proved  the  chief  cause  of  the  utter 
failure  of  the  enterprise.  The  Nile  at  that  time  fell  into  the 
sea  by  seven  streams,  and  each  was  defended  at  its  entrance 
by  a  fortress.  The  Mendesian,  which  was  the  weakest,  was 
carried  sword  in  hand,  and  the  garrison  put  to  death.  Iphi- 
crates proposed  to  advance  instantly  to  Memphis,  the  metro- 
polis ;  but  Pharnabasus  insisted  that  it  was  necessary  to  wait 
till  the  largest  division  of  the  army  should  arrive.  In  the 
meantime  the  Egyptian  army  had  assembled  under  their  able 
king  Nectanebus,  in  such  numbers  as  to  harass  the  enemy 


f 


m- 

\ 


&IUGN   OF   A&TAXERXES   MNEMON.  119 

and  arrest  their  progress,  till  the  time  of  the  inundation  of  the 
river  arrived,  they  spread  over  the  country,  and  compelled 
the  enemy  to  retire  to  Phenicia.  The  subjugation  of  Egypt 
occupied  the  attention  of  Artaxerxes'  remaining  years ;  but 
he  ventured  no  more  to  invade  it.  On  the  contrary,  he 
had  to  defend  Phenicia  from  an  attack  by  Tachos,  who 
succeeded  Nectanebus,  to  the  throne  of  Egypt.  In  his  ab- 
sence from  his  kingdom,  a  relation  also  named  Nectanebus, 
seized  his  throne,  in  which  he  was  some  time  maintained 
by  the  able  direction  of  Agesilaus,  one  of  the  kings  of 
Sparta,  who  with  a  number  of  his  subjects  had  gone  to 
Egypt  to  strengthen  Tachos  against  the  Persians.  The 
latter  soon  afterwards  went  to  the  Persian  court,  where  he 
found  favour,  and  was  appointed  to  command  troops  to  reduce 
his  rebellious  subjects  to  obedience.  Thus  the  Jews  continued 
many  years,  if  not  overrun  by  an  enemy,  surrounded  by 
troops,  from  whose  depredations  they  most  probably  suffered 
much,  and  doubtless  longed  to  be  rescued  from  the  tyrannical 
rule  of  Persia.  It  is  not  therefore  surprising  if  they  joined 
the  great  revolt,  as  it  is  supposed  they  did,  which  happened 
towards  the  end  of  the  life  of  Artaxerxes.  This  memorable 
event  may  be  traced  to  the  degeneracy  of  that  monarch  in  his 
old  age.  He  indulged  in  sloth  and  luxury,  and  left  his  peo- 
ple to  the  government  of  persons  who  betrayed  their  trust, 
and  cruelly  oppressed  the  provinces,  so  that  the  Persian  yoke 
became  insupportable.  Universal  discontent  prevailed ;  Asia 
Minor,  Syria,  Phenicia,  and  indeed  the  greatest  part  of  the 
provinces,  nearly  at  the  same  time,  resorted  to  arms,  to  liberate 
themselves  from  their  oppressors.  From  want  of  union,  this 
general  insurrection,  which  brought  the  empire  to  the  brink 
of  ruin,  was  speedily  suppressed,  or  dissolved  of  itself;  but  it 
was  ominous  of  the  final  overthrow  of  the  third  great  power 
which  upheld  the  dominion  of  moral  darkness  on  the  earth. 
A  Persian  king  had  only  one  wife,  but  his  concubines 
were  numerous,  and  his  children  not  uncommonly  brought 
his  grey  hairs  with  sorrow  to  the  grave.  The  sanguinary 
ambition  of  the  sons  of  Artaxerxes,  drenched  his  court  with 
the  blood  of  his  own  race,  and  in  grief  unspeakable  he  closed 
his  eyes  for  ever.  He  had  declared  his  eldest  son  Darius  his 
successor,  but  that  unprincipled  man  was  impatient  to  ascend 
the  throne.  Following  the  counsel  of  Tiribaus,  whom  the. 
king  had  offended,  he  conspired  to  assassinate  his  father.  Of 
one  hundred  and  fifty  sons  of  Artaxerxes  by  his  concubines, 
not  less  then  fifty  consented  to  be  the  accomplices  of  their  bro 


; 


-m 


i'io 


REIGN    OF   ARTAXERXES    MNEMON. 


ther  in  this  dreadful  crime.  Their  scheme  was  revealed  to 
the  king,  and  he  permitted  all  the  conspirators  to  enter  the 
royal  chamber,  when  they  were  instantly  seized  and  slain.  Ar- 
ispus  and  Ochus,  the  brothers  of  Darius  by  the  queen,  and 
Arsanes,  a  son  of  a  concubine,  now  struggled  for  the  throne. 
Ochus,  by  the  craft  of  his  emissaries,  wrought  on  the  timid 
nature  of  his  maternal  brother,  so  to  terrify  him  by  imagi- 
nary or  apparent  evils  that  he  poisoned  himself;  and  he  pre- 
vailed on  the  son  of  Tiribasus  to  assassinate  the  other  rival. 
These  things  are  believed  to  have  hastened  the  death  of  the 
king,  and  permitted  Ochus  silently  to  exercise  the  sovereign 
power. 


m  ^ 


CHAPTER  VIL 

THE  REIGN  OF  ARTAXERXES  OCHUS. 


The  unnatural,  treacherous,  and  cruel  actions  of  this  prince 
rendered  him  universally  hated  and  hateful ;  and,  conscious 
of  this,  to  secure  the  throne  he  concealed  the  death  of  his  fa- 
ther ten  months,  during  which  period  he  governed  in  his 
name.  By  a  decree  in  his  father's  name,  he  caused  himself 
to  be  proclaimed  king  throughout  the  whole  empire.  On 
publicly  ascending*  the  throne,  he  assumed  the  name  of  Arta- 
xerxes,  and  quickly  removed  by  death  all  the  members  of  his 
family  and  court  whom  he  suspected  to  be  his  enemies. 
Eighty  of  his  brothers  were  murdered  by  him  in  one  day;  he 
caused  his  sister  Ocha,  whose  daughter  he  had  married,  to  be 
buried  alive;  and  one  of  his  uncles,  with  a  hundred  of  his 
sons  and  grandsons,  he  put  to  death  by  arrows.  These  rare- 
ly paralleled  crimes  were  not  calculated  to  establish  his  throne; 
wherever  he  was  known  he  was  hated  and  feared,  and  the 
announcement  of  the  death  of  the  aged  and  generally  esteemed 
king,  B.  c.  356,  was  the  signal  of  revolt  in  several  of  the  pro- 
vinces. 

In  Asia  Minor,  Artabasus,  one  of  its  governors,  raised  the 
standard  of  independence  ;  and,  assisted  first  by  the  Atheni- 
ans and  next  by  the  Thebans,  he  thrice  defeated  the  large 
army  sent  against  him ;  but  these  allies  having  deserted  him, 
he  was  soon  overcome,  and  fled  for  refuge  to  Philip,  king  of 
Macedon.  The  Phenicians  avowed  their  determination  to  be 
free ;  Nectabanus,  king  of  Egypt,  gladly  supported  them,  for 
he  hoped  by  this  to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  armies  of  Per- 
sia, destined  to  reduce  his  kingdom.  He  had  many  Greeks 
in  his  service,  and  of  these  he  sent  four  thousand  under  the 
command  of  Mentor,  a  Rhodian,  justly  deemed  one  of  the 
ablest  warriors  and  statesmen  of  the  age.  Led  on  by  him, 
the  Phenicians  overthrew  the  armies  which  the  governors  of 
Syria  and  Cilicia  brought  against  them,  and  expelled  the  Per 

11 


m^ 


r 


122  REIGN  OF  ARTAXERXES  OCHUS. 

sians  from  Phenicia.  Their  example  was  eagerly  followed  by  all 
the  chiefs  or  kings  of  Cyprus ;  they  formed  an  alliance  with 
Egypt,  but  they  quickly  discovered  how  hopeless  it  was  to  con- 
tend with  the  Persian  troops.  The  Persian  king  appointed 
Idrieus  king  of  Caria,  to  command  the  land  army,  and  Pho- 
cian  the  Athenian  accompanied  by  Evagoras,  to  be  admiral 
of  the  fleet,  with  eight  thousand  Greeks.  Evagoras  had  per- 
fect knowledge  of  the  island,  for  it  is  believed  that  he  was  the 
son  of  Nicocles,  and  succeeded  him  to  the  throne  of  Salnmis, 
which,  on  account  of  his  tyrannical  rule,  he  had  been  obliged 
to  abdicate.  The  nine  kings  of  Cyprus  submitted  on  favour- 
able terms,  which  were  the  more  willingly  granted  them  by 
Artaxerxes  from  his  extreme  solicitude  to  recover  Egypt  and 
Phenicia.  He  ascribed  the  failure  of  his  plans  to  accomplish 
these  most  important  and  desirable  objects  to  the  misconduct 
of  his  generals,  and  he  therefore  purposed  to  place  himself  at 
the  head  of  his  army.  This  idea  he  had  entertained  for  some 
time,  and  had  made  immense  preparations  for  the  campaign, 
and  in  particular  had  strenuously  endeavoured  to  prevail  on 
the  States  of  Greece  to  unite  in  the  bond  of  peace,  and  permit 
him  to  raise  a  large  band  of  Grecians ;  for  he  relied  more  on 
a  small  body  of  Greeks  than  on  a  large  army  of  Persians.  He 
conducted  to  Phenicia  three  hundred  thousand  foot  and  thirty 
thousand  horse,  and  was  afterwards  joined  by  ten  thousand 
Greeks.  Mentor,  who  had  defended  Egypt  and  delivered 
Phenicia,  was  in  Sidon  with  his  Grecian  troops  when  the 
king  reached  that  city.  The  Rhodian,  on  viewing  the  army, 
concluded  that  resistance  would  be  in  vain.  He  secretly  cor- 
responded with  Artaxerxes,  and,  apparently  with  the  consent 
of  Tennes,  the  Sidonian  prince,  offered  to  surrender  Sidon, 
and  serve  him  in  Egypt.  The  citizens,  thus  betrayed  by 
their  natural  defenders,  were  worthy  of  a  happier  destiny  ; 
for  on  the  approach  of  the  enemy  they  had  set  fire  to  their 
ships,  that,  hope  of  escape  being  cut  off',  all  might  resolutely 
defend  their  ancient  and  noble  city ;  and  when  they  found 
themselves  sacrificed — the  invaders  without  the  walls — and 
that  there  was  no  possibility  of  escaping  either  by  sea  or  land, 
in  the  despair  of  their  condition,  they  shut  themselves  up  in 
their  houses,  and  set  them  on  fire.  Forty  thousand  men  with- 
out reckoning  women  and  children,  perished  in  this  manner. 
The  fate  of  Tennes  their  king  was  no  better.  Ochus,  seeing 
himself  master  of  Sidon,  and  having  to  further  occasion  for 
him,  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death, — a  just  reward  of  his  treason, 
and  an  evident  proof  that  Ochus  did  not  yield  to  him  in  perfidy. 


W  I? 


m 


T 


REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES    OCHUS.  123 

At  the  time  this  misfortune  happened,  Sidon  was  immense- 
ly rich ;  the  fire  having  melted  the  gold  and  silver,  Ochus 
sold  the  cinders  for  a  considerable  sum  of"  money.  The  total 
ruin  of  Sidon  and  the  tremendous  sufferings  of  its  citizens 
struck  the  Phenicians  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  adjacent 
provinces  with  extreme  terror,  and  they  were  forward  to  con- 
ciliate the  favour  of  the  great  monarch.  He  willingly  ac- 
cepted the  submission  of  the  Phenicians,  and  engaged  to  re- 
move their  grievances.  But  very  different  was  his  conduct 
to  the  Jews.  It  is  uncertain  whether  the  high-priest  and  the 
other  native  rulers  of  the  nation  had,  on  this  or  indeed  any 
occasion,  actually  cast  off*  the  Persian  voice;  the  probability  is 
that  they  had  not ;  for  at  a  later  periodi  we  find  them  admired 
and  praised  for  their  fidelity  to  Persia,  and  they  seem  to  have 
ever  cherished  grateful  recollection  of  the  singular  and  nume- 
rous favours  which  they  had  received  from  Cyrus  and  sever- 
al of  his  successors.  But  many  of  the  Jews  of  all  ranks, 
grieved  or  indignant  on  account  of  the  oppressions  to  which 
their  nation,  as  well  as  others,  were  often  subjected  by  the  Per- 
sian governors,  must  have  deeply  sympathised  with  their 
neighbours,  when  they  rose  against  their  tyrants,  and  nothing 
was  more  natural  than  that  they  should  secretly  or  openly  as- 
sist them.  This  was  enough  to  rouse  the  spirit  of  revenge  in 
such  a  man  as  Artaxerxes  III  and  he  would  feel  no  remorse 
in  punishing  the  whole  nation  for  what  he  knew  to  be  the 
practice  of  a  few,  especially  when  he  reflected  that  their  ru- 
lers were  in  reality  more  disposed  to  approve  than  punish 
them.  That  the  Jews,  however,  had  exceedingly  offended 
him,  is  scarcely  to  be  doubted,  for,  with  his  impatience  to  ad- 
vance on  Egypt,  it  is  not  otherwise  probable  that  he  would 
have  remained  in  Judea,  merely  to  entertain  himself  by  deso- 
lating their  country.  That  he  did  so  is  certain  ;  for  one  of 
the  credible  historians  of  these  times  records,  that  he  had  no 
sooner  destroyed  Sidon  than  he  proceeded  to  Judea,  and  laid 
siege  to  Jericho,  which  he  captured.  He  also  seized  multi- 
tudes of  the  Jews,  carrying  a  great  number  of  them  into  Egypt, 
and  sending  many  more  into  Hyrcania,  appointing  them  to 
reside  on  the  shores  of  the  Caspian  s?a.  'i'his  slight  notice 
of  the  Jews  suggests  that  they  must  have  enjc/ed  a  consider- 
able degree  of  prosperity  during  the  past  fifty  or  sixty  years, 
from  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  in  the  reign  of  Darius  Nothus, 
to  that  of  Artaxerxes  III.  At  the  former  period,  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  a  number  of  Jews  could  be  found  sufficient  to 
occupy  Jerusalem,  so  as  to  protect  it  from  the  Samaritans ; 


124  REIGN  OF  ARTAXERXES  OCHUS. 

but  now  Jericho  had  risen,  and  become  a  fortified  city,  and 
very  many  Jews  were  made  captives  and  exiles,  leaving,  as 
we  shall  soon  see,  a  populous  country.  Thus  Jehovah  ful- 
filled the  promises  made  by  the  prophets  to  the  race  who  were 
carried  to  Babylon,  and  restored  their  descendants  to  the  land 
of  their  fathers. 

Nectanebus,  who  then  reigned  in  Egypt,  long  aware  of 
the  designs  and  proceedings  of  the  Persians,  had  assiduously 
laboured  to  fortify  the  kingdom,  and  augment  his  army.  But 
unhappily  he  attributed  to  his  own  bravery  his  past  success, 
which  he  evidently  owed  to  Agesilaus,  the  Spartan  king,  and 
other  Greek  generals.  And  as  he  had  not  only  supplanted 
his  kinsman  Tachos  in  the  throne,  in  defiance  of  his  adher- 
ents, but  also  overcome  another  rival,  supported  by  an  army 
of  a  hundred  thousand,  he  conceived  him^-elf  sufficient  to  de- 
fend his  kingdom,  without  the  aid  of  Grecian  generals.  These 
he  had  therefore  dismissed,  that  he  might  secure  to  himself 
all  the  glory  of  the  successful  resistance  of  the  whole  power 
of  the  Persian  empire.  Twenty  thousand  Greeks  were  still 
in  his  service;  and  he  had  been  able  to  raise  a  body  of  as 
many  Lybians,  a  warlike  race,  and  about  sixty  thousand 
Egyptians.  Part  of  these  he  disposed  in  the  strong  places  on 
the  frontiers,  and  posted  himself  with  the  rest  in  the  passes  to 
dispute  the  enemy's  entrance  into  Egypt.  This  was  indeed 
a  small  force  compared  to  that  which  was  being  brought 
against  him.  But  had  his  Greeks  been  led  by  their  native 
generals  whom  they  idolised,  considering  the  capabilities 
which  the  position  of  the  kingdom  afl^orded  for  defence,  the 
army  of  Nectanebus  might  have  rendered  all  the  arts  and 
strength  of  the  invaders  useless.  His  self-sufficiency,  how- 
ever proved  his  ruin. 

Upon  the  arrival  of  Artaxerxes,  "he  encamped  before  Pelu- 
sium,  from  whence  he  detached  three  bodies  of  his  troops,  each 
of  them  commanded  by  a  Greek  and  a  Persian,  with  equal 
authority.  The  first  was  under  Dachares  the  Theban,  and 
Rosaces,  governor  of  Lydia  and  Ionia.  The  second  was  given 
to  Nicostratus  the  Argive,  and  Aristazanes,  one  of  the  great 
officers  of  the  crown.  The  third  had  Mentor  the  Rhodian, 
and  Bagoas,  one  of  Ochus's  eunuchs,at  the  head  of  it.  Each 
detachment  had  its  particular  orders.  The  king  remained 
with  the  main  body  of  the  army  in  the  camp  he  had  made 
choice  of  at  first,  to  wait  events,  and  to  be  ready  to  support 
those  troops  in  case  of  ill  success,  or  to  improve  the  ad  van- 
tages they  might  have.     Nectanebus  had  long  expected  this 


m- 


« 


REIQN   OF   ARTAXERXFS   OCHtl^.  125 

invasion,  the  prepnralions  for  which  had  made  so  much  noise. 
Pehisiura  was  defended  by  a  gnnison  of  five  thousand 
Greeks.  Lacharrs  besieged  the  place.  That  under  Nicos- 
tratus,  on  board  of  four-and-twenty  ships  of  the  Persian  fleet, 
entered  one  of  the  months  of  the  Nile  at  the  same  time,  and 
sailed  into  the  heart  of  Egypt,  where  they  landed,  and  foiti- 
fied  themselves  well  in  a  camp,  of  which  the  situation  was 
very  advantageous.  All  the  Egyptian  troops  in  these  pa  its 
were  immediately  drawn  together  under  Clinias,  a  Greek  of 
the  Isle  of  Cos,  and  prepared  to  repel  the  enemy.  A  very 
warm  action  ensued,  in  which  Clinias  with  five  thousand  of 
his  troops  were  killed,  and  the  rest  entirely  broken  and  dis- 
persed. This  action  decided  the  sut'iess  of  the  war.  Nec- 
tanebus,  apprehen  ling  that  Nicostrai'is,  after  this  victory, 
would  embark  again  tipon  the  Nile,  and  take  Memphis,  the 
capital  of  the  kinglom,  made  all  the  haste  he  could  to  defend 
it,  and  abandoned  the  pisses,  which  it  was  of  the  last  impor- 
tance to  secure,  to  prevent  the  entrance  of  the  enemy.  When 
the  (iieeks  that  defended  Pelnsium  were  apprised  of  this  pre- 
cipitate retreat,  they  believed  all  lost,  and  capitulated  to  Lacha* 
res,  upon  condition  of  being  sent  back  into  Greece,  with  all 
thnt  belonged  to  them,  and  without  sufTering  any  injury  in 
their  peisons  or  effects.  Mmtor,  who  commanded  the  thiid 
detachment,  finding  the  pnsses  clear  and  unguarded,  entered 
the  country,  and  made  himself  m:ister  of  it  without  any  op- 
position. For,  after  havingr  c.iused  a  repoit  to  be  spiead 
throuohotit  his  camp,  that  Ohus  had  o:dered  all  those  w  ho 
would  submit  to  be  treated  withfavour.  and  that  such  as  made 
resistance  should  be  dj'Stioyed,  as  the  Sidoni;ms  had  been,  he 
let  all  his  prisoners  escape,  that  they  might  ^arry  the  news 
into  the  country  round  about.  Those  poor  peorle  repo  t»'d 
in  their  towns  and  villiges  what  they  hid  heard  in  theenerpv"s 
camp.  The  b. utility  of  Ochiis  seemed  to  confi  m  it;  and  the 
terror  was  so  great,  that  the  garrisons,  as  w(ll  Grerds  ;  s 
Egyptians,  strove  which  should  be  the  foremost  in  m::king 
their  submission.  Nectanebus.  havinir  lost  all  hope  of  brin;^ 
able  to  defend  himself,  escaped  with  his  treasures  and  best  ef- 
fects into  Ethiopia,  from  which  country  he  never  returned." 
The  vengeance  of  the  depraved  conquecor  was  equal  to  bis 
power.  He  exeited  himself  to  the  utmost  to  ruin  the  king- 
dom ;  its  fortifications  were  overthrow  n.  its  temples  and  bouses 
pillaged,  and  the  relio-ious  worship  of  the  muion  treated  with 
contempt.  The  public  records  deposited  in  the  temples  as 
places  sacred  in  the  eves  of  all  men,  were  seized;  and  with 


* 


126  REIGN    OF    ARTAXERXES   OCHUS. 

all  the  precious  treasures  of  gold,  silver,  and  jewels,  pos- 
sessed by  the  court  or  by  individuals,  v^^ere  carried  to  Baby- 
lon. Being  not  less  indolent  and  sensual  than  cruel  in  his 
habits,  the  ordinary  appellation  applied  to  him  by  the  Egypt- 
ians was  the  ass.  On  learning  this  he  was  enraged,  and  ex- 
claimed, "I  am  not  an  ass,  but  a  lion,  and  shall  devour  their 
bull."  He  immediatety  ordered  Apis,  the  sacred  bull,  the 
principal  god  of  Egypt,  to  be  dragged  from  his  temple,  and 
killed  in  sacrifice  to  an  ass,  and  his  flesh  to  be  cooked  and 
consumed  by  the  officers  of  his  household.  Having  satiated 
his  revenge  by  every  possible  device  of  malignity  or  folly,  he 
committed  the  government  of  Egypt  to  Pherendates,  one  of 
the  most  distinguished  nobles  of  Persia,  b.  c.  350  ;  and  from 
this  time  no  native  has  acquired  or  occupied  the  throne  of 
this  kingdom ;  in  which  sense  it  has  for  ages  merited  the  title 
given  it  by  the  prophetic  spirit  more  than  two  centuries  before 
a  base  kingdom.  "It  shall  be  the  basest  of  the  kingdoms 
neither  shall  it  exalt  itself  any  more  above  the  nations :  for  A 
will  diminish  them,  that  they  shall  no  more  rule  over  the  n^ 
tions.  And  it  shall  be  no  more  the  confidence  of  the  houso 
of  Israel."  Egypt  has  been  repeatedly  illustrious  in  succeeo 
ing  generations,  but  she  has  been  indebted  for  her  glory  ti 
foreign  races;  the  natives  have  been  unknown  or  unhon 
oured  among  the  nations.  After  redeeming  Egypt,  the  con 
queror  returned  to- Babylon,  and  it  is  said,  abandoned  himseli 
to  sensual  indulgences  and  luxurious  ease,  leaving  the  publi'*- 
arlminst ration  wholly  to  his  principal  favourites  Mentor,  the 
Rhodian,  and  Bagoas,  who  agreed  to  divide  between  them 
the  power  of  the  empire ;  the  former  presided  over  all  the 
lower  provinces  of  Asia,  and  the  latter  of  the  upper.  Mentor 
continued  faithful  to  the  trust  reposed  i.n  him.  His  provinces 
hid  been  for  some  years  in  an  unsettled  state,  chiefly  through 
the  influence  of  his  own  brother  Memnon,  and  Artabasus, 
who  had  married  his  sister.  These  he  soon  reconciled  to  the 
king's  government,  and  they  became  most  efficient  servants  to 
him  and  his  successors. 

Bagoas  was  an  eunuch  and  an  Egyptian  by  birth,  and  one 
of  the  most  zealous  votaries  of  its  debasing  system  of  supersti- 
tion. If,  as  has  been  already  remarked,  he  was  the  person 
of  this  name  who  was  governor  of  Syria  and  Judea  thirty-five 
years  earlier,  he  must  have  been  now  about  at  least  fifty  years 
of  age.  His  ambition  had  been  greater  than  his  patriotism  ; 
but,  though  an  eunuch,  yet  he  ceased  not  to  love  his  country ; 


- 


REIGN   OF    ARTAXERXE8   OCHI78.  127 

and  probably  his  devotedness  to  its  religion  increased  as  he 
advanced  in  life — a  not  rare  phenomenon  in  the  history  of  hu- 
man nature.  And  he  may  have  been  the  chief  instrument  of 
the  recent  sufferings  of  the  Jews,  whom,  on  account  of  their 
religion,  he  could  never  sincerely  esteem  or  love.  To  testify 
his  respect  for  his  own  country,  he  purchased  or  procured 
from  his  sovereign  its  much  valued  archives,  and  restored 
them  to  be  again  deposited  in  the  sacred  temples.  The  in- 
sults offered  to  his  religion  by  the  king  had  produced  in  his 
heart  implacable  resentment;  but,  for  nearly  ten  years,  the 
honours  conferred  on  him  secured  his  fidelity,  or  he  may  not 
have  considered  himself  powerful  enough  to  contend  with  his 
king,  without  exposing  himself  to  certain  destruction.  What- 
ever be  in  this,  zeal  for  religion  is  the  only  motive  assigned 
by  history  for  the  abhorrent  crime  of  poisoning  his  sovereign, 
whom  he  had  long  served,  and  by  whom  he  had  been  highly 
exalted  ;  and  his  barbarous  treatment  of  the  dead  body  accords 
with  the  opinion  of  historians ;  for  he  caused  another  body  to 
be  interred  instead  of  the  king's,  and,  to  avenge  his  having 
made  the  officers  of  the  house  eat  the  god  Apis,  he  made  cats 
eat  his  dead  body,  which  he  gave  them  cut  in  small  pieces ; 
and  as  for  his  bones,  these  he  turned  into  handles  for  knives 
and  swords,  the  natural  symbols  of  his  cruelty.  Bagoas  ap- 
pears to  have  exercised,  without  control,  the  supreme  power 
at  the  time  he  murdered  the  king.  Mentor  was  perhaps  either 
dead  or  absent  from  court.  The  murderer,  in  the  hope  of  re- 
taining his  power,  proclaimed  Arses,  the  youngest  prince,  the 
su«"cessor  of  his  father.  Having  discovered,  before  the  ex- 
piry of  two  years,  that  the  young  king  was  devising  means 
to  punish  him  for  the  murder  of  his  father,  he  assassinated 
him,  and  destroyed  all  his  near  kindred ;  and,  in  330,  n.  c. 
raised  Codomanus,  a  descendant  of  Darius  Nothus,  to  the 
throne.  This  prince  was  distinguished  by  his  bravery,  for 
which  he  had  been  rew^arded  with  the  government  of  Arme- 
nia. He  assumed  the  name  of  Daryus  III. ;  and  is  the  last 
sovereign  of  the  Medo-Persian  empire,  although  much  more 
worthy  of  it  than  the  majority  of  his  predecessors.  But  the 
general  aspect  of  events  which  we  have  recorded  in  this  chap- 
ter, strongly  indicated  that  Persia  had  almost  ceased  to  reign 
by  its  own  power,  and  that  the  sovereignty  of  the  world  would 
most  probably  pass  from  her  to  Greece  ;  for  every  wise  states- 
man of  the  empire  despaired  of  retaining  in  peace,  or  reco- 
vering from  re'olt,  the  chief  provinces,  unless  he  could  pre- 


# 


128 


REIGN   OF   ARTAXERXES   OCHUS. 


vent  the  interference,  or  purchase  the  support,  of  the  states  of 
Greece.  Thus  Providence  visibly  proceeded  in  its  course  of 
consummate  wisdom  and  power  to  astonish  mankind,  by  the 
apj)earance  of  the  rough  goat  of  Grecia,  destined  to  drive  from 
the  haunts  of  man  the  ram  of  Media  and  Persia^  according  to 
Daniel's  vision  in  the  palace  of  Shushan,  b.  c.  558. 


I 


m- 


# 


t 


CHAPTER   VIII. 


THE  REIGNS  OF  DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXAN- 
DER THE  GREAT. 


Bagoas,  having-  been  long  virtually  sovereign  of  the  em- 
pire, would  doubtless  have  ascended  the  throne  had  he  had 
the  least  confidence  that  the  nobles  of  Media  and  Persia 
would  have  submitted  to  an  Egyptian  eunuch.  While,  how- 
ever, he  felt  it  absolutely  necessary  to  conciliate  them,  he  was 
fixed  in  purpose  to  maintain  his  position.  Pride  of  power  to 
command  rendered  him  incapable  of  reverence  for  authority 
so  as  to  obey.  He  probably  choose  Codomanus,  not  merely 
because  he  was  of  the  royal  race,  but  because  he  had  been 
distinguished  by  vanity  rather  than  pride,  and  by  love  of 
splendour  more  than  desire  of  power.  He  may  therefore 
have  calculated  that  he  would  be  able  to  direct  all  his  public 
actions  by  gratifying  his  predominant  passions  to  an  extent 
which  his  previous  circumstances  could  never  have  led  him 
to  imagine  or  anticipate.  Darius  Codomanus  appears  to  have 
passed  his  youth  in  comparative  obscurity ;  and  his  first  em- 
ployment was  one  of  the  least  respectable  among  the  servants 
of  government.  He  was  first  known  as  one  of  the  couriers 
who  carried  dispatches  from  the  court  to  the  governors  of  the 
provinces.  He  owed  his  appointment  to  the  government  of 
Armenia  to  a  remarkable  instance  of  courage  in  the  Cadusian 
war.  A  champion  of  the  enemy  had  oflTered  to  fight  in  single 
combat  any  one  of  the  Persian  army ;  Darius  was  the  only 
one  who  accepted  the  challenge ;  he  slew  his  opponent,  but 
had  he  not  been  viewed  unambitious  of  any  other  distinction 
than  that  of  a  brave  soldier,  the  fact  of  his  belonging  to  the 
royal  family  would  have  certainly  prevented  his  sovereign, 
the  murderer  of  his  kindred,  from  exalting  him  to  the  office 
of  a  governor.  He  had  not,  however,  been  long  king  when 
he  manifested  his  purpose  to  perform  the  duties  of  his  office  : 


=• 


130  REIGNS   OF   DARIUS    CODOMANUS, 

and  to  prove  that  he  was  the  first  in  power  as  well  as  in  dig- 
nity. This  roused  the  indignation  of  Bagoas  ;  and  he  con- 
spired to  remove  him  by  poison.  His  treachery  was  discov- 
ered, and  Darius  made  him  drink  the  prepared  poison.  His 
throne  was  apparently  established  ;  and  his  court  speedily  ap- 
peared in  all  the  grandeur  of  the  East.  He  was  admired  for 
his  noble  aspect,  being  the  most  beautiful  man  of  his  empire ; 
respected  for  his  heroism,  and  loved  for  his  mild  and  gen- 
erous dispositions  and  polite  manners.  But  he  knew  the  dan- 
ger of  his  station,  and  he  heard  in  the  distance  the  sound  of 
the  tempest  which  suddenly  laid  his  honour  in  the  dust,  and 
swept  from  the  earth  the  dominion  of  Persia. 

The  same  year  beheld  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of 
Darius  Codomanus,  and  that  of  his  conqueror,  Alexander  the 
Great.  The  success  of  the  latter  in  the  vast  enterprise  to 
which  Providence  ordained  him,  chiefly  arose  out  of  the  state 
and  relations  of  his  kingdom  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death. 
Mankind  no  longer,  indeed,  trembled  at  the  name  or  voice  of 
the  kings  of  Persia,  the  nominal  arbiters  of  the  world ;  but 
their  weahh  still  commanded  armies  tremendous  in  power. 
This  was  visible  in  the  inexpressible  miseries  endured,  in  al- 
most every  part  of  the  empire,  during  the  sanguinary  deeds 
of  the  recent  beast  of  prey  who  had  swayed  the  sceptre  almost 
twenty-one  years ;  and  several  of  the  able  captains  of  his  tri- 
umphant armies  survived,  seemed  fully  qualified  to  preserve 
in  subjection  the  empire  which  he  had  restored  to  comparative 
tranquillity.  The  Grecians  continued  to  vindicate  their  claims 
to  unparalleled  wisdom  and  unconquerable  courage.  Never- 
theless, the  nations  had  repeatedly  witnessed  that  a  Grecian 
army  was  not  invulnerable.  The  Grecian  states,  never  cor- 
dially united,  had  exceedingly  wasted  their  strength  by  in- 
ternal factions,  or  defensive  and  aggressive  war.  Though 
they  retained  their  jealousy  and  hatred  of  the  Persians,  and 
iimbition  of  supremacy  over  all  nations,  nevertheless,  past  ex- 
perience and  observation  would  have  countenanced  the 
opinion  that  there  was  more  reason  to  apprehend  their  pro- 
gressive decay,  loss  of  liberty,  or  destruction,  than  their  at- 
tainment of  universal  empire.  No  intelligent  and  impartial 
reader  of  Grecian  history  will  assert  that  Alexander  the 
Great  surpassed,  as  a  statesman  or  military  captain,  all  who 
liad  previously  governed  the  Grecian  states.  Personally 
contemplated,  he  certainly  deserves  not  more  celebrity  than 
several  other  Grecians  whose  individual  or  successive  services 
Iiad  scarcely  been  effectual  to  preserve  their  country  from  en 


AND    ALEXANDER    THE   GREAT. 


131 


tire  prostration  before  the  throne  of  Persia.  Alexander  was, 
therefore,  doubtless  principally  indebted,  in  subserviency  to 
Divine  Providence,  for  his  more  exalted  destiny,  to  the  pe- 
culiar state  and  relations  of  Macedon  at  the  period  of  the 
death  of  his  father  Philip.  This  prince  was  accounted  the 
seventeenth  king  of  a  family  who  regarded  themselves  Greeks; 
but  the  more  cultivated  inhabiants  of  Greece  Proper  dis- 
claimed all  relationship  to  the  Macedonians,  and  denominated 
them  barbarians.  Philip,  however,  early  became  identified 
with  the  Greeks,  and  was  justly  acknowledged  one  of  the 
most  accomplished  statesmen  and  captains  of  his  age,  com- 
pletely eclipsing  the  glory  of  his  ancestors.  At  the  age  of  ten 
years  he  was  sent  to  Thebas,  and  entrusted  to  the  care  of  its 
famous  general  Pelopidas,  who  placed  him  in  the  house  of 
his  friend  Epaminondas,  still  more  illustrious  as  a  philosopher, 
politician,  and  warrior.  He  carefully  educated  him  with  his 
own  son  ;  their  common  tutor  was  one  of  the  most  eminent  of 
the  Pythagorean  philosophers,  and  most  probably  Epami- 
nondas carried  Philip  with  him  in  some,  if  not  in  all  his  cam- 
pjiigns,  that  he  might  acquire  full  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war. 
Philip  was  always  proud  of  having  been  the  pupil  of  Epami- 
nondas, and  resolved  to  imitate  his  example ;  but  the  moral 
principles  which  he  had  been  taught  never  governed  his  life. 
He  returned  to  his  own  country  in  his  twentieth  year.  Four 
years  later  he  succeeded  to  the  throne,  and  sometime  aftei- 
wards  married  Olympias,  a  grand-daughter  of  Aletes,  king 
of  Epirus,  who  gave  birth  to  Alexander  on  the  very  day  that  the 
great  temple  of  Diana  at  Ephesus  was  set  on  fire  and  consumed 
by  the  fool  Erostratus,  who  desired,  like  many  counted  wise, 
to  perpetuate  his  fame  by  some  means,  however  mischievous. 

From  the  opportunity  Philip  had  enjoyed  of  thoroughly 
knowing  the  relations  and  affliirs  of  the  states  of  Greece,  it  is 
possible,  as  historians  intimate,  that  the  sovereignty  of  them 
was  the  chief  object  of  his  ambition  from,  if  not  before,  his  first 
entrance  into  public  life ;  and  this  at  least  is  plain,  that  the 
schemes  which  he  devised  and  pursued  for  many  years  were 
viewed  by  the  best  judges  as  tending  to  the  entire  subjugation 
of  Greece.  Macedon,  which  he  owed  to  his  ancestors,  con- 
sisted of  no  more  than  a  small  and  comparatively  poor  portion 
of  Thrace ;  he  was  not  slow  to  extend  his  dominions  in  that 
country  and  lUyria.  He  enlarged  his  territories  and  in- 
fluence much  more  by  policy  and  dissimulation  than  by  arms, 
and  this  he  was  enabled  to  do  more  efficiently  after  he  ob- 
tained possession  of  Crenides,  which  he  named  Philippi ;  for 


#. 


J 


132  REIGNS  OP  DARIUS  CODOMANUS, 

there  he  opened  gold  mines,  which  every  year  produced  up- 
wards of  a  thousand  talents,  that  is,  about  an  hundred  and 
forty-four  thousand  pounds  sterling, — a  prodigious  sum  of 
money  in  that  age.  By  this  means  money  became  much 
more  current  in  Macedon  than  before,  and  Phihp  first  caused 
the  golden  specie  to  be  coined  there,  which  outlived  his  mon- 
archy. Superiority  of  finances  is  of  endless  advantage  to  a 
state,  and  no  prince  understood  them  better  than  Philip,  or 
neglected  them  less.  By  this  fund  he  was  enabled  to  main- 
tain a  powerful  army  of  foreigners,  and  to  bribe  a  number  of 
creatures  in  most  of  the  cities  of  Greece.  Demosthenes  says 
that  when  Greece  was  in  its  most  flourishing  condition,  gold 
and  silver  were. ranked  in  the  number  of  prohibited  arms; 
but  Philip  thought,  spoke,  and  acted  in  a  quite  different  man- 
ner. It  is  said,  that  consulting  the  oracle  of  Delphos,  he  re- 
ceived the  following  answer : — "Make  coin  thy  weapons,  and 
thou'lt  conquer  all."  The  advice  of  the  priestess  became  his 
rule,  and  he  applied  it  with  great  success.  He  owned  that  he 
had  carried  more  places  by  money  than  arms ;  that  he  never 
forced  a  gate  till  after  having  attempted  to  open  it  with  a 
golden  key :  and  that  he  did  not  think  any  fortress  impreg- 
nable into  which  a  mule  laden  with  silver  could  find  entrance 
It  has  been  said  that  he  was  a  merchant  rather  than  a  con- 
queror, that  it  was  not  Philip,  but  his  gold,  which  subdued 
Greece,  and  that  he  bought  its  cities  rather  than  took  them. 
He  had  pensioners  in  all  the  commonwealths  of  Greece,  and 
retained  those  in  his  pay  who  had  the  greatest  share  in  the 
public  affairs.  And,  indeed,  he  was  less  proud  of  the  success 
of  a  battle  than  that  of  a  negociation  ;  well  knowing  that  nei- 
ther his  generals  nor  his  soldiers  could  share  in  the  honour 
of  the  latter. 

The  times  were  auspicious  to  his  acquisition  of  the  ascen- 
dancy in  Greece.  Athens,  Sparta,  and  Thebes  had  succes- 
sively attempted  to  give  law  to  all  Greece,  and  in  their  strug- 
gles had  destroyed  their  own  resources  and  deluged  the  states 
in  blood.  That,  however,  which  they  never  fully  could  at- 
tain he  easily  seized  by  putting  an  end  to  what  was  called  the 
"  sacred  war,"  which  distracted  and  spoiled  Greece  ten  years. 
It  derived  its  name  from  its  origin, — the  supposed  profanity 
of  the  Phoceans  in  taking  possession  of  the  district  adjacent  to 
Delphi,  which  was  regarded  as  consecrated  to  Apollo.  They 
afterwards  still  more  provoked  the  wrath  of  the  more  devout 
Grecians  by  employing  the  treasures  of  the  temple  to  repel  the 
armies  sent  against  them. 


#  ■  # 


I 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  133 

Representatives  from  all  the  States  were  accustomed  to  as- 
semble to  deliberate  on  affairs  in  which  they  were  all  inter- 
ested. These  were  called  "the  Council  of  the  Amphyctions." 
Philip,  by  his  intrigues,  succeeded  to  procure  admission  into 
this  council,  and  consequently  to  cause  his  kingdom  to  be  ac- 
knowledged as  one  of  Greece ;  and,  by  similar  means,  he  pre- 
vailed on  the  Council  to  appoint  him  generalissimo  of  all  the 
Greeks :  and  finally,  which  was  perhaps  the  ultimate  end  of 
his  policy,  to  be  commissioned  to  make  preparations  for  the 
invasion  and  conquest  of  Persia ;  in  which  enterprise  all  the 
states  were  called  on  to  afford  him  every  possible  means  of 
support.  But  his  glory  suddenly  vanished  ;  domestic  misery 
was  his  lot ",  Olympias  embittered  his  life,  and  he  sought  re- 
lief by  drowning  her,  and  marrying  Cleopatra,  a  beautiful 
daughter  of  Attains,  one  of  the  chief  captains  of  his  army. 
Among  the  many  splendid  follies  of  the  marriage  festival  was 
a  procession  from  the  palace  to  the  theatre.  Before  him  were 
carried  thirteen  statues  of  gods,  one  of  which,  exceeding  all 
the  rest  in  magnificence,  represented  the  vain  monarch.  As 
he  proceeded,  one  of  his  chief  officers,  to  whom  he  declined 
to  do  justice,  stabbed  him  with  a  dagger,  in  the  presence  of 
the  vast  muUitude  assembled,  which  caused  his  instant  death, 
in  the  forty-seventh  year  of  his  age. 

No  one  ever  more  completely  disregarded  the  maxims  of 
wisdom  for  which  he  has  been  celebrated :  of  this,  one  in- 
stance suggested  by  the  last  scene  of  his  life  is  sufficient  proof 
He  exulted  in  being  adored  as  a  god,  while  he  treated  such 
conduct  in  any  other  person  with  utter  contempt.  Thus, 
when  Menecrates,  supposing  himself  Jupiter,  addressed  him 
in  these  words,  "  Menecrates  Jupiter  to  Philip  greeting,"  he 
answered,  "  Philip  to  Menecrates,  health  and  reason  ;"  and 
to  correct  the  delusion  of  the  physician,  he  invited  him  to  a 
grand  entertainment,  and  placed  before  him  incense  and  per- 
fumes, which  at  first  transported  him  with  joy  on  finding  him- 
self publicly  acknowledged  as  a  god.  But  hunger  recalled 
him  to  his  senses,  and  receiving  nothing  to  eat,  he  quickly 
left  the  company.  Philip  knew  well  the  importance  oi 
knowledge ;  and  hence  he  was  most  solicitous  that  his  son 
Alexander  should  receive  the  most  complete  education  which 
could  be  procured  in  Greece,  justly  regarded  the  most  en- 
lightened country  in  the  world.  This  induced  him  to  place 
him  early  under  the  care  and  tuition  of  Aristotle,  the  most 
eminent  and  admired  pupil  of  Plato.  Josephus  relates  a  re- 
markable anecdote  of  Aristotle,  extracted  from  Clearchus,  one 

vol..  L  12 


m 


134 

of  his  scholars.  An  intelligent  Jew  came  from  Syria  to  Asia 
Minor,  and  associated  with  the  philosopher  and  his  friends, 
who  remarked  that  he  "made  a  trial  of  our  skill  in  phi- 
losophy; and  as  he  had  lived  with  many  learned  men,  he 
communicated  to  us  more  information  than  he  received  from 
us."  This  incident,  in  the  judgment  of  the  Christian  fathers, 
accounts  for  the  evident  agreement  of  many  sentiments  pro- 
mulgated by  Aristotle  with  those  taught  by  Moses  and  the 
prophets. 

The  illustrious  teacher  discharged  with  fidelity  the  duties 
of  his  high  office,  and  was  equally  beloved  and  honoured  by 
the  father  and  son.  Philip  rebuilt  his  native  city  Stagira, 
which  had  been  ruined  in  war.  It  was  seated  on  the  coast 
of  Macedon.  Its  inhabitants,  who  had  deserted  it,  or  were 
enslaved,  were  restored,  and  received  from  the  king  a  large 
field  in  the  vicinity,  which  he  improved  and  beautified  for  the 
place  of  their  assemblies  and  studies.  Alexander  believed 
himself  bound  to  love  his  tutor  as  if  he  were  his  father ;  for 
he  said,  "  I  am  indebted  to  the  one  for  life,  and  to  the  other 
for  living  well."  Alexander  rapidly  acquired  all  kinds  of 
knowledge,  and  was  as  ambitious  of  applause  for  his  attain- 
ments in  philosophy  as  in  military  science.  Were  it  possible, 
he  would  have  monopolised  the  glory  of  both.  This  is  obvi- 
ous from  the  displeasure  he  expressed  when  his  illustrious 
instructor  published,  without  his  knowledge,  his  work  on 
rhetoric  and  certain  metaphysical  articles,  which  he  wished 
exclusively  to  possess.  In  reference  to  these,  at  the  very 
time  that  he  was  pursuing  Darius,  he  thus  wrote  Aristotle : 
"  I  had  much  rather  surpass  the  rest  of  men  in  the  know- 
ledge of  sublime  and  excellent  things,  than  in  the  greatness 
and  the  extent  of  power."  His  ruling  passion,  from  his  ten- 
der years,  was  ambition  of  human  applause,  on  account  of 
superiority  of  intellect,  external  power,  and  splendour.  He 
would  not,  he  avowed,  "  contend  in  the  Olympic,  unless  kings 
were  his  antagonists.  Homer,  whom  he  deemed  the  best 
companion  of  a  soldier,  and  whose  poems  he  laid  with  his 
sword  every  night  under  his  pillow,  pleased  him  most  when 
he  described  "  Agamemnon  as  a  good  king  and  a  brave  war- 
rior." 

He  was  worthy  of  his  father ;  who  early  discovered  his 
talents,  and  raised  him  to  posts  of  distinction  and  honour. 
He  made  him,  it  is  probable,  before  he  was  fifteen  years  old, 
his  companion  in  battle,  and  about  this  period  he  would  have 
been  slain,  had  not  his  noble  son  covered  him  with  his  shield, 


%  # 


I 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  ^     ..,  135 

and  put  to  flight  those  who  were  ready  to  rush  on  him,  as  he 
lay  wounded  in  the  thigh,  with  his  horse  lying  dead  by  his 
side. 

Alexander  was  thus  manifestly  animated  by  a  spirit  which 
could  have  no  rest  till  he  executed  the  scheme  of  universal 
conquest,  deeply  loved  by  Philip.  The  opposition  which  he 
met  with  to  this  was  great,  both  from  many  of  his  own  sub- 
jects, and  from  the  Athenians.  Many  of  the  former,  recently 
conquered,  hoped  to  cast  off  his  yoke,  because  he  was  only  a 
young  man,  for  he  ascended  the  throne  in  his  twentieth  year, 
336  B.  c.  and  the  latter,  for  the  same  reason,  hoped  to  liberate 
Greece.  But  he  speedily  surmounted  all  difficulties  ;  and  in 
an  assembly  of  the  Amphyctions,  at  Corinth,  was  chosen  to 
succeed  his  father  as  generalissimo  of  the  Greeks,  and 
ordered  to  advance  against  Persia.  Of  the  countries  which 
he  traversed  from  his  departure  from  Macedon,  till  his  return 
from  India,  Rollin  thus  briefly  notices :  "  He  crosseth  the 
Hellespont,  or  the  straits  of  the  Dardanelles,  from  Europe  to 
Asia  Minor,  where  he  fights  two  battles ;  the  first  at  the  pass 
of  the  river  Granicua,  and  the  second  near  the  city  of  Issus. 
After  the  second  battle,  he  enters  Syria  and  Palestine ;  goes 
into  Egypt,  where  he  builds  Alexandria,  on  one  of  the  arms 
of  the  Nile ;  advances  as  far  as  Lybia  to  the  temple  of  Jupi- 
ter Animon ;  whence  he  returns  back,  arrives  at  Tyre,  and 
from  thence  marches  towards  the  Euphrates.  He  crosses  that 
river,  then  the  Tigris,  and  gains  the  celebrated  victory  of 
Arbela;  possesses  himself  of  Babylon,  and  Ecbatana,  the 
chief  city  of  Media.  From  thence  he  passes  into  Hvrcania, 
to  the  sea  which  goes  by  that  name,  otherwise  called  the 
Caspian  sea ;  and  enters  Parthia,  Drangiana,  and  the  coun- 
try of  Paropamisus.  He  afterwards  goes  into  Bactriana  and 
Sogdiana ;  advances  as  far  as  the  river  Jaxarthes,  called  by 
Q,uintus  Curtius  the  Tanais,  the  farther  side  of  which  is  in- 
habited by  the  Scythians,  whose  country  forms  part  of  Great 
Tartary.  Alexander,  after  having  gone  through  various 
countries,  crosses  the  river  Indus ;  enters  India,  which  lies 
on  this  side  the  Ganges,  and  forms  part  of  the  Grand  Mogul's 
empire,  and  advances  very  near  the  river  Ganges,  which  he 
also  intended  to  pass  had  not  his  army  refused  to  follow  him. 
He  therefore  contents  himself  with  marching  to  view  the 
ocean,  and  goes  down  the  river  Indus  to  its  mouth.  From 
Macedonia  to  the  Ganges,  almost  to  which  river  Alexander 
marched,  is  computed  at  least  eleven  hundred  leagues.  Add 
to  this  the  various  turnings  in  Alexander's  marches;  first, 


136    REIGNS  OF  DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER. 

from  the  extremity  of  Cilicia,  where  the  battle  of  Issus  was 
fought,  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Ammon  in  Lybia ;  and  his 
returning  from  thence  to  Tyre,  a  journey  of  three  hundred 
leagues  at  least,  and  as  much  space  at  kast  for  the  windings 
of  his  route  in  different  places ;  we  shall  find  that  Alexander, 
in  less  than  eight  years,  marched  his  army  upwards  of  seven- 
teen hundred  leagues,  without  including  his  return  to  Baby- 
lon." 


m- 


CHAPTER  II 


THE  REIGNS  OF  DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXAN- 
DER  THE  GREAT,  CONTINUED. 


The  plans  pursued  by  Philip,  and  afterwards  by  his  son,  in 
relation  to  Persia,  were  not  unobserved  by  the  governors  of 
Darius  in  Asia  Minor ;  and  he  appears  to  have  had  entire 
confidence  in  their  ability  to  maintain  his  interests  so  effectu- 
ally as  to  render  it  unnecessary  for  him  to  adopt  any  precau- 
tionary measures  for  the  protection  of  the  eastern  division  of 
his  empire.  This  confidence  would  have  perhaps  been 
somewhat  justifiable  had  the  inferior  governors  been  positive- 
ly ordered  and  disposed  to  follow  implicitly  the  counsels  of 
the  chief  governor,  Memnon,  the  Rhodian.  This  great  man 
was  certainly  the  ablest  general  of  the  empire,  and  had  been 
the  principal  instrument  in  subjecting  all  the  provinces  to  the 
dominion  of  Artaxerxes  III.,  and  in  establishing  Darius  Codo- 
manus  on  the  throne.  From  the  time  he  had  entered  the 
service  of  Persia  at  Sidon,  he  had  been  distinguished  not  less 
by  his  consummate  talents  as  a  statesman  and  commander, 
than  by  activity,  fidelity,  and  loyalty.  He  found  no  diflJiculty 
to  persuade  the  governors  to  unite  with  him  to  raise  a  very 
large  army,  consisting  of  numerous  Persian  cavalry,  and  in- 
fantry, the  latter  of  whom  were  chiefly  Asiatic  Greeks. 
When,  however,  he  proposed  the  wisest  measure  suggested 
by  the  case,  that  the  army  should  not  risk  all  in  battle,  but 
rather  lay  waste  their  own  country,  and  even  destroy  their 
cities,  the  governor  and  officers  suspected  that  he  held  secret 
correspondence  with  the  enemy,  and  designed  to  betray  them, 
or  that  he  wished  to  prolong  the  war,  with  a  view  to  render 
the  continuation  of  his  services  indispensable  to  the  king. 
The  consequence  was,  that  they  all  united  in  rejecting  his 
counsel,  and  resolved  to  act  on  that  given  by  Arsites,  satrap 
or  governor  of  Phrygia,  who  declared  that  he  would  never 
permit  the  Grecians  to  desolate  the  country  which  he  gov- 

12* 


r 


« 


138  REIGNS  OF  DARIUS  CODOMANUS, 

erned ;  and  that  it  was  expedient  at  once  to  meet  and  repel 
the  enemy.  Accordingly,  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand 
foot  and  ten  thousand  horse,  were  summoned  to  assemble  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  Granicus,  a  torrent  stream,  now  named 
Ousuola,  not  far  from  Troas, 

Whoever  traces  the  movements  of  Alexander,  from  the 
time  that  the  Amphyctions  appointed  him  supreme  com- 
mander of  the  Grecians  against  the  Persians,  will  perceive 
the  divine  propriety  of  the  prophetic  symbol  appropriated  to 
pourtray  the  power  of  Grecia,  nearly  two  hundred  years  be- 
fore he  assumed  the  command  of  the  Greeks.  While  Daniel 
reflected  on  the  scene  of  the  "  ram  which  had  two  horns, — 
behold,  an  he-goat  came  from  the  west,  on  the  face  of  the 
whole  earth,  and  touched  not  the  ground  ;  and  the  goat  had 
a  notable  horn  between  his  eyes.  And  he  came  to  the  ram 
that  had  two  horns,  which  I  had  seen  standing  before  the 
river,  and  ran  unto  him  in  the  fury  of  his  power.  And  I  saw 
him  come  close  unto  the  ram,  and  he  was  moved  with  choler 
against  him,  and  smote  the  ram,  and  brake  his  two  horns ; 
and  there  was  no  power  in  the  ram  to  stand  before  him,  but 
he  cast  him  down  to  the  ground,  and  stamped  upon  him :  and 
there  was  none  that  could  deliver  the  ram  out  of  his  hand." 

On  returning  from  Corinth,  Alexander  instantly  held  a 
council  of  his  chief  officers  and  grandees,  to  deliberate  on  the 
measures  necessary  to  be  adopted  for  the  invasion  of  the  Per- 
sian empire.  They  all  approved  of  entering  on  this  great 
enterprise  without  delay,  except  Antipater  and  Parmenio,  who 
wished  him  first  to  choose  a  consort  to  secure  a  successor  to 
his  throne.  This  prudential  advice  accorded  ill  with  his  fiery 
temper  ;  and  he  expressed  the  purpose  of  observing  a  grand 
festival  to  propitiate  the  favour  of  the  gods.  This  being 
finished,  he  settled  his  domestic  affairs,  and  conferred  special 
honours  on  his  friends,  giving  to  one  an  estate  in  land,  to 
another  a  village,  to  a  third  the  revenues  of  a  town,  to  a  fourth 
the  toll  of  a  harbour.  And  as  all  the  revenues  of  his  demesnes 
were  already  employed  and  exhausted  by  his  donations,  Per- 
diccas  said  to  him,  "  My  Lord,  what  is  it  you  reserve  for  your- 
self?" Alexander  replying,  "  Hope :"  Perdiccas  said,  "  The 
same  hope  ought  therefore  to  satisfy  us ;"  and  so  refused  very 
generously  to  accept  of  what  the  king  had  appointed  him. 
Having  appointed  Antipater  viceroy,  with  an  army  of  about 
twelve  thousand  horse,  and  an  equal  number  of  foot,  he  pro- 
ceeded with  his  army  to  the  Hellespont.  He  carried  with 
him  scarcely  more  money  or  provisions  than  were  necessary 


# 


i 


AND    ALEXAI^DER   THE   GREAT.  139 

to  support  for  a  month  the  thirty  thousand  foot  and  five  thou- 
sand horse,  which  constituted  the  entire  amount  of  his  army. 
These  were  ail  men  of  true  bravery,  each  being  accounted 
worthy  to  command,  and  admired  for  zeal  to  obey.  All  the 
officers  were  sixty  years  of  age,  and  they  had  shared  with  his 
father  in  his  toils,  victories,  and  triumphs.  The  sudden  ar- 
rival of  the  army  at  the  Granicus,  astonished  and  alarmed  the 
Persian  troops,  who  lined  its  opposite  banks.  These  fiercely 
attacked  the  invaders  when  they  entered  the  river,  but  were 
soon  repelled,  and  in  the  battle  which  followed  they  were 
completely  defeated.  A  great  number  of  the  Persian  officers 
lay  dead  on  the  field  of  battle.  Arsites  fled  to  Phrygia,  where, 
overwhelmed  with  grief  that  he  was  the  cause  of  the  catas- 
trophe, it  is  said  he  took  his  own  life.  The  conqueror  hasted 
on  to  Sard  is,  the  metropolis  of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  bulwark 
of  the  western  division  of  the  empire.  The  citizens  delivered 
him  the  keys  of  the  city,  and  he  granted  them  liberty,  and  the 
privilege  oi  governing  themselves  according  to  their  own  laws. 
After  a  few  days  he  entered  Ephesus,  restored  its  popular 
form  of  government,  and  ordered  the  tribute  hitherto  bestowed 
on  Diana  to  be  continued.  The  temple  of  the  goddess  was 
rising  anew  at  the  expense  of  all  Asia.  The  boundless  desire 
of  fame  impelled  him  to  declare  that  he  purposed  to  provide 
all  that  was  required  to  finish  the  edifice,  on  condition  that  his 
name  alone  should  be  inscribed  on  it.  In  declining  the  offer, 
the  Ephesians  averted  his  displeasure,  by  declaring  that  it 
was  not  becoming  for  one  god  to  erect  monuments  to  another. 

Meantime  the  Asiastic  Greeks  were  not  slow  to  send  him 
messengers,  with  the  keys  of  their  cities.  But  when  his  army 
had  reached  Miletus,  he  found  its  gates  shut  against  him ;  for 
Memnon,  with  many  Greeks,  had  taken  possession  of  its  for- 
tress, and  the  citizens  were  encouraged  to  defend  themselves, 
from  expectation  of  the  aid  of  the  fleet.  The  garrison,  how- 
ever, after  displaying  prodigious  valour,  believing  further  re- 
sistance useless,  procured  an  honourable  capitulation,  and  re- 
tired. Memnon  proceeded  to  Halicarnassus,  a  strong  city  in 
Caria,  and  was  followed  by  Alexander.  After  a  long  and 
noble  defence,  the  faithful  Rhodian  deemed  it  for  the  interest 
of  his  master  to  abandon  the  city.  Leaving  a  strong  garrison 
in  the  citadel,  with  ample  provisions,  he  escaped  by  sea  to  the 
adjacent  island  of  Cos,  carrying  with  him  the  surviving  citi- 
zens, and  all  their  riches. 

At  this  time  the  legitimate  sovereign  of  Caria,  a  princess 
named  Ada,  possessed  nothing  but  the  fortress  of  Alindae 


140  REIONS   OF   DARIUS   CODOMANUS, 

As  soon  as  Alexander  arrived  in  the  province,  she  publicly 
adopted  him  for  her  son.  Flattered  by  this  trifling  token  of 
esteem,  he  committed  to  her  the  government  of  Halicarnassus. 
"  This  lady,  as  a  testimony  of  the  deep  sense  she  had  of  the 
•favours  received  from  Alexander,  sent  him  every  day  meats 
dressed  in  the  most  exquisite  manner,  delicious  pies  of  all  sorts, 
and  the  most  excellent  cooks  of  every  kind.  Alexander  an- 
swered the  queen  on  this  occasion,  "  That  all  this  train  was 
of  no  service  to  him,  for  that  he  was  possessed  of  much  better 
cooks  whom  Leonidas  his  governor  had  given  him,  one  of 
whom  prepared  him  for  a  good  dinner,  and  that  was  by  walk- 
ing a  great  deal  in  the  morning  very  early ;  and  the  other 
prepared  him  an  excellent  supper,  and  that  was  dining  very 
moderately."  After  receiving  the  homage  of  several  kings, 
the  army  of  the  conqueror  withdrew  to  winter  quarters.  On 
this  occasion  he  permitted  all  the  soldiers  who  had  recently 
married  to  return  with  their  wives  to  Macedon  and  spend  the 
winter,  on  condition  of  joining  the  army  in  the  spring.  In 
this  act  he  is,  by  some,  supposed  to  show  that  he  had  been, 
by  Aristotle  or  some  other  person,  made  acquainted  with  the 
laws  of  Moses  ;  for  no  similar  custom  was  recommended  by 
any  legislator  of  Greece  or  Persia. 

Alexander  early  the  next  year,  resolved  to  subdue  the  mara- 
time  provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  that  he  might,  with  more  safety 
advance  into  Upper  Asia  and  combat  Darius,  who  had  avowed 
his  determination  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  his  armies. 
On  the  wings  of  victory,  Alexander  passed  along  the  coast, 
and,  without  great  difficulty,  accomplished  the  object  of  his 
campaign.  His  position  at  this  time  was  somewhat  critical ; 
for  Darius,  on  learning  the  state  of  the  war  in  Asia  Minor, 
approved  of  the  counsel  given  him  by  Memnon,  to  transfer, 
if  possible,  the  great  combat  for  empire  to  Macedon.  The 
Rhodian  knew  that  if  a  Persian  army  invaded  that  kingdom, 
it  would  be  strengthened  by  Sparta  and  other  Grecian  states, 
who  were  known  to  be  disaffected  to  Alexander  ;  and  that,  by 
consequence,  the  latter  could  not  avoid  returning  to  Europe 
to  protect  his  native  dominions.  Providence  interposed  in 
his  favour  :  for  Memnon,  who  was  appointed  admiral  of  the 
fleet  and  general  of  the  forces  which  he  had  raised,  in  at- 
tempting first  the  reduction  of  the  Grecian  islands,  lost  his 
life  before  Mitylene.  He  was  universally  acknowledged  to 
be  the  greatest  commander  under  Darius,  and  may  be  de- 
nominated the  last  remaining  pillar  of  the  empire.  Informa- 
tion of  his  death  no  sooner  reached  Alexander  in  Capadocia. 


# 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  141 

t 

than  he  commenced  his  march  into  Upper  Asia,  and  gave  his 
army  little  rest  till  they  took  possession  of  Tarsus. 

Arriving  in  one  of  the  hottest  days  of  the  year,  the  king, 
covered  with  perspiration  and  dust,  bathed  in  the  Cydnus, 
the  river  which  runs  through  the  city.  He  suddenly  fainted, 
and  was  carried  to  his  tent,  where  he  remained  sometime 
insensible.  The  report  that  he  was  expiring  threw  the  whole 
army  into  the  utmost  consternation.  Their  hopes  almost  ex- 
tinguished, terror  overwhelmed  them  from  the  apprehension 
of  the  speedy  approach  of  the  enemy.  Returning  sensibility 
was  succeeded  by  a  violent  fever.  Only  one  physician  had 
the  courage  to  prescribe  any  remedy ;  for  all  the  physicians  as 
well  as  the  army  despaired  of  his  recovery,  and  they  doubted 
not  that  whosoever  gave  him  medicine  would  be  accused  of 
poisoning  him  to  procure  the  immense  sum  which  Darius 
had  publicly  promised  to  any  one  who  should  kill  him. 
Philip,  an  Acarnanian,  who  tenderly  loved  him,  and  had  at- 
tended him  professionally  from  his  youth,  engaged  to  cure 
him,  and  succeeded.  The  boldness  of  the  physician  and  the 
confidence  of  the  king,  alike  astonished  the  spectators.  Per- 
raenio,  it  is  said,  in  a  letter  to  Alexander,  entreated  him  to  be- 
ware of  Philip,  for  Darius  had  bribed  him.  Happily  he 
disregarded  the  warning,  and  handing  the  letter  to  Philip, 
he  instantly  drank  the  prepared  medicine,  while  he  was  read- 
ing it. 

Darius  had  already  encamped  in  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia. 
His  mirch  more  res.  mblcd  the  triumphal  procession  of  an 
immense  multitude  accompanying  a  conqueror,  than  that  of 
an  army  on  whose  exertions  were  suspended  the  destiny  of 
the  empire  of  the  world.  The  most  eminent  historians  con- 
ceived it  impossible  adequately  to  describe  the  magnificence 
and  grandeur  of  the  scene.  The  army,  computed  by  some  at 
four  and  by  others  at  six  hunlred  thousand  men,  was  accom- 
panied by  the  royal  family,  court,  and  the  nobles  of  the  em- 
pire, carrying  with  them  immense  riches,  and  adorned  in  the 
highest  degree  of  oriental  splendour.  Nothing  in  their  eyes 
seemed  more  easy  and  certain  than  the  entire  destruction  of 
Alexander,  whom  they  regarded  as  a  young  maniac. 

On  hearing  that  Darius  was  not  far  distant  from  Cilicia, 
Alexander  immediately  proceeded  with  his  army  through  the 
Syrian  Pass,  but  in  consequence  of  the  severity  of  the  weather 
hahed  at  the  city  of  Myriandrus.  The  cause  of  his  delay 
was  interpreted  by  the  flatterers  of  Darius  as  a  proof  of  his 
conscious  weakness  and  terror,  and  they  prevailed  on  the  vain 


«= 


142  REIONS   OF    DARIUS    CODOMANUi, 

monarch  to  pursue  him,  and  not  regard  the  advice  of  hi^ 
Greek  officers,  who  strongly  urged  the  propriety  of  waiting 
in  the  plains  for  his  approach,  because  such  a  position  alone 
would  permit  the  immense  army  of  the  Persians  to  be  brought 
"against  the  enemy. 

The  armies  met  near  the  small  city  of  Issus,  in  Cilicia. 
The  field  of  battle  was  comparatively  a  narrow  plain,  bounded 
on  the  one  side  by  mountains,  and  on  the  other  by  the  sea, 
and  divided  almost  into  two  equal  parts  by  the  river  Pinarius, 
now  called  Deli-sou.  A  sanguinary  combat  terminated  in 
the  total  defeat  of  the  Persians.  Darius  was  one  of  the  first 
who  fled  in  his  chariot ;  but  getting  afterwards  into  craggy, 
rugged  places,  he  mounted  on  horseback,  throwing  down  his 
bow,  shield,  and  royal  mantle.  After  the  victory  was  abso- 
lutely secure,  Alexander  pursued  him  some  time,  but  judging 
that  he  could  not  overtake  him  without  neglecting  affairs  of 
greater  immediate  interest  than  even  the  capture  of  Darius, 
he  returned  to  his  army.  The  Persian  camp  was  deserted, 
except  by  the  king's  mother,  the  queen,  with  her  daughters 
and  an  infant  son,  attended  by  a  few  Persian  ladies ;  for  the 
rest  had  been  carried  to  Damascus,  with  part  of  Darius's  trea- 
sure, and  all  such  things  as  contributed  only  to  the  magnifi- 
cence of  his  court.  No  more  than  three  thousand  talents 
were  found  in  his  camp,  but  the  rest  of  the  treasure  fell  after- 
wards into  the  hands  of  Parmenio,  at  his  taking  the  city  of 
Damascus.  Alexander  behaved  to  the  royal  family  so  nobly 
and  generously  that  he  was  justly  admired  by  his  friends  and 
almost  beloved  by  his  captives.  The  ladies  were  celebrated, 
like  their  king,  for  personal  perfection.  Alexander,  having 
once  visited  them,  would  no  more  look  on  the  queen,  nor  even 
suffer  any  one  to  speak  in  his  presence  of  her  beauty. 

Exclusive  of  the  great  riches,  consisting  of  gold,  splendid 
equipages,  golden  vases  and  bridles,  and  a  magnificent  tent, 
found  in  the  camp,  Parmenio  received  from  the  governors  of 
Damascus  money  or  plate  which  required  not  less  than  thirty 
thousand  men,  and  seven  thousand  beasts  to  carry. 

The  cities  of  Syria  surrendered  at  the  approach  of  the  great 
conqueror,  Thence  he  advanced  on  Phenicia,  and  received 
the  submission  of  the  citizens  of  Babylos  and  Sidon.  The 
king  of  the  latter  city  was  deprived  of  his  dignity  on  account 
of  his  partiality  for  Darius.  Alexander  commissioned  his 
favourite  Hephteston  to  seJect  a  successor.  He  offered  the 
crown  to  two  young  men  of  respectable  family.  They  de- 
clined the  gift,  because  it  was,  by  the  laws  of  their  country 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  143 

hereditary.  Astonished  and  delighted  with  their  self-denial 
and  integrity,  he  requested  them  to  name  some  one  of  the 
royal  family,  and  offer  him  the  crown.  The  only  one  allied 
to  the  royal  race  deemed  by  the  young  men  worthy  of  the 
throne  was  Abdolonymus,  a  day-labourer  in  a  garden.  Re- 
garding their  offer  as  an  insult,  they  forcibly  arrayed  him  in 
the  dress  of  royalty,  and  conducted  him  to  the  palace.  His 
aspect  became  his  noble  descent ;  and  Alexander  eagerly  de- 
sired him  to  say,  how  he  endured  labour  and  poverty.  He 
replied,  "Would  to  the  gods  that  I  may  bear  this  crown 
with  equal  patience.  These  hands  have  procured  me  all  I 
desired ;  and  whilst  I  possessed  nothing,  I  wanted  nothing." 
This  answer  gave  Alexander  a  high  idea  of  Abdolonymus's 
virtue  ;  so  that  he  presented  him  not  only  with  the  rich  fur- 
niture which  had  belonged  to  Strato,  and  part  of  the  Persian 
plunder,  but  likewise  annexed  one  of  the  neighbouring  pro- 
vinces to  his  dominions. 

The  Tyrians  resolved  to  maintain  their  independence. 
They  sent  an  embassy  to  the  conqueror,  with  presents  and 
provisions  for  his  followers.  They  were  willing  to  receive 
him  as  a  friend,  but  declined  to  admit  him  into  their  city. 
He  was  indignant  and  prepared  to  conquer  it.  This  was  not 
an  easy  enterprise  ;  for  the  city  at  that  time  occupied  a  much 
stronger  position  than  ancient  Tyre,  which  Nebuchadnezzar 
was  not  capable  of  capturing  till  after  a  siege  of  thirteen 
years.  That  city  stood  on  the  continent ;  the  new  one  had 
been  raised  by  the  citizens  on  an  island  about  a  quarter  of 
}x  league  from  the  coast.  It  was  surrounded  by  a  strong  wall 
one  hundred  feet  high ;  and  this  wall  the  Tyrians  strongly 
fortified,  and  confidently  looked  for  assistance  to  repel  the 
enemy  from  Carthage,  which  had  been  founded  and  peopled 
by  their  ancestors.  Though  the  Carthaginians  could  not,  in 
consequence  of  their  war  with  Sicily,  help  them,  they,  by  the 
mightiest  exertions,  long  withstood  the  no  less  strenuous, 
great,  and  persevering  efforts  of  Alexander.  After  his  at- 
tempts to  overcome  them  had  been  repeatedly  foiled  by  sea, 
storms,  or  the  heroic  deeds  of  the  besieged,  he  at  length  com- 
pleted a  mound  which  connected  the  city  with  the  continent, 
and  soon  after  took  the  city  by  a  desperate  assault.  It  was 
during  this  siege  that  the  Tyrians,  the  wonder  of  the  world 
for  their  wisdom  and  skill  in  commercial  pursuits,  showed 
their  extreme  ignorance  in  religion,  and  their  excessive  super- 
stitions, by  fastening,  by  a  gold  chain,  the  statue  of  Apollo  to 
the  altar  of  Hercules,  lest  the  deity  should,  as   some  had 


#  .  « 


144  REIGNS    OF    DARIUS    CODOMANTIS, 

dreamed,  desert  them,  and  pass  over  to  the  enemy.  The  con- 
queror gave  up  the  city  to  plunder  and  indiscriminate  slaugh- 
ter, and  many  thousands  were  put  to  death.  The  Sidonians 
in  the  Persian  army  saved  about  fifteen  thousand,  and  thirty 
thousand  were  sold  into  slavery.  From  this  overthrow  Tyre 
never  recovered  ;  and  it  has  been  for  many  generations  one  of 
the  most  signal  monuments  of  the  truth  of  the  prophetic  word. 

The  earliest  state  of  the  commerce  of  the  world  is  to  be 
learned  most  correctly  from  the  description  of  Tyre  in  the 
xxvi.  xxvii.  and  xxviii.  chapters  of  the  book  of  Ezekiel.  The 
intelligent  reader  is  filled  with  wonder  at  the  magnitude  of 
the  wealth  and  the  extent  of  the  power  and  commerce  by  sea 
and  land  of  Tyre.  She  was  the  nursery  of  trade,  of  science, 
and  arts ;  and  her  citizens  were  perhaps  never  surpassed  in 
activity  and  industry  by  any  people.  Tyre  had  numerous 
colonies,  besides  Carthage,  which  was  long  the  powerful  and 
dreaded  rival  of  Rome.  While  Tyre  on  the  continent,  was 
the  first  city  in  the  world,  in  opulence  and  power,  Isaiah,  more 
than  a  century  before  Nebuchadnezzar  appeared  on  the  theatre 
of  the  w^orld,  predicted  its  fall.  That  monarch  destroyed  it,  and 
two  hundred  years  later  its  ruins  were  employed  by  Alexander 
in  the  construction  of  the  mound  which  extended  from  the 
shore  to  the  island,  the  site  of  new  Tyre.  It  is  therefore  pro- 
bable that  the  language  of  the  prophet  respected  old  Tyre, 
and  it  was  fulfilled  to  the  very  letter :  "  Thou  shalt  be  sought 
for,  yet  thou  shalt  never  be  found  again."  Tyre  on  the  island 
recovered  considerably  its  commerce  after  its  overthrow  by 
Alexander.  Its  inhabitants  received  the  gospel  in  the  first  age 
of  Christianity.  They  experienced  many  vicissitudes  in  suc- 
cessive ages.  The  Crusaders  found  Tyre  possessed  of  an  ex- 
tensive commerce,  when,  in  the  twelfth  century,  they  captured 
it  from  the  Saracens.  But  it  has  rapidly  decayed  since  it  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  Turks ;  and  no  remarkable  ruins  are  seen 
to  attest  its  former  greatness.  Instead  of  the  lofty  houses,  for 
which  it  was  famed,  the  traveller  beholds  only  a  few  wretched 
huts  ;  and  on  the  ground,  long  covered  with  the  products  of 
all  lands,  his  eyes  look  on  a  few  nets  of  poor  fishers. 

Having  humbled  the  Tyrians,  the  conqueror  marched  to 
Jerusalem  to  revenge  himself  on  its  inhabitants,  whose  leaders 
had  steadily  refused  to  serve  him,  and  supply  his  army  with 
provisions.  This  was  enough  to  stir  up  the  fierceness  of  his 
wrath ;  for  Judea  was  the  principal  country  from  which  food 
could  be  procured  to  sustain  his  troops,  while  they  besieged 
Tyre.     He  must,  however,  have  admired,  if  he  aid  not  ap- 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  145 

prove,  the  argument  by  which  they  apologised  for  their  extra- 
ordinary conduct:  They  expressed  no  desire  to  oppose  Alex- 
ander, but  they  had  sworn  allegiance  to  Darius,  and,  while 
he  lived,  they  must  adhere  to  their  oath,  and  not  voluntarily 
acknowledge  any  other  sovereign.  The  government  of  the 
city  was  in  the  hands  of  Jaddua  the  high-priest ;  and  his  con- 
duct, with  its  happy  results,  Josephus  relates  in  great  simpli- 
city. On  learning  that  Alexander  was  about  to  attack  Jeru- 
salem, he  was  in  agony,  for  "  he  knew  not  how  he  should 
meet  the  Macedonians,  since  the  king  was  displeased  at  his 
foregoing  disobedience*  He  therefore  ordained  that  the  peo 
pie  should  make  supplications,  and  should  join  with  him  in 
offering  sacrifice  to  God,  whom  he  besought  to  protect  that 
nation,  and  to  deliver  them  from  the  perils  that  were  cominff 
upon  them  ;  whereupon  God  warned  him  in  a  dream,  which 
came  upon  him  after  he  had  offered  sacrifice,  that  he  should 
take  courage,  and  adorn  the  city,  and  open  the  gates  ;  that 
the  rest  should  appear  in  white  garments,  but  that  he  and 
the  priests  should  meet  the  king  in  the  habits  proper  to 
their  order,  without  the  dread  of  any  ill  consequences,  which 
the  providence  of  God  would  prevent.  Upon  which,  when 
he  rose  from  his  sleep,  he  greatly  rejoiced ;  and  declared  to 
all  the  warning  he  had  received  from  God.  According  to 
which  dream  he  acted  entirely,  and  so  waited  for  the  coming 
of  the  king.  And  when  he  understood  that  he  was  not  far  from 
the  city,  he  went  out  in  procession,  with  the  priests  and  the 
multitude  of  the  citizens.  The  procession  was  venerable,  and 
the  manner  of  it  different  from  that  of  other  nations.  It 
reached  to  a  place  called  Sapha,  which  name  translated  into 
Greek  signifies  a  'prospect,  for  you  have  thence  a  prospect 
both  of  Jerusalem  and  of  the  temple ;  and  when  the  Pheni- 
cians  and  the  Chaldeans  that  followed  him,  thought  they 
should  have  liberty  to  plunder  the  city,  and  torment  the  high- 
priest  to  death,  which  the  king's  displeasure  fairly  promised 
them,  the  very  reverse  of  it  happened  ;  for  Alexander,  when 
he  saw  the  multitude  at  a  distance,  in  white  garments,  while 
the  priests  stood  clothed  with  fine  linen,  and  the  high-priest 
in  purple  and  scarlet  clothing,  with  his  mitre  on  his  head, 
having  the  golden  plate  whereon  the  name  of  God  was 
engraved,  he  approached  by  himself  and  adored  that  name, 
and  first  saluted  the  high-priest.  The  Jews  also  did  alto 
gether,  with  one  voice,  salute  Alexander,  and  encompass  him 
about ;  whereupon  the  kings  of  Syria  and  the  rest  were  sur- 
prised at  what  Alexander  had  done,  and  supposed  him  dis- 

VOL.    T.  13 


#==- 


J 


146  REIGNS   OF   DARIUS    CODOMANTJS, 

ordered  in  his  mind.  However,  Parmenio  alone  went  up  to 
him,  and  asked  him  how  it  came  to  pass  that,  when  all  others 
adored  him,  he  should  adore  the  high-priest  of  the  Jews  ? 
To  whom  he  replied,  '  I  did  not  adore  him,  but  that 
God  who  hath  honoured  him  with  his  high  priesthood ;  for 
I  saw  this  very  person  in  a  dream,  in  this  very  liabit, 
when  I  was  at  Dios  in  Macedonia,  who,  when  I  was  con- 
sidering with  myself  how  I  might  obtain  the  dominion  of  Asia 
exhorted  me  to  make  no  delay,  but  boldly  to  pass  over  the 
sea  thither,  for  that  he  would  conduct  my  army,  and  would 
give  me  the  dominion  over  the  Persians  ;  whence  it  is,  that 
having  seen  no  other  in  that  habit,  and  now  seeing  this  per- 
son in  it,  and  remembering  that  vision,  and  the  exhortation 
which  I  had  in  my  dream,  I  believe  that  I  bring  this  army 
under  the  divine  conduct,  and  shall  therewith  conquer  Darius 
and  destroy  the  power  of  the  Persians,  and  that  all  things 
will  succeed  according  to  what  is  in  my  own  mind ;'  and 
when  he  had  said  this  to  Parmenio,  and  had  given  the  high- 
priest  his  right  hand,  the  priests  ran  along  by  him,  and  he 
came  into  the  city  ;  and  when  he  went  up  into  the  temple,  he 
offered  sacrifice  to  God,  according  to  the  high  priest's  direc- 
tion, and  magnificently  treated  both  the  high-priest,  and  the 
priests ;  and  when  the  book  of  Daniel  was  showed  him 
wherein  Daniel  declared  that  one  of  the  Greeks  should  de- 
stroy the  empire  of  the  Persians,  he  supposed  that  himself 
was  the  person  intended ;  and  as  he  was  then  glad,  he  dis- 
missed the  multitude  for  the  •  present,  but  the  next  day  he 
called  them  to  him,  and  bade  them  ask  what  favours  they 
pleased  of  him  ;  whereupon  the  high-priest  desired  that  they 
might  enjoy  the  laws  of  their  forefithers,  and  might  pay  no 
tribute  on  the  seventh  year.  He  granted  all  they  desired ; 
and  when  they  entreated  him  that  he  would  permit  the  Jews 
in  Babylon  and  Media  to  enjoy  their  own  laws  also,  he 
willingly  promised  to  do  hereafter  what  they  desired  ;  and 
when  he  said  to  the  multitude  that  if  any  of  them  would  list 
themselves  in  his  army  on  this  condition,  that  they  should 
continue  under  the  laws  of  their  forefathers,  and  live  accord- 
ing to  them,  he  was  willing  to  take  them  with  him,  many 
were  ready  to  accompany  him  in  his  wars." 

From  this  time  the  Jews  so  freely  and  numerously  mixed 
with  the  Greeks  that  the  Grecian  language  was  adopted  by 
multitudes  of  them  everywhere,  and  thus  Divine  providence 
was  preparing  the  way  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  many 
predictions  of  the  religious  union  of  Jews  and  Gentiles  in  one 


I 


i 


« 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  147 

great  community.  Though  the  Jews  were  thus  Grecianised 
in  language,  and  doubtless  partly  in  manners,  generally,  they 
tenaciously  held  fast  their  religion,  and  most  zealously  dissem- 
inated it  among  the  nations.  Of  the  truth  of  these  lacts,  and 
of  their  influence  on  the  interests  of  the  true  religion,  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  adduce  many  proofs  in  subsequent 
pages.  Alexander  unhappily  appears  to  have  profited  little  by 
his  intercourse  with  the  Jews.  The  knowledge  which  he 
may  have  acquired  of  the  True  God  had  no  salutary  effect  oh 
his  mind.  Hithereto  in  his  conquests  he  had  associated  in 
some  degree  justice  and  mercy  with  the  tremendous  display 
of  his  power.  Thus  he  either  acted  from  the  generous  affec- 
tions of  his  nature,  or  from  desire  to  be  esteemed  by  the  in- 
telligent for  his  personal  excellence.  In  like  manner  he  had 
carefully  worshipped  the  imaginary  gods,  that  he  might  pre- 
vail on  the  superstitious  to  reverence  his  authority.  But  self- 
sufficiency  and  vanity  were  predominant  feelings  in  his  heart ; 
and  these  were  strengthened  by  success  and  flattery  ;  so  that 
he  soon  conducted  himself  without  much  regard  to  the  appro 
bation  of  the  wise,  or  the  fear  of  the  superstitious.  He  becamt- 
the  slave  of  every  evil  impulse,  passion,  and  appetite,  and 
quickly  indicated  that  his  mind  cherished  not  one  correct 
moral  principle.  His  savage  nature  was  discovered  by  hit: 
treatment  of  the  Tyrians,  who  had  nobly  dared  to  arrest  his 
progress  in  conquest ;  his  treatment  of  them  was  after  the 
usual  ma  nner  of  conquerors.  His  barbarity  to  the  governor  of 
Gaza  convinced  all  that  he  would  no  more  be  admired  for  self- 
government,  or  loved  for  clemency ;  it  was  no  longer  doubtful 
that  he  deserved  to  be  ranked  among  "  the  beasts"  of  prey, 
whose  work  is  to  inflict  misery  on  sinful  man.  Presuming 
that  he  was  a  god,  he  pursued  the  course  of  a  malignant  de- 
mon. Gaza  was  the  frontier  defence  of  Egypt  from  Syrian 
intrusion  ;  it  lay  about  sixty  miles  from  Jerusalem  on  the  road 
to  Egypt,  and  being  strongly  fortified,  the  possession  of  it  was 
indispensable  to  one  who  proposed  to  make  himself  master  of 
the  Egyptians.  The  glory  of  Gaza  had  survived  that  of  the 
other  cities  of  the  Philistines ;  but  its  ruin,  like  theirS,  had 
been  predicted^y  Him  whose  word  never  fails.  The  sen- 
tence had  gone  forth,  "Baldness  shall  come  upon  Gaza.  I 
will  set  a  fire  upon  the  wall  of 'Gaza,  which  shall  devour  the 
palaces  thereof  The  king  shall  perish  from  Gaza."  Succes- 
sively subjugated  by  Egypt,  Babylon,  and  Persia,  it  was  still 
a  noble  city  when  Ale.^ander  besieged  it,  and  after  repeated 
attempts  to  take  it,  it  fell  before  him ;  he  was  twice  wounded 


m-. 


148  REIGNS   OF    DARIUS   CODOMANUS^ 

during  the  siege.  The  fidelity  and  bravery  of  its  governor 
Betis,  which  ought  to  have  secured  the  respect  of  the  victor, 
inflamed  his  fierce  passions,  and  he  selected  the  most  degrad- 
ing and  cruel  mode  of  extinguishing  the  life  of  his  victim. 
Pretending  to  have  descended  from  the  Achilles  of  Homer, 
who  had  dragged  the  dead  body  of  Hector  around  the  walls 
of  Troy,  he  determined  to  exceed  the  barbarity  of  his  ances- 
tor. Accordingly  he  ordered  a  cord  to  be  passed  through  the 
heels  of  Betis,  and,  binding  if  to  his  chariot,  dragged 'him 
round  the  city  till  he  expired.  His  revenge  on  the  citizens 
of  Gaza  was  equally  violent  and  brutish  ;  he  cut  ten  thousand 
of  the  men  in  pieces,  and  sold  all  the  rest,  with  the  women 
and  children,  for  slaves. 

Leaving  a  garrison  in  Gaza,  he  hurried  on  to  Pelusium, 
B.  c.  331.  Here  he  met  a  multitude  of  the  Egyptians,  who 
hailed  him  as  a  deliverer ;  for  as  they  had,  from  the  days  of 
Xerxes,  abhorred  the  Persians,  they  were  ready  to  worship 
the  mighty  king  who  had  destroyed  their  dominion.  The 
Persian  governor,  Mazseus,  knowing  that  he  was  not  able  to 
protect  the  capital  Memphis,  and  that  Darius,  his  sovereign, 
was  not  in  a  condition  to  succour  him,  he  therefore  set  open 
the  gates  of  the  city  to  the  conqueror,  and  gave  up  eight  hun- 
dred talents,  (about  one  hundred  and  forty  thousand  pounds,) 
and  all  the  king's  furniture.  Thus  Alexander  possessed  him- 
self of  all  Egypt,  without  meeting  with  the  least  opposition. 

The  native  power  of  the. Egyptians  had  been  a  considerable 
time  broken,'  but  its  decay  was  most  probably  much  hastened 
by  their  entire  subjugation  to  the  enterprising  Greeks.  Thus 
the  decree  of  Heaven  to  debase  Egypt  was  progressively  un- 
veiled, and  the  prophetic  word  confirmed.  But  that  country 
ceased  not  to  be  one  of  the  mediums  by  which  the  Sovereign 
of  the  universe  dispensed  his  favours  to  man.  Though  the 
natives  decreased  till  they  almost,  if  not  altogether,  disap- 
peared, yet  the  comparatively  civilized  Greeks  improved  their 
new  position,  and  widely  spread  by  commerce  their  fame, 
beautiful  language,  attractive  literature,  improved  science,  and 
the  elegant  arts ;  and  in  due  time  bowed  to  the  one  living  and 
true  God,  and  boasted  in  the  Son  of  David  as  the  only  Lord 
and  Saviour  of  the  human  race. 

Pride  of  uninterrupted  victory  inflated  Alexander's  vain 
and  haughty  mind,  so  that  it  readily  admitted  the  wildest  and 
most  ridiculous  phantasies  of  fanaticism ;  and  the  reveries  of 
the  poetical  mythology  of  his  Homer,  which  had  previously 
perverted  his  heart,  acquired  over  his  strong  imagination  all 


AWD   ALEXANDER   THE  GREAT..  149 

the  force  of  realities.  The  greater  number,  if  not  every  one 
of  the  poet's  heroes,  belonged  to  the  race  of  the  gods ;  and 
certainly  he  who  equalled  any  of  these  heroes,  and  was,  he 
said,  a  descendant  of  one  of  the  most  renowned  among  them, 
ought  to  be  universally  acknowledged  a  son  of  one  of  the, 
chief  gods.  To  attain  this  hi^h  dignity,  he  resolved  to  pro- 
cure the  favourable  repose  of  tne  far-famed  oracle  of  Jupiter- 
Ammon.  The  temple  of  this  idol  was  seated  in  a  small  oasis 
in  the  desert  of  Lybia,  twelve  days'  journey  from  Memphis. 
The  way  thither  presented  little  else  than  a  solitary  region  of 
burning  sands,  in  which  Cambyses  was  reported  to  have  lost 
fifty  thousand  soldiers,  when  he  rashly  traversed  them.  A 
similar  disaster  threatened  Alexander  and  his  army ;  and  if 
we  may  believe  historians,  they  were  only  saved  from  entire 
destruction  by  a  miraculous  fall  of  rain.  The  chief  priest  of 
the  temple  had  more  policy  than  to  refuse  the  conqueror  all 
his  desire,  and  accordingly  he  publicly  declared  him  to  be  the 
son  of  Jupiter.  Alexander  expressed  his  gratitude  for  this  fa- 
vour, and  honoured  the  god  by  sacrifice  and  magnificent  pre- 
sents, and  gave  an  ample  reward  to  the  priests.  He  marched 
back  to  Egypt  in  triumph,  and  assumed  from  this  time,  in  all 
his  private  letters,  and  public  decrees  and  orders,  the  lofty 
sounding  title,  "  Alexander,  King,  Son  of  Jupiter- Ammon. 
And  though  derided  by  all  in  secret,  few  declined  to  reverence 
him  in  public  as  a  god. 

Notwithstanding  this'  debasement  of  his  imagination  and 
affections,  the  splendour  of  his  great  intellectual  talents  and 
acquirements  was  not  obscured  ;  of  this  Alexandria,  in  Egypt, 
was  a  striking  evidence  to  future  generations.  Not  far  from 
the  Nile,  he  observed  opposite  Pharos,  an  island^  which  is 
now  a  peninsula,  a  position  on  the  coast  peculiarly  adapted 
for  the  site  of  a  great  commercial  city.  He  drew  the  plan, 
and  entrusted  the  execution  to  Democrates,  deemed  the  most 
skilful  architect  of  the  age,  and  famous  as  the  rebuilder  of  the 
temple  of  Diana  of  Ephesus.  Alexander  saw  its  rise,  and  en- 
couraged many  of  the  most  reputable  people  of  different  na- 
tions to  become  its  citizens.  Among  these  were  not  a  few 
Jews,  to  whom  he  granted  equal  privileges  with  his  own  Ma- 
cedonians, and  complete  liberty  to  live,  in  regard  to  religion, 
according  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  their  own  nation. 
This  city,  to  which  he  gave  his  own  name,  possessed  two  ex- 
cellent harbours,  accessible  to  the  Mediterranean,  the  Nile, 
and  the  Red  Sea.  By  these  advantages,  it  drew  to  it,  in 
a  brief  period,  all  the  commerce  of  the  Eajst  and  West ;  and 

i3» 


150        REIGNS   OF   DARroS   CODOMANUS   AND    ALEXANDER. 

became  the  capital  of  Egypt,  the  resort  of  all  nations,  and  one 
of  the  most  flourishing  cities  on  the  globe.  Near  its  site  is 
the  modern  city  of  the  same  name,  with  its  harbour  and  road- 
stead, the  latter  of  which  ships  of  Christian  nations  only  are 
permittted  to  enter.  A  confused  mass  of  the  ruins  of  the  an- 
cient city  is  still  visible. 

The  building  and  future  prosperity  of  this  city  doubtless 
contributed  much  to  extend  the  knowledge  and  influence  of 
the  Greeks ;  and  from  it  was  also  extensively  disseminated 
the  principles  of  the  true  religion.  It  was,  indeed,  as  we  shall 
see,  in  after  ages,  for  a  long  period,  one  of  the  principal  seats 
of  science,  and  of  the  Jewish  religion  first,  and  next  of  Chris- 
tianity. 

Alexander  divided  the  kingdom  into  districts,  over  each 
of  which  he  appointed  a  governor,  subordinate  to  a  chief 
governor,  an  Egyptian,  named  Doloaspes,  who  was  com- 
manded to  govern  the  natives  according  to  their  own  laws 
and  customs.  Macedonian  officers  were  alone  intrusted 
with  the  command  of  all  the  garrisons  and  troops. 


CHAPTER'!. 


THE  REIGNS  OF  DARIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXAN- 
DER THE  GREAT,  CONTINUED. 


While  Alexander  was  employed  in  the  subjugation  of  Sy- 
ria, Plienicia,  and  Egypt,  he  twice  received  proposals  of  a 
treaty  of  peace  from  Darius^  which  he  indignantly  rejected  ; 
the  humblest  one  conceded  to  him  only  the  sovereignty  of  the 
regions  of  which  he  was  already  in  possession.  Darius  there- 
fore resolved  to  make  another  great  effort  to  recover  his 
power ;  and  his  rival  afforded  him  ample  time  to  raise  an  im- 
mense army.  Alexander's  army  was  also  augmented  by 
many  soldiers  from  Greece,  and  he  ordered  all  his  forces  to 
assemble  at  Tyre.  He  was  prevented  from  reaching  them  as 
soon  as  he  expected,  by  an  unexpected  incident  in  Samaria. 
The  inhabitants,  regardless  of  their  oath  to  Darius,  had  at 
once  submitted  to  Alexander,  and  supplied  him  with  troops 
and  provisions  during  his  siege  of  Tyre.  On  this  account, 
they  hoped  to  have  received  more  favour  from  him  than  the 
Jews.  Being  disappointed,  their  chief  men,  on  his  departing 
from  Jerusalem  for  Egypt,  had  presented  to  him  a  petition  to 
remit  the  tribute  of  the  seventh  year,  because  they  were  Jews 
by  descent.  He  doubtless  suspected  the  truth  of  their  claims  ; 
but  he  pledged  himself  to  e.xamine  them,  and  visit  their  tem- 
ple, on  his  return  from  Egypt.  This  conduct  appeared  to 
them  unjust,  and  they  not  only  refused  the  tribute  demanded 
by  the  Grecian  governor,  but  set  fire  to  his  palace,  and  con- 
sumed him  and  his  servants.  He  was  beloved  by  his  master, 
and  his  death  was  fearfully  revenged  ;  for  Alexander  put 
many  of  them  to  death,  sent  a  number  to  Upper  Egypt,  de- 
stroyed their  capital,  and  gave  part  of  the  land  to  the  Jews, 
and  the  remainder  to  a  colony  of  Macedonians.  The  few 
Samaritans  who  escaped,  afterwards  built  Shechem,  or  Sychar, 
which  is  still  occupied  by  their  descendants 


152  REIGNS    OP    DARIUS   CODOMANUS, 

With  an  army  of  little  more  than  forty  or  fifty  thousand, 
Alexander  marched  from  Tyre  to  Thapsacus,  the  modern  El- 
Der,  on  the  Euphrates,  which  he  easily  passed  on  a  bridge. 
Thence  he  proceeded  to  the  Tigris,  which,  flowing  deep  and 
rapid,  was  only  by  extraordinary  exertions  forded.  And  here, 
probably,  his  progress  would  have  been  arrested,  had  Darius 
executed  in  season  his  purpose  to  guard  the  river,  and  lay 
waste  the  country.  He  had  n5  apology  for  this  neglect,  except 
want  of  reflection  on  the  celerity  of  the  conqueror's  move- 
ments. The  Persian  army  covered  the  neighbouring  plains 
of  Assyria :  the  army  of  Macedon  rested  near  the  river.  After 
a  third  vain  attempt  to  procure  peace,  by  resigning  to  Alex- 
ander all  the  countries  west  of  the  Euphrates,  he  led  his  vast 
army  against  him.  The  armies  met  at  Gaugamela,  a  village 
near  the  city  Arbela,  now  called  Arbil,  one  of  the  three  prin- 
cipal towns  in  the  northern  division  of  Koordistan,  The  seat 
of  battle  presented  every  advantage  to  the  immense  army  of 
Darius ;  but  he  had  enervated  them,  by  keeping  them  all  un- 
der arms  the  whole  night  preceding  the  battle.  The  contest 
was  dreadful;  for  history  reports  that  three  hundred  thousand 
Persians  were  slain  or  wounded.  Darius  escaped  before  the 
combat  was  over,  and,  with  a  few  attendants,  rode  to  the  river 
Lycus.  After  crossing  it,  several  advised  him  to  break  down 
bridges,  because  the  enemy  pursued  him.  But  he  made  this 
generous,  answer,  "  That  life  was  not  so  dear  to  him  as  to 
make  him  desire  to  preserve  it  by  the  destruction  of  so  many 
thousands  of  his  subjects  and  faithful  allies,  who,  by  that  means, 
would  be  delivered  up  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy  ;  that  they 
had  as  much  right  to  pass  over  this  bridge  as  their  sovereign, 
and  consequently  that  it  ought  to  be  as  open  to  them."  After 
riding  a  great  number  of  leagues  at  full  speed,  he  arrived  at 
midnight  at  Arbela.  From  thence  he  fled  towards  Media, 
over  the  Armenian  mountains,  followed  by  a  great  number 
of  the  nobility,  and  a  few  of  his  guards.  The  battle  of  Arbela, 
fought  in  October,  b.  c.  330,  two  years  after  the  battle  of 
Issus,  decided  the  destiny  of  the  empire,  which  may  be  consid- 
ered from  this  date  transferred  from  Persia  to  Grecia,  and 
constituting  the  third  empire  of  prophecy. 

Having  spoiled  Arbela,  which  contained  the  riches  of  the 
defeated  army,  Alexander  marched  to  Babylon,  where  he 
readily  received  all  the  honours  usually  conferred  on  the  most 
admired  kings  of  Persia ;  and  here  he  most  liberally  bestowed 
rewards  and  honours  on  his  triumphant  followers,  who  were 
multiplied  bj-  several  thousands,  whom  Antipater,  viceroy  of 


^ 


*= 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  153 

Macedon,  had  sent  him.  The  wealth  of  Bahylon  became  his  ; 
but  he  found  much  more  in  Susa,  the  most  delightful  of  all 
the  royal  residences  of  the  empire,  where  he  left  Sysigumbis, 
Darius's  mother,  with  the  queen  and  children.  Having  re- 
ceived from  Macedonia  a  great  quantity  of  purple,  stuffs  and 
rich  habits,  made  after  the  fashion  of  the  country,  he  presented 
them  to  Sysigambis,  together  with  the  artificers  who  had 
wrought  them ;  for  he  paid  her  every  kind  of  honour,  and 
loved  her  as  tenderly  as  if  she  had  been  his  mother.  He  like- 
wise commanded  the  messengers  to  tell  her,  that  in  case  she 
fancied  those  stuffs,  she  might  make  her  grandchildren  learn 
the  art  of  weaving  them,  by  way  of  amusement,  and  to  give 
them  as  presents  to  whomsoever  they  should  think  proper. 
At  these  words,  the  tears,  which  fell  from  her  ey*  s  showed 
but  too  evidently  how  greatly  she  was  displeased  at  these  gifts ; 
the  working  in  wool  being  considered  by  the  Persian  women 
as  the  highest  ignominy.  Those  who  carried  these  presents 
having  told  the  king  that  Sysigambis  was  very  much  dissatis- 
fied, he  thought  himself  obliged  to  make  an  apology  for  what 
he  had  done,  and  administer  some  consolation  to  her.  Accord- 
ingly, he  paid  her  a  visit,  when  he  spoke  thus:  "Mother,  the 
stuff  in  which  you  see  me  clothed,  was  not  only  a  gift  of  my 
sisters,  but  wrought  by  their  fingers.  Hence  I  beg  you  to 
believe,  that  the  custom  of  my  country  misled  me  ;  and  do  not 
consider  that  as  an  insult,  which  was  owing  entirely  to  igno- 
rance. I  believe  I  have  not,  as  yet,  done  any  thing  which  I 
knew  interfered  with  your  manners  and  customs.  I  was  told 
that  among  the  Persians  it  is  a  sort  of  crime  for  a  son  to  seat 
himself  in  his  mother's  presence,  without  first  obtaining  her 
leave.  You  are  sensible  how  cautious  I  have  always  been  in 
this  particular." 

After  conquering  the  country  of  the  Uxii,  which  extended 
from  the  province  of  Susa  to  the  frontiers  of  Persia,  and  was 
boldly  defended  by  the  governor  Madetes,  Alexander  hasted 
on  to  Persepolis,  the  metropolis  of  the  Persian  empire,  in 
which  were  deposited  immense  riches,  and  the  most  valued 
spoils  of  the  conquests  of  the  mightiest  sovereigns.  This  city 
was  at  this  time  the  most  splendid  in  the  East,  and,  we  may 
certain4y  add,  in  the  earth.  Its  ruins,  named  Shehel-Setoon, 
which  signifies  "  the  forty  pillars,"  remain  to  attest  its  vast  ex- 
tent and  grandeur.  These  travellers  describe  with  admiration, 
about  thirty  miles  north-west  of  Shiraz.  About  the  same  dis- 
tance from  these  astonishing  relics  of  Persian  magnificemce 
are  seen  the  vestiges  of  one  of  the  fire-temples,  and  of  other 


=« 


41 


154 

buildings,  particularly  of  the  tomb  of  Cyrus,  which  indicate 
the  site  of  the  sacred  city  Pasargada,  where  Alexander  found 
about  six  thousand  talents,  estimated  at  nine  hundred  thousand 
pounds  sterling. 

/  From  Persepolis  had  proceeded  those  numerous  armies 
which  had  laid  waste  Greece  and  other  countries  occupied  by 
the  Grecians ;  and  its  very  name  they  detested.  In  this  Alex- 
ander apparently  or  really  deeply  sympathized  with  them; 
and  hence,  on  entering  it,  he  called  on  his  soldiers  to  cut  to 
pieces  the  inhabitants,  who  had  not  fled  at  his  approach,  and 
to  plunder  the  houses.  In  a  future  season  of  riotous  mirth 
and  drunkenness,  the  soldiers'  hatred  of  the  city  was  inflamed 
to  madness,  by  the  courtesan  Thais,  a  fascinating  and  impure 
native  of  Attica.  She  called  on  the  conqueror  and  all  his 
guests  to  consume  the  palace  of  Xerxes  who  had  burned 
Athens.  All  obeyed  ;  and,  singing  and  dancing,  they  ran  and 
set  fire  to  every  part  of  the  vast  edifice. 

Darius  had  sought  an  asylum  in  Ecbatana,  the  modern  Ha- 
madan,  the  summer  royal  residence.  Here  were  collected 
around  him  about  thirty  thousand  foot,  four  thousand  of  whom 
were  Grecians,  who  remained  faithful,  with  three  thousand 
horse,  and  as  many  slingers,  Bactrians  under  the  command  of 
their  governor  Bessus.  Alexander  marched  from  Persepolis  to 
attack  that  city.  On  arriving  he  secured  its  treasures,  and  set 
out  in  pursuit  of  the  king's  army,  that  had  left  four  days  before, 
with  the  avowed  purpose  of  contending  once  more  for  victory. 
But  before  the  approach  of  Alexander,  Darius  was  barbarous- 
ly and  fatally  wounded  by  Bessus  and  Nabarzanes,  a  Persian 
noble.  Their  conduct  being  reprobated  by  the  majority  of 
their  followers,  they  fled  with  as  many  as  adhered  to  them. 
The  one  proceeded  to  Hyrcania,  and  the  other  to  Bactria. 
Alexander  caused  the  body  of  Darius  to  be  embalmed  and 
sent  to  his  mother  at  Susa,  to  be  laid  in  the  tomb  of  his  ances- 
tors. With  him  the  Persian  empire  disappeared,  after  having 
subsisted  about  two  centuries. 

Alexander  next  conquered  Parthia,  received  the  submission 
of  Nabarzanes,  governor  ot  Hyrcania,  whom  he  pardoned, 
and  went  on  to  Bactriana,  in  pursuit  of  Bessus,  who  had  as- 
sumed the  title  of  king  of  that  country.  On  reaching.it  the 
traitor  escaped  and  passed  over  the  river  Ox  us,  with  a  few 
troops,  who  afterwards  put  him  to  death.  Bactriana  and  all 
the  surrounding  nations  submitted  to  the  conqueror,  except 
Scythia,  whose  inhabitants  boasted  that  they  had  never  been 
subdued  by  Persia.     They  soon  however,  acknowledged  that 


I 


^ 


« 


AND    ALEXANDER   THE   GREAT.  155 

**the  world  ought  to  submit  to  the  Macedonians."  In 
Zenippa,  the  capital  of  a  region  bordering  on  Scythia,  Alex- 
ander married  Roxana,  a  daughter  of  Oxyartes,  one  of  its 
princes,  and  here  he  prepared  to  advance  into  India,  to  con- 
quer it,  that  he  might  in  no  respect  appear  inferior  to  his  bro- 
ther gods,  Hercules  and  Bacchus,  whom  tradition  represented 
as  conquerors '  of  that  country.  Doubtless  his  purpose  was 
confirmed  by  the  universal  belief  that  India  surpassed  the 
whole  world  in  the  abundance  of  its  gold,  jewels,  and  precious 
stones.  To  augment  his  forces,  and  at  the  same  time  estab- 
lish his  power,  he  demanded  the  governors  of  the  recently 
subdued  regions  to  send  him  thirty  thousand  men,  completely 
armed,  selected  from  the  principal  families  of  the  provinces, 
who  were  most  likely  to  prove  able  soldiers,  and  hostages  for 
the  obedience  of  their  respective  countrymen.  The  .army 
destined  for  India  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  thou- 
sand, magnificently  equipped. 

The  subjugation  of  the  countries  through  which  he  marched 
to  the  Indus,  the  great  river  of  northern  India,  occupied,  it  is 
said,  about  a  year.  In  b.  c.  326,  he  conquered  every  part  of 
the  region  called  the  Punja,  or  Five  Rivers,  which  extended 
from  the  Indus  to  the  Hyphasis,  now  called  Beyah.  The 
five  rivers  which  gave  name  to  this  country  are  all  branches 
of  the  Indus.  The  conqueror's  troops  refused  to  advance 
farther,  and  after  using  every  possible  means  of  overcoming 
their  opposition,  he  was  compelled  to  acquiesce  in  their  united 
resolution  to  return  to  Persia. 

Having  constructed  a  large  fleet,  the  army  descended  the 
rivers,  subduing  all  the  nations  on  the  banks  of  the  Indus. 
The  sight  of  the  ocean  highly  excited  Ale.xander  ;  "  gazing 
with  the  utmost  eagerness  upon  that  vast  expanse  of  waters, 
he  imagined  that  this  sight,  worthy  so  great  a  conqueror  as 
himself,  greatly  overpaid  all  the  toils  he  had  undergone,  and 
the  many  thousand  men  he  had  lost,  to  arrive  at  it.  He 
then  offered  sacrifices  to  the  gods,  and  particularly  to  Nep- 
tune ;  threw  into  the  sea  the  bulls  he  had  slaughtered,  and  a 
great  number  of  golden  cups  ;  and  besought  the  gods  not  to 
suffer  any  mortal  after  him  to  exceed  the  bounds  of  his  expe- 
dition. Finding  that  he  had  extended  his  conquests  to  the 
extremities  of  the  earth  on  that  side,  he  imagined  he  had  com- 
pleted his  mighty  design.  A  fleet  consisting  of  eighty  ves- 
sels of  the  larger  size,  and  above  one  thousand  nine  hundred 
of  the  lesser,  to  be  navigated  by  the  Phenicians,  Cyprians, 
Carians,  and  Egyptians  of  his  army,  who  were  famil'ar  to 


=^ 


156  REIGNS  OP  DARIUS  CODOMANUS, 

the  sea,  were  placed  under  Nearchus,  the  only  officer  who 
had  sufficient  courage  to  undertake  the  hazardous  enterprise 
of  navigating  an  unknown  ocean.  And  his  safe  arrival  at 
Harmusia,  the  modern  Osmus,  an  island  in  the  Persian  Gulf, 
attested  how  completely  qualified  he  was  for  the  office  which 
he  had  accepted. 

Alexander  left  India  several  months  before  the  fleet ;  in  the 
march  the  army  endured  inexpressible  sufferings,  which  de- 
stroyed multitudes.  This,  however,  neither  occasioned  much 
sorrow  to  the  proud  and  selfish  chief,  nor  repressed  his  pas- 
sion for  pomp  and  pleasure.  Accordingly  he  entered  Car- 
mania,  now  Kerman,  on  the  northern  coast  of  the  Persian  gulf, 
not  with  the  air  and  equipage  of  a  warrior  and  a  conqueror, 
but  in  a  kind  of  masquerade  and  bacchanalian  festivity,  com- 
mitting the  most  riotous  and  extravagant  actions.  He  was 
drawn  by  eight  horses,  himself  being  seated  on  a  magnifi- 
cent chariot,  above  which  a  scaffold  was  raised,  in  the  form 
of  a  square  stage,  where  he  passed  the  days  and  nights  in 
feasts  and  carousing.  This  chariot  was  preceded  and  fol- 
lowed by  an  infinite  number  of  others,  some  of  which,  in  the 
shape  of  tents,  were  covered  with  rich  carpets  and  purple 
coverlets,  and  others,  shaped  like  cradles,  were  overshadowed 
with  branches  of  trees.  On  the  sides  of  the  roads  and  at  the 
doors  of  houses  a  great  number  of  casks  ready  broached 
were  placed,  whence  the  soldiers  drew  wine  in  large  flag- 
gons,  cups  and  goblets,  prepared  for  that  purpose.  The 
whole  country  echoed  with  the  sound  of  instruments  and  the 
howling  of  the  bacchanals,  who  with  their  hair  dishevelled, 
and  like  so  many  frantic  creatures,  ran  up  and  down,  aban- 
doning themselves  to  every  kind  of  licentiousness.  All  this 
he  did  in  imitation  of  the  triumph  of  Bacchus,  who,  as  we 
are  told,  crossed  all  Asia  in  this  equipage,  after  he  had  con- 
quered India.  This  riotous  dissolute  march  lasted  seven 
days,  during  all  which  time  the  army  was  never  sober.  Am- 
bitious to  be  admired  and  praised  as  the  first  in  wisdom  as 
well  as  valour,  Alexander  was  extremely  provoked  to  find  that 
the  governors  had  exceedingly  oppressed  the  provinces. 
Nevertheless,  he  ought  to  have  expected  nothing  else  ;  for  he 
had  generally  either  continued  those  in  office  who,  without  ap- 
pearance of  regret  in  the  first  hour  of  personal  danger,  had 
deserted  their  generous  and  amiable  sovereign,  or  he  had 
selected  others  from  among  the  natives,  persons  distinguished 
oy  mere  rank,  to  supply  the  places  of  those  whom  he  deemed 
unworthy  of  the  office.     Many  of  these  men,  most  probably 


I 


#= 


AND   ALEXANDER    THE    GREAT. 


157 


believing  that  he  would  never  return  frorh  India,  had  tyran- 
nised over  the  people,  and  reduced  them  to  the  lowest  condi- 
tion of  slavery.  These,  and  a  number  of  the  soldiers  who 
had  willingly  executed  their  oppressors'  orders^  were  punished 
with  death.  Alexander  laboured  most  assiduously  to  estab- 
lish a  just  government,  and  was  not  less  careful  to  provide 
what  he  conceived  the  most  appropriate  means  to  consolidate 
his  power.  Every  important  city  and  garrison  was  protected 
by  Grecian  troops,  and  by  example  and  precept  he  en- 
deavoured to  form  the  closest  union,  by  marriage,  between 
the  officers  of  his  army  and  the  chief  families  of  Persia  ;  and 
his  own  example  showed  how  intensely  he  desired  such  a 
union,  for  on  arriving  at  Susa  he  married  Statira,  the  daughter 
of  Darius,  and  assumed  all  the  magnificence  and  splendour 
of  oriental  monarchs.  This,  in  his  judgment,  was  consum- 
mate policy,  but  the  results  were  disastrous,  and  speedily  ter- 
minated his  triumphs  and  his  life  ;  for,  not  satisfied  with  imi- 
tating oriental  greatness,  he  gave  himself  up  to  oriental  volup- 
tuousness. He  had  never  discovered  a  correct  perception  or 
undissembled  love  of  moral  excellence ;  but  from  the  time  he 
captured  Gaza  all  the  destructive  passions  and  debasing  ap- 
petites suppressed  whatever  disposition  he  had  previously 
manifested  to  excite  pleasure  in  the  mind  of  the  wise  and  good. 
This  was  seen  in  his  general  conduct  even  before  his  expedi- 
tion into  India  ;  he  required  those  who  approached  him  to 
fall  prostrate  at  his  feet,  formed  a  seraglio  of  almost  six  hun- 
dred concnbines.  and  a  band  of  eunuchs.  And,  not  satisfied 
with  wearing  a  Persian  robe  himself,  he  also  obliged  his 
generals,  his  friends,  and  all  the  grandees  of  his  court,  to  put 
on  the  same  dress,  which  gave  them  the  greatest  mortification, 
not  one  of  them,  however,  daring  to  speak  against  this  inno- 
vation, or  contradict  the  prince.  Under  the  mere  shadow  of^ 
justice,  he  condemned,  on  little  more  than  suspicion,  indivi- 
duals to  whose  military  services  or  counsels  and  wise  sug- 
gestions he  was  chiefly  indebted  for  his  successes,  and  his 
hands  shed  the  blood  of  one  of  his  most  faithful  servants  who 
dared  to  tell  him  the  truth.  Nothing  at  last  would  satisfy 
him  less  than  to  be  treated  by  all  as  a  god,  and  nothing  seems 
to  have  aroused  his  anger  and  resentment  more  than  to  find 
all  his  schemes  ineflfectual  to  persuade  the  most  intelligent 
and  independent  of  the  Macedonians  and  Greeks  to  do  nim 
homage  and  duty,  by  falling  prostrate  at  his  feet. 

Among  his  last  acts  was  his  vain  attempt  to  restore  Baby- 
lon and  its  province  to  their  ancient  glory.     He  employed 

VOL.    1.  14 


158 

ten  thousand  men  to  restore  the  temple  of  Belus.  "  Whon 
it  came  to  the  turn  of  the  Jewish  soldiers  who  were  in  hi? 
army,  to  work  as  the  rest  had  done,  they  could  not  be  pre- 
vailed upon  to  give  their  assistance ;  but  excused  themselves 
with  saying,  that  as  idolatry  was  forbid  by  the  tenets  of  their 
religion,  they  therefore  were  not  allowed  to  assist  in  building 
of  a  temple  designed  for  idolatrous  worship ;  and  accord- 
ingly not  one  lent  a  hand  on  this  occasion.  They  were  pun- 
ished for  disobedience,  but  to  no  purpose;  so  that,  at  last, 
Alexander  admiring  their  perseverance,  discharged  and  sent 
them  home.  This  delicate  resolution  of  the  Jews  is  a  lesson 
to  many  Christians,  as  it  teaches  them,  that  they  are  not 
allowed  to  join  or  assist  in  the  commission  of  an  action  that 
is  contrary  to  the  law  of  God.  One  cannot  forbear  admiring 
the  conduct  of  providence  on  this  occasion.  God  had  broke 
to  pieces,  by  the  hand  of  his  servant  Cyrus,  the  idol  Beius, 
the  god  who  rivalled  the  Lord  of  Israel:  he  afterwards 
caused  Xerxes  to  demolish  his  temple.  These  first  blows 
which  the  Lord  struck  at  Babylon,  were  so  many  omens  of 
its  total  ruin :  and  it  was  as  impossible  for  Alexander  to  com- 
plete the  re-building  of  this  temple,  as  for  Julian,  some  cen- 
turies after,  to  restore  that  of  Jerusalem. 

Alexander  consumed  his  time  in  Babylon  principally  in 
licentious  festivals  and  banquets.  Drinking  more  than  usual 
one  evening,  he  fell  on  the  floor,  and  was  carried  perfectly 
insensible  to  the  palace.  A  violent  fever  supervened,  which 
baffled  every  remedy.  Feeling  that  death  had  seized  him, 
he  drew  a  ring  from  his  finger,  and  gave  it  to  Perdiccas,  with 
orders  to  convey  his  dead  body  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter- Am- 
mon.  Perdiccas  inquired  when  they  should  pay  him  divine 
honours?  He  replied,  '-When  you  are  happy."  These 
.were  his  last  words.  At  his  death  he  was  thirty-two  years 
old,  of  which  he  had  reigned  twelve. 

Could  we  trace  the  development  of  the  designs  of  Heaven 
by  the  instrumentality  of  Alexander,  we  should  doubtless 
perceive  innumerable  indications  of  infinite  wisdom,  justice, 
and  benevolence.  This  great  agent  of  Divine  Providence 
astonished  and  confounded  the  minds  of  the  wise  and  unwise, 
not  less  by  what  he  actually  performed,  than  by  what  he  at- 
tempted. The  schemes  and  proceedings,  however,  which 
were  considered  by  not  a  few  equivocal  signs  of  boundless 
vanity  or  enthusiastic  delusion,  terminated  in  the  making 
known  to  the  western  world  numerous  and  mighty  nations. 
Some  of  the  most  intelliofent  of  the  human  race  had  beheld 


^—  ---# 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  159 

with  wonder  and  delight,  the  lands  of  which  they  had  heard 
in  the  fabulous  mythology  of  their  gods,  without  being  able 
to  conceive  much  more  distinctly  of  them  than  of  their  gods, 
the  mere  phantoms  of  their  disordered  imaginations.  Now 
this  discovery  of,  as  it  were,  a  new  world,  may  be  viewed  as 
having  the  same  relation  to  the  propagation  of  the  true  reli- 
gion, as  the  later  discovery  of  the  vast  regions  of  America, 
Australasia,  and  the  islands  of  the  Southern  ocean.  Alexan- 
der, Columbus,  and  Cook,  were  impefled,  by  various  and 
powerful  motives,  to  exploits  which  will  command  the  ad- 
miration of  all  future  ages ;  but  all  their  wanderings  tended 
to  complete  the  process  of  preparation  for  the  dissemination 
in  all  lands  of  the  seed  of  immoital  life,  ordained  to  bring 
forth  abundantly  the  fruits  of  righteousness  in  all  the  nations, 
peoples,  tribes  and  families  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  Chris- 
tians in  the  first  ages  could  never,  unless  instructed  and  en- 
joined by  Divine  inspiration,  have  thought  of  carrying  the 
gospel  to  Scythia  or  India,  had  not  these  countries  been  tra- 
versed by  their  ancestors.  But  a  more  immediate  good  may 
have  accompanied  the  armies  of  Alexander  in  foreign  lands. 
We  have  seen  that  the  most  influential  by  rank,  and  possibly 
by  intelligence,  in  all  the  conquered  regions,  joined  him  in 
his  progress  to  conquest ;  and  these  daily  mixing  with  their 
fellow-soldiers  would  naturally  obtain  some  knowledge  of 
their  language  and  sentiments.  Among  these  were  many 
Jews,  for  they  loved  to  serve  Alexander  after  he  had  proved 
the  able  and  willing  friend  of  their  nation.  ^  Now  whatever 
were  their  defects,  it  is  known  to  all,  that,  from  the  time  of 
their  captivity,  their  zeal  for  the  One,  True,  and  Living  God, 
was  always  fervent.  Through  them  therefore  the  God  of  Is- 
rael was  doubtless  made  known  to  multitudes,  who  had  per- 
haps never  been  taught  that  he  had  revealed  himself  and  his 
laws  and  promises  to  mankind. 

The  time  of  Alexander's  unexpected  death,  we  conceive, 
tended  much  to  fulfil  the  Divine  prediction  concerning  his 
empire.  Had  he  lived  to  the  ordinary  age  of  man,  and  edu- 
cated a  son  or  sons,  after  his  own  likeness,  judging  according 
to  the  usual  phenomena  presented  in  the  past  empires,  the 
probability  is  strong  that  the  unity  of  his  empire  might  have 
subsisted  for  centuries  ;  or  that  a  series  of  events  more  terrible 
than  those  which  actually  transpired,  would  have  been  re- 
quired to  break  up  the  empire,  divide,  and  constitute  it  into 
precisely  four  mighty  powers.     This  revolution  in  the  empire 


160  REION8  OF  DARIUS  CODOMANUS) 

was  indispensable  to  the  existence  and  full  growth  of  the  four* 
horned  he-goat  of  Grecia. 

During  the  fatal  illness  of  the  conqueror  of  Darius,  he  dis- 
covered his  perfect  conviction  of  the  vanity,  although  not  of 
the  wickedness  of  his  ambition. 

To  the  important  inquiry,  "  To  whom  do  you  desire  to 
leave  the  empire?"  he  repHed,  "  To  the  most  worthy;  but  1 
foresee  that  the  decision  of  this  will  give  occasion  to  strange 
funeral  games  after  my  decease."  His  words  were  awfully 
verified.  He  left  many  friends,  for  scarcely  could  any  prince 
excel  him  in  the  generosity  and  liberality  which  procure 
willing  followers.  His  death  was  universally  lamented  ;  and 
wherever  it  was  reported,  the  most  expressive  signs  of  grief 
were  visible.  Loud  cries  and  groans  re-echoed  over  the 
earth.  "  The  vanquished  bewailed  him  as  much  as  the 
victors :"  his  good  qualities  were  remembered,  his  faults  were 
forgotten.  The  Persians  pronounced  him  to  have  been  the 
most  just  and  kind  sovereign  that  had  ever  reigned  over  them ; 
the  Grecians  reproached  themselves  for  having  refused  him 
divine  honours.  In  these  circumstances,  all  persons  of  rank 
or  power  adopted,  as  with  one  heart,  the  plan  which  they 
deemed  the  only  one  calculated  to  perpetuate  his  fame.  Not 
a  few  of  his  courtiers,  governors,  and  officers,  almost  equalled 
him  in  the  talents  of  a  statesman  and  warrior,  and  some  of 
these  were  not  less  ambitious  than  he  had  been  of  universal 
empire ;  but  every  one  for  the  moment  supposed  or  believed 
that  he  could  only  advance  his  own  interest  or  honour  by  ap- 
pearing chiefly  solicitous  to  preserve  the  empire  entire  to  the 
family  of  him  whose  departure  all  deplored.  After  great  con- 
tentions among  the  Macedonians,  who  claimed  the  exclusive 
right  of  judging  on  the  state  of  affairs,  it  was  determined  that 
Aridaeus,  a,n  illegitimate  brother  of  Alexander,  should  in  the 
meantime  succeed  him  on  the  throne ;  but  that  he  should 
share  the  dignity  and  power  with  the  child,  if  a  son,  whom 
they  expected  in  a  few  weeks  to  be  born  of  Roxana,  the  first 
wife  of  Alexander.  The  guardianship  of  Aridaeus,  who  was 
an  imbecile,  and,  by  consequence,  the  administration  of  the 
supreme  government,  were  entrusted  to  Perdiccas.  The  va- 
rious governments  of  the  great  empire  were  distributed  among 
the  other  distinguished  commanders  in  the  army. 

By  these  all  authority  continued  to  be  held  and  exercised,  al- 
though they  nominally  vested  it  in  Aridaeus  and  Roxana's  in- 
fant son,  who  was  named  Alexander.  The  council  of  the 
generals  thus  disposed  of  Europe.    Lysimachus  was  assigned 


=% 


AND  ALEXANDER  THE  GREAT.  161 

Thrace  and  the  adjacent  regions ;  and  Macedon,  Epirus,  and 
Greece  were  given  to  Antipater  and  Crater  us.  Egypt,  con- 
sidered a  part  of  Africa,  Lybia,  and  Cyrenaica,  with  that  di- 
vision of  Arabia  wliich  borders  on  Egypt,  were  placed  under 
Ptolemy.  Asia  Minor  was  thus  divided.  Lycia,  Pamphylia, 
and  the  Greater  Phrygia  were  given  to  Antigonus ;  Caria,  to 
Cassander  ;  Lydia,  to  Menander ;  the  Lesser  Phrygia,  to  Le- 
onatus ;  Armenia,  to  Neoptolemus  ;  Cappadocia  and  Paphla- 
gonia,  to  Eumenes.  These  two  provinces  had  never  been 
subjected  by  the  Macedonians ;  and  Ariarathes,  King  of  Cap- 
padocia, continued  to  govern  them  as  formerly, — Alexander 
having  advanced  with  so  much  rapidity  to  his  other  conquests, 
as  left  him  no  inclination  to  amuse  himself  with  the  entire  re- 
duction of  that  province,  and  contented  himself  with  a  slight 
submission.  Syria  and  Phenicia  fell  to  Laomedon  ;  one  of 
the  two  Medias  to  Atropates,  and  the  other,  to  Perdiccas. 
Persia  was  assigned  to  Peucestes ;  Babylonia,  to  Archon  ; 
Mesopotamia,  to  Arcesilas ;  Parthia  and  Hyrcania,  to  Phra- 
taphernes  ;  Bactria  and  Sogdiana,  to  Philip :  the  other  regions 
were  divided  among  generals  whose  names  are  now  but  little 
known.  Seleucus,  the  son  of  Antiochus,  was  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  cavalry  of  the  allies,  which  was  a  post  of  great 
importance  ;  and  Cassander,  the  son  of  Antipater,  commanded 
the  companies  of  guards.  The  Upper  Asia,  which  extends 
almost  to  India,  and  even  India  also,  were  left  in  the  possession 
of  those  who  had  been  appointed  governors  of  those  countries 
by  Alexander. 

^  Thus  the  whole  empire  was  placed  under  the  Grecians, 
and  this  noble  race  generally  maintained  their  power  till  de- 
prived of  it  by  the  iron  rod  of  Rome.  This  fact  sufficiently 
accounts  for  the  very  wide  diffusion  of  the  Grecian  language, 
and  for  its  hold  over  the  nations  being  so  powerful  that  it  was 
not  supplanted  by  the  Romans,  notwithstanding  of  the  might 
and  absoluteness  of  their  dominions.  And  this  grand  result  of 
the  established  power  of  Grecia  was  adapted  to  produce  incal- 
culable good  or  evil  to  the  nations ;  but  that  the  good  prepon- 
derated, no  wise  observer  of  human  society  doubts,  if  he  has 
carefully  perceived  and  compared  the  civil,  moral,  and  reli- 
gious state  of  the  western  world  in  the  successive  centuries, 
vdth  its  state  in  preceding  ages. 

The  lives  and  actions  of  some  of  the  captains  appointed 
over  the  provinces  occupy  few  or  no  pages  of  history,  because 
they  were  tranquil  or  uninteresting  in  their  features.  The 
sanguinary  contests  of  a  few  others,  in  their  struggles  for  ex- 


* 


162   REIGNS  OF  DAEIUS  CODOMANUS  AND  ALEXANDER. 

istence,  independence,  or  empire,  we  shall  pass  over  or  advert 
to  slightly,  when  they  appear  to  have  had  little  or  no  imme- 
diate influence  on  the  interests  of  the  Jews  or  of  the  true  reli- 
gion. Indeed,  of  the  successors  of  Alexander  in  the  third 
empire,  we  will  have  chiefly  to  fix  our  attention  on  those  who 
governed  Syria  and  Egypt 


n 


»;j^« 


CHAPTER  II. 


THE  CONTEST  FOR  THE  UNITY  OF  THE  GRECIAN 
EMPIRE. 


The  supremacy  of  Heaven  and  the  impotency  of  man  have 
been  seldom  more  conspicuously  demonstrated  than  they  were 
by  the  resuh  of  the  numerous  schemes  and  deeds  of  a  few  of 
the  officers  and  captains  of  Alexander  to  confirm  and  perpet- 
uate the  unity  or  integrity  of  the  empire  which  he  had 
founded.  Its  division  into  four  kingdoms  or  sovereign 
powers,  ordained  by  the  King  of  kings  and  Lord  of  lords, 
had  been  described  by  Daniel  under  the  symbol  of  a  ram  with 
four  horns,  three  centuries  before  the  conqueror  had  appeared ; 
and  the  prevention  of  the  growth  and  maturity  of  these  horns 
was  far  oeyond  the  wisdom  and  power  of  mankind.  Many 
and  deep  were  the  thoughts  and  purposes,  and  mighty  and 
marvellous  the  effbrls  of  man ;  but  the  objects  accomplished 
by  them  are  frequently  the  most  remote,  and  sometimes 
almost  altogether  different  from  those  which  he  desired  and 
expected.  They  are,  however,  completely  regulated  or  con- 
trolled to  fulfil  His  design  whose  "  counsel  shall  stand,  and 
who  will  do  all  his  pleasure." 

The  Grecian  States,  with  the  exception  of  Thebes,  were 
scarcely  certain  of  the  death  of  Alexander,  when,  stimulated 
by  their  orators,  especially  by  Demosthenes,  they  unanimously 
resolved  to  attempt  their  emancipation  from  the  Macedonian 
yoke.  Though  successful  in  their  first  combats  with  the  army 
of  Antipater,  the  viceroy  of  Macedon,  yet  their  dissensions 
soon  enabled  that  able  general  to  accept  of  peace  on  the  most 
humiliating  terms.  The  weight  of  his  displeasure  fell  on  the 
orators,  and  Demosthenes,  to  escape  an  ignominious  death, 
destroyed  himself  by  poison. 

Perdiccas,  animated  as  much,  if  not  more,  by  ambition  than 
loyalty,  determined  to  reduce  to  obedience  all  the  governors 
who  seemed  inclined  to  act  independent  of  the  authority  which 
he  exercised  in  name  of  the  two  kings,  Aridaeus  and  Roxana's 


m 


r 


164  THE  CONTEST  FOR  THE 

child,  called  Alexander.  The  opponents  whose  power  most 
alarmed  him  were  Antipater  and  Ptolemy.  The  former  as- 
sumed that  the  right  to  protect  the  kings  belonged  exclusively 
to  him,  because  the  deceased  king  had  appointed  him  viceroy 
of  Macedon  ;  and  the  latter  had  conducted  the  government  of 
Egypt,  which  had  been  committed  to  him,  more  like  an  in 
dependent  prince  than  a  governor. 

Eumenes,  who  had  been  the  secretary  of  Alexander  the 
Great,  was  celebrated  at  once  for  wisdom  in  the  cabinet  and 
for  skill  and  valour  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  perhaps  of  all 
the  servants  of  the  conqueror  he  was  his  most,  if  not  the  only, 
disinterested  and  unalterable  friend.  Perdiccas  wisely  sought 
and  readily  obtained  his  assistance  to  support  the  royal  cause. 
In  the  partition  of  the  empire,  Cappadocia  and  Pamphilia  had 
been  assigned  to  Eumenes  ;  but  these  countries  had  not  been 
conquered  by  Alexander.  This  Perdiccas,  however,  speedily 
effected,  and,  adding  to  them  Caria,  Lycia,  and  Phrygia,  left 
Eumenes  to  defend  Asia  Minor  against  the  army  of  Antipater, 
and  proceeded  with  great  force  through  Syria  to  Egypt. 

Fabulous  report  makes  Ptolemy  a  son  of  Philip,  the  father 
of  Alexander  ;  but  the  fact  is,  that  his  father,  Lagus,  a  Mace- 
donian, appears  to  have  been  a  favourite  servant  of  his  sove-' 
reign.  His  son  was  one  of  the  eminent  men  of  an  age  dis- 
tinguished by  the  number  of  persons  of  extraordinary  endow- 
ments. He  was  one  of  Alexander's  chief  favourites,  and  not 
less  esteemed  by  the  soldiers.  If  we  may  believe  Arian,  he 
wrote  an  interesting  life  of  his  master.  From  the  time  that 
he  became  governor  of  Egypt,  the  wisdom  and  justice  of  his 
administration  secured  him  the  hearts  of  the  natives,  and  the 
admiration  and  confidence  of  all  who  witnessed  it,  and  multi- 
tudes of  Greeks  and  other  people  gladly  entered  his  service 
and  settled  in  his  dominions.  The  efliciency  of  his  army  was 
much  promoted  by  the  respect  which  he  showed  for  the 
memory  of  his  late  sovereign.  Almost  two  years  elapsed  be- 
fore the  governors  agreed  as  to  the  place  where  the  remains 
of  Alexander  should  be  interred.  Preference  was  at  length 
given  to  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Ammon.  On  learning  that  the 
company  appointed  to  convey  the  corpse  from  the  East  were 
on  their  journey,  Ptolemy,  who  felt  his  recent  and  great  obli- 
gations to  the  king,  purposed  to  testify  his  gratitude.  He  ac- 
cordingly set  out  with  a  numerous  guard  of  his  best  troops, 
in  order  to  meet  the  procession,  and  advanced  as  far  as  Syria. 
When  he  had  joined  the  attendants  on  the  funeral,  he  pre- 
vented them  firom  interring  the  corpse  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter- 


«= 


UNITY   OF   THE   GRECIAN   EMPIRE.  165 

Ammon,  as  they  had  proposed.  It  was  therefore  deposited, 
first  in  the  city  of  Memphis,  and  from  thence  Was  conveyed 
to  Alexandria.  Ptolemy  raised  a  magnificent  temple  to  the 
memory  of  this  monarch,  and  rendered  him  all  the  honours 
which  were  usually  paid  to  demi-gods  and  heroes  by  Paga« 
antiquity.  This  generous  conduct  of  the  governor  of  Egypt 
induced  many  of  the  veterans  of  the  army  of  Alexander,  and 
not  a  few  of  his  friends,  to  resort  to  Egypt.  He  therefore 
found  it  no  difliculty  to  fortify  this  kingdom,  and  fully  pre- 
pare to  repel  the  threatened  attack  of  Perdiccas. 

Indeed  many  who  accompanied  that  leader,  no  sooner  ar- 
rived in  Egypt,  than  they  deserted  and  joined  the  troops  op- 
posed to  him.  All  these  things  proved  fatal  to  his  views  and 
his  life.  For  having  rashly  resolved  to  make  his  army  pass 
an  arm  of  the  Nile,  which  formed  an  island  near  Memphis, 
in  passing  he  lost  two  thousand  men,  half  of  whom  were 
drowned,  and  the  remainder  devoured  by  crocodiles.  The 
Macedonians  were  exasperated  to  such  a  degree  of  fury,  when 
they  saw  themselves  exposed  to  such  unnecessary  dangers, 
that  they  mutinied  against  him ;  in  consequence  of  which  he 
was  abandoned  by  a  hundred  of  his  principal  officers,  of 
whom  Pithon  was  the  most  considerable,  and  was  assassinated 
in  his  tent,  with  most  of  his  intimate  friends. 

The  government  of  Ptolemy  extended  over  Lybia  and 
Cyrenaica  on  the  one  extremity  of  Egypt,  and  on  the  other, 
over  parts  of  Arabia.  Through  the  latter  country,  he  was 
exposed  to  invasion,  and  considered  himself  insecure  without 
the  possession  of  Syria,  Judea,  and  Phenicia.  He  was  par- 
ticularly solicitous  to  command  the  latter  region,  because  it 
would  afford  him  opportunity  and  means  to  conquer  the  fine 
island  of  Cyprus.  Laomedon,  one  of  Alexander's  captains, 
had  received  Syria,  and  the  adjacent  regions  for  his  share  of 
the  empire ;  and  for  a  few  years  was  permitted  to  govern  them 
in  peace.  Having  declined  to  accept  from  Ptolemy  an  im- 
mense sum  of  money  for  his  right  to  the  government,  he  was 
soon  deprived  of  it  by  force.  An  Egyptian  army,  under 
Nicanor,  invaded  Syria,  defeated  the  troops  of  Laomedon,  and 
took  him  prisoner  ;  and  the  coast  was  subdued  by  a  fleet, 
commanded  by  Ptolemy,  in  person.  All  the  inhabitants  sub- 
mitted to  him  except  the  Jews,  who,  as  on  former  occasions, 
pleaded  that  they  dared  not  violate  their  oath  to  their  governor 
while  he  was  alive.  Jerusalem  was  one  of  the  strongest  cities 
from  its  position,  and  it  was  well  fortified.  Josephus  gives  a 
most  improbable  account  of  its  capture  by  the  liypoerisy  of 


I 


166  THE    CONTEST    FOR   THE 

Ptolemv.  Pretending  great  zeal  for  the  God  of  Israel,  he 
persuaded  them  to  permit  him  to  enter  the  city  on  a  sabbath, 
that  lie  might  offer  sacrifice.  The  Jews  were  accustomed  to 
spend  the  sacred  day  in  rest  from  all  secular  works ;  and 

J^,  therefore  the  few  attendants  of  the  rulers  of  Egypt,  easily 

seized  the  city.  But,  according  to  Agatharchidas,  a  Grecian 
historian,  it  was  taken  by  assault,  on  a  sabbath,  because  the 
Jews  would  not  perform  any  work  on  that  day,  not  even  to 
save  their  lives.  This  erroneous  view  of  the  Divine  institu- 
tion of  the  sabbath,  we  find  prevailed  among  them  till  the 
time  of  Matthias,  and  is  a  striking  indication  of  the  rise  of  that 
mode  of  interpreting  Scripture,  which  characterised  the  sect 
of  the  Pharisaes,  who  regarded  the  letter  rather  than  the 
spirit  of  the  Divine  law. 

Ptolemy  carried  many  of  the  people  of  Samaria  and  Judea 
captives  into  Egypt.  But  Josephus  is  scarcely  consistent  with 
himself,  when  he  says  that  he  ruled  over  the  Jews  in  a  cruel 
manner ;  and  that,  nevertheless,  many  of  them  voluntarily 
emigrated  to  Egypt.  It  is,  however,  possible  that  he  may 
have  treated  them  at  first  with  great  severity ;  but  it  is  certain 
that  his  general  conduct  towards  them  was  just  and  generous. 
Josephus  indeed  says,  that,  reflecting  on  the  fidelity  of  the 
Jews  to  Darius  and  Alexander,  he  granted  the  captives  settled 
in  Alexandria  equal  privileges  with  the  Greeks,  and  distri- 
buted many  others  into  garrisons.  The  number  of  the  Jewish 
captives  was,  it  is  said,  one  hundred  thousand,  the  majority 
of  whom  were  sent  to  Alexandria,  some  to  Lybia  and  Cyre- 
naica,  and  thirty  thousand  placed  in  the  army.  If  we  add 
these  to  those  carried  by  Alexander  into  Egypt,  the  Jews  must 
have  been  already  numerous  in  that  kingdom.  These  car- 
ried with  them  their  aversion  to  idols,  and  zeal  for  the  True 
God  ;  and,  at  no  distant  period,  we  shall  see  them  in  posses- 
sion of  a  copy  of  the  sacred  writings,  in  the  language  of  their 
conquerors,  which  became  the  prevailing  language  of  the  civi- 
lized world.  And  though  not  a  few  of  them  were  seduced 
from  the  purity  of  the  faith  in  Divine  Revelation,  yet  very 
many  persevered  in  the  public  profession  of  it  all  the  period 
that  Alexandria  remained  the  rival  of  Rome  in  wealth  and 
literature,  and  the  chief  commercial  city  on  the  globe.  [See 
the  brief  description  of  Alexandria  in  the  Pocket  Biblical 
Dictionary.]  Have  we  not,  therefore,  a  remarkable  manifes- 
tation of  the  wisdom  and  benevolence  of  Deity,  in  the  time 
selected  by  him  for  the  removal  of  such  numbers  of  the  Jews 
to  Egypt,  and  especially  to  its  metropolis  ?     Tyre  had  ceased 


1 


« 


UNirr  OF  THE  GRECIAN   EMPIRE.  1 67 

to  be  the  centre  of  the  intercourse  of  mankind  ;  and  Judea 
was,  for  a  long  time,  the  scene  of  the  strife,  contention,  and 
wars  of  the  rival  powers  of  Egypt  and  Syria.  Consequently, 
it  was  not  now  the  most  favourable  spot  for  men  of  all  nations 
to  contemplate  the  heavenly  light,  however  much  they  might 
desire  to  behold  it ;  and  it  was  rendered  more  accessible  to  all 
races  and  all  ranks,  by  being  placed  in  Alexandria,  than  it 
would  have  been  in  any  other  spot  in  the  whole  v^rorld  ;  for 
this  city  was  much  more  generally  known  and  resorted  to, 
for  at  least  two  centuries,  than  even  Rome  itself 

Eumenes,  indignant  on  learning  the  proceedings  of  Ptolemy, 
would  have  marched  into  Syria,  and  would,  perhaps,  have 
spoiled  him  of  all  his  recent  acquisitions,  had  he  not  been 
compelled  to  defend  himself  against  a  more  powerful  rival. 
Antiochus,  originally  appointed  governor  of  several  provinces 
of  Asia  Minor,  had  acquired  absolute  authority  over  all  that 
country,  and  aspired  to  universal  empire.  His  army,  consist- 
ing of  seventy  thousand  men  and  thirty  elephants,  was  more 
powerful  than  any  that  could  be  brought  against  them.  But 
Eumenes  was  superior  to  him  in  wisdom  and  every  virtue 
which  ennobles  a  chief,  and  perhaps  to  all  the  generals  of  his 
age.  The  struggle  between  these  captains  was  fierce,  and  the 
issue  for  some  time  doubtful ;  and  Antiochus  owed  his  tri- 
umph over  his  rival  to  success  in  overcoming  the  fidelity  of 
the  army  of  his  opponent,  rather  than  to  the  power  of  his 
arms.  Having  conquered  the  chief  supporter  of  the  roy il 
family,  he  assumed  the  sovereignty  of  the  empire,  and  disposed 
of  the  eastern  provinces  according  to  his  pleasure.  He  re- 
moved some  governors,  to  exah  in  their  places  persons  in 
whom  he  had  confidence.  Pithon,  governor  of  Media,  and 
Antigonus,  general  of  the  Argyraspides  or  Silvershields,  the 
reputedly  invincible  band  of  Alexander,  he  put  to  death. 
Seleucus,  governor  of  Babylon,  was  likewise  minuted  down  in 
his  list  of  proscriptions ;  but  he  found  means  to  escape  the 
danger,  and  threw  himself  under  the  protection  of  Ptolemy, 
king  of  Egypt.  As  for  the  Argyraspides,  who  had  betrayal 
Eumenes,  he  sent  them  into  Arachosia,  the  remotest  province 
in  the  empire,  and  ordered  Syburtius,  who  governed  there,  to 
take  such  measures  as  might  destroy  them  all,  and  that  not 
one  of  them  might  ever  return  to  Greece.  The  just  horror 
he  conceived  at  the  infamous  manner  in  which  they  betrayed 
their  general,  contributed  not  a  little  to  this  resolution,  though 
he  enjoyed  the  fruit  of  their  treason  without  the  least  scruple 
or  remorse ;   but  a  motive,  still  more  prevalent,  determiaed 


#= 


168  THE   CONTEST   FOR   THE 

iiim  chiefly  to  this  proceeding.  These  soldiers  were  muti- 
nous, untractable,  licentious,  and  averse  to  all  obedience ;  their 
example,  therefore,  was  capable  of  corrupting  the  other  troops, 
and  even  of  destroying  him,  by  a  new  instance  of  treachery  ; 
he  therefore  was  resolved  to  exterminate  them  without  hesi- 
tation. 

The  formidable  power  and  ambitious  schemes  of  Antiochus 
alarmed  the  other  most  powerful  governors  of  the  empire; 
and  Ptolemy,  Lysimachus  of  Thrace,  and  Cassander,  son  of 
Antipater  of  Macedon,  united  to  oppose  him.  The  treasures 
which  he  procured  in  Babylon  and  Susa,  enabled  him  to 
raise  a  powerful  army,  which  he  led  into  Syria  and  Phenicia, 
with  the  intention  of  seizing  the  fleet  of  Ptolemy,  and  making 
himself  master  of  the  sea.  In  this  he,  however,  failed  ;  and 
it  was  with  difiiculty  that  he  captured  the  seaports.  That  he 
might  contend  against  the  fleets  of  his  rivals,  he  formed  alli- 
ances with  Cyprus,  Rhodes,  and  other  maritime  places,  and 
employed  several  thousand  men  to  build  vessels  in  various 
ports  of  Syria.  The  defence  of  that  country,  and  the  preser- 
vation of  a  fleet,  he  entrusted  to  his  son  Demetrius,  who  early 
discovered  himself  superior  to  his  father  in  the  qualities  which 
command  public  esteem,  and  not  less  skilful  and  bold  in  war. 

From  Syria,  Antigonus  advanced  to  Asia  Minor,  which 
had  been  invaded  by  Cassander,  who  was  supported  by  his 
allies.  While  engaged  with  them,  Ptolemy  had  conquered 
the  largest  portion  of  Cyprus,  and  recovered  Phenicia,  Judea, 
and  Coelo-Syria,  after  a  most  sanguinary  combat  with  Deme- 
trius at  Gaza.  But  the  victor  enjoyed  his  triumph  only  a 
short  time,  for  his  army,  sent  under  Cilles  to  reduce  Syria, 
was  defeated  by  Demetrius ;  and  immediately  on  his  father 
receiving  information  of  the  victory,  he  marched  into  Syria  to 
support  him. 

Ptolemy,  convinced  that  he  was  not  prepared  to  repel  their 
united  forces,  demolished  the  fortifications  of  Acre,  Joppa, 
Samaria,  and  Gaza,  and  returned  with  rriuch  of  the  riches  and 
many  of  the  inhabitants,  particularly  Jews,  into  Egypt.  These 
followed  the  ruler  of  Egypt,  not  as  captives,  but  from  choice, 
for  the  advantages  which  he  promised  them  more  than  com- 
pensated for  absence  from  a  country  taken  possession  of  by 
one  whom  they  had  more  reason  to  fear  than  hve.  Of  the 
Jewish  captives  or  emigrants  who  joined  the  army  of  Ptolemy, 
at  this  or  at  a  former  period,  in  their  return  to  Egypt,  Josephus 
relates,  on  the  authority  of  Hecateus,  two  anecdotes.  This 
person,  he  says,  was  a  native  of  Abdara,  and  a  philosophei 


m- 


UNITY  OF    TIIE   GRECIAN   EMPIRE.  169 

who  first  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  Alexander,  and,  after  his 
death,  that  of  Ptolemy,  whom  he  accompanied  into  Judea. 
He  carefully  investigated  and  wrote  a  full  account  of  the  laws, 
and  affairs  of  the  Jews.  Among  the  most  distinguished 
of  those  of  them  who  entered  the  service  of  Egypt,  was  Heze- 
kiah.  He  was  a  person  of  great  dignity,  remarkable  for  his 
wisdom,  eloquence,  and  knowledge  of  the  history  and  laws  of 
his  country.  His  influence  with  the  king  was  considerable, 
and  hence  to  him  the  Jews  partly  ascribed  the  favours  which 
were  conferred  on  them  by  Ptolemy  and  his  successor. 

Another  of  these  Jews,  named  Mosallam,  was  one  of  the 
horsemen  appointed  to  guide  the  army,  in  their  journey  to  the 
Red  Sea.  "  He  was  a  person  of  great  courage,  of  a  strong 
body,  and  by  all  allowed  to  be  the  most  skilful  archer  that 
was  either  among  the  Greeks  or  barbarians.  Now  this  man, 
as  people  were  in  great  numbers  passing  along  the  road,  and 
a  certain  augur  was  observing  an  augury  by  a  bird,  and  re- 
quiring them  all  to  stand  still,  inquired  what  they  staid  for. 
Hereupon  the  augur  showed  them  the  bird  from  whence  ne 
took  his  augury,  and  told  him  that  if  the  bira  staid  where  he 
was,  they  ought  all  to  stand  siiil ;  but  that  if  he  got  up,  and 
flew  onward,  they  must  go  forward  ;  but  that  if  he  flew  back- 
ward, they  must  retire  again.  MosoUam  made  no  reply,  but 
drew  his  bow,  and  shot  at  the  bird,  and  hit  him,  and  killed 
him ;  and  as  the  augur  and  some  others  were  very  angry, 
and  wished  imprecations  upon  him,  he  answered  them  thus : — 
Why  are  you  so  mad  as  to  take  this  most  unhappy  bird  into 
your  hands  ?  for  how  can  this  bird  give  us  any  true  information 
concerning  our  march,  who  could  not  foresee  how  to  save 
himself?  for  had  he  been  able  to  foreknow  what  was  future 
he  would  not  have  come  to  this  place,  but  would  have  been 
afraid  lest  Mosollam  the  Jew  would  shoot  at  him,  and  kiU 
him." 

While  Antigonus  was  in  Syria,  Seleucus,  by  the  assistance 
of  less  than  two  thousand  men,  whom  he  received  from 
Ptolemy,  and  the  Macedonians  who  occupied  the  fortress  of 
CarrhsB,  or  Haran,  in  Mesopotamia,  whom  he  persuaded  to 
join  him  on  his  march  to  the  East,  recovered  Babylon.  His 
appearance  before  that  city  was  hailed  by  the  citizens.  They 
gratefully  remembered  the  mildness,  justice,  equity,  and  hu- 
manity of  his  conduct,  and  gladly  received  him.  His  army 
was  quickly  augmented,  and  enabled  him  to  defeat  the  force 
led  against  him  by  Nicanor,  who  governed  Media  for  Anti- 
gonus,  and  to  conquer  Media,  Susiana.  and  the  adjacent  pro^ 

VOL.    I.  15 


» 


170  tHir  CONTEST   FOR   TH^^"*' 

vinces.  Having  thus  acquired  great  power  he  returned  to 
Babylon,  b.  c.  311,  a  memorable  event  in  the  history  of  the 
'East ;  for  this  commences  the  era  of  the  Seleucides,  received 
by  all  the  people  of  the  East,  as  well  Pagans  as  Jews,  Chris- 
tians, and  Mahomedans.  The  Jews  called  it  the  Era  of 
Contracts^  because  when  they  were  subjected  to  the  govern- 
ment of  the  Syro-Macedonian  kings,  they  were  obliged  to  in- 
sert it  into  the  dates  of  their  contracts  and  other  civil  writings. 
The  Arabians  style  it  the  Era  of  Bicornus,  intimating  Seleu- 
cus  thereby,  according  to  some  authors,  who  declare  that  the 
sculptors  represerfled  him  with  two  horns  of  an  ox  on  his 
head,  because  this  prince  was  so  strong,  that  he  could  seize 
that  animal  by  the  horns  and  stop  him  short  in  his  full  career. 

The  two  books  of  the  Maccabees  call  it  the  Era  of  the 
Greekh^  and  use  it  in  their  dates,  with  this  difference  however, 
that  the  first  of  these  books  represents  it  as  beginning  in  the 
spring,  the  other,  in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year.  The 
thirty-one  years  of  the  reign  ascribed  to  Seleucus,  begin  at 
this  period.  Antigonus  in  vain  attempted  to  conquer  the 
Nabathsean  Arabs.  Their  capital  was  strongly  situated,  as 
we  have  noticed  in  the  Pocket  Biblical  Dictionary.  It  defied 
his  power,  and  he  was  pleased  to  prevail  on  them  to  agree  to 
a  treaty  of  peace,  favourable  to  their  interests. 

News  from  Nicanor  disclosed  the  critical  state  of  his  affairs ; 
and  he  instantly  sent  Demetrius  to  the  East,  with  one  part  of 
his  army  and  proceeded  with  the  other  to  Asia  Minor.  Seleu- 
cus being  in  Media  when  Demetrius  arrived  at  Babylon,  he 
easily  captured  the  city.  But  he  was  soon  obliged  to  desert 
it  to  join  his  father's  army,  before  he  had  obtained  possession 
of  one  of  the  fortresses  on  the  Euphrates.  He  plundered  the 
city,  and  increased  the  hatred  which  the  people  cherished 
against  his  fither's  oppressive  government. 

His  presence  in  Asia  Minor  occasioned  a  treaty  of  peace, 
which  confirmed  Ptolemy  in  the  government  of  the  countries 
originally  given  him,  and  assigned  to  Lysimachus  Thrace,  to 
Cassander  Macedon,  till  Alexander,  son  of  Roxana,  was  of 
age  to  reign,  and  to  Antigonus,  all  Asia.  Greece  was  de- 
clared free,  and  Polysperchon  acknowledged  successor  to 
Antipater,  who,  at  his  death,  had  appointed  him  guardian  of 
the  royal  family.  He  called  to  his  aid  Olympias,  the  mother 
of  Alexander  the  Great,  who  was  not  less  ambitious  than 
revengeful.  Polysperchon,  to  secure  himself  the  sovereignty 
of  Greece,  took  the  life  of  Barsina,  one  of  the  wives  of  Alex- 
ander, and  her  only  son  Hercules     Olympias  put  to  death 


# 


king  Aridaeus,  called  Philip,  and  his  queen  Eurydice.  Cas- 
sander  murdered  Roxana  and  her  son ;  and  Cleopatra,  the 
sister  of  Alexander,  and  the  last  heir  of  the  crown  of  Macedon, 
was  cut  off  by  Antigonus.  Thus  the  principal  persons  of  the 
race  of  the  great  conqueror  were  extirpated,  and  his  captains 
were  at  liberty  to  contend  among  themselves  for  the  empire. 
Nor  were  they  slow,  notwithstanding  their  treaty  of  peace, 
to  lay  waste  the  empire  in  the  hope  of  personal  or  family  ag- 
grandisement.' 

Rational  government  was  neither  understood  nor  valued 
by  the  Greeks,  while  they  boasted  that  they  alone  sought  free- 
dom, as  if  it  were  the  chief  good.  The  most  eminent  rulers, 
who  imposed  salutary  restraints  on  their  passions  forfeited 
their  favour ;  and  those  who  flattered  thei?  vanity  and  pro- 
moted their  licentiousness  were  secure  of  their  confidence  and 
applause.  These  characteristics  of  the  Greeks  were  never 
more  conspicuous  than  in  their  reception  of  Demetrius,  son 
of  Antigonus.  Athens  had  been  governed  ten  years  by  De- 
metrius Phalerius,  in  the  name  of  Cassander.  tinder  his  ad- 
ministration, they  had  enjoyed  uninterrupted  peace,  prosperity, 
and  happiness:  and  their  gratitude  apparently  overflowea. 
Thev  had  raised  statues  to  his  honour,  fequal  in  number  to 
the  days  of  the  year.  Secretly,  however,  they  longed  to  be 
free;  nothing  pleased  them  but  a  lawless  democracy.  Hence 
when  Demetrius  arrived  with  a  fleet,  and  proclaimed  that 
his  father  had  sent  him  to  restore  the  Greeks  to  liberty,  and 
expel  from  their  garrisons  the  Macedonians,  that  they  might 
resume  their  ancient  form  of  government  and  laws,  in  extasy 
of  joy  they  proclainied  him  their  protector  and  benefactor. 
Having  expelled  the  troops  of  the  garrison,  and  re-established 
democracy,  the  Athenians  were  enthusiastic  in  his  praise; 
and  conferred  on  him  and  his  father  the  title  of  kiVig,  and 
honoured  them  as  tutelar  deities,  and  offered  sacrifices  to  him 
as  a  god.  Their  conduct  was  not  more  contemptible  than  his 
was  infamous.  Inflated  by  Success,  he  gave  himself  up  to 
the  greatest  e.xcess  of  sensual  indulgence.  His  violent  and 
impetuous  passions  carried  him  beyond  the  habits  of  the 
beasts  of  the  earth.  Though  the  vilest  sensualist,  his  intellec- 
tual talents  were  great,  and  his  skill  in  war  was  surpassed  by 
few.  These  were  completely  exhibited  by  the  most  splendid 
and  dazzling  exploits  at  Cyprus  and  Rhodes.  His  lather's 
joy  was  bou!idless  on  receiving  the  news  of  his  victory  over 
the  fleet  of  Ptolemy.  He  instantly  proclaimed  himself  a 
king,  and  conferred  on  his  son  the  same  title,  and  sent  him  a 


#^ 


172  THE    CONTEST    FOR   THE 

rich  crown.      Speedily  their  rivals,   Ptolemv,  Lysimachus, 
and  Seleucus  were  known  by  the  same  appellation. 

To  improve  this  victory,  Antigonus  attempted  the  conquest 
of  Egypt,  and  failed,  with  the  loss  of  a  considerable  part  of 
his  army,  and  raany  of  his  ships.  This  was  the  last  time  that 
Ptolemy  was  in  danger  of  losing  his  crown.  The  wise 
and  prudent  manner  in  which  he  had  defended  it,  fixed  it  on 
his  head.  This  induced  Ptolemy  the  astronomer  to  regard 
this  period  as  the  commencement  of  his  chronological  canon. 
"  He  begins  the  Epocha  on  the  seventh  of  November,  nine- 
teen years  after  the  death  of  Alexander  the  Great." 

The  ambitious  schemes  which  Antigonus  and  his  son  un- 
ceasingly pursued  roused  the  fears  of  the  other  kings,  and 
convinced  them  of  the  necessity  of  uniting  to  arrest  them  in 
their  bold  career.  They  accordingly  agreed,  b.  c.  302,  to 
combine  all  their  energies  against  them.  Cassander  and  Ly- 
simachus  invaded  Asia-Minor,  and  reduced  a  number  of  the 
provinces;  Ptolemy  recovered  Coelo-Syria,  Judea,  and  all 
Phenicia,  except  Tyre  and  Sidon ;  and  Seleucus  joined  Ly- 
simachus  to  oppose  Antigonus  and  Demetrius,  who  had 
marched  into  Phrygia.  Near  Ipsus,  a  city  of  that  province, 
was  fought  the  dreadful  and  sanguinary  battle  in  which  An- 
tigonus lost  his  life ;  this  was  followed  by  the  final  division  of 
the  empire  among  the  four  confederated  kings.  Ptolemy  was 
announced  king  of  Egypt,  Lybia,  Arabia,  Coelo-Syria,  Judea, 
and  Phenicia ;  Cassander,  king  of  Macedon  and  Greece ; 
Lysimachus,  king  of  Thrace,  Bithynia,  and  other  provinces 
beyond  the  Hellespont ;  and  Seleucus,  king  of  Syria,  and  all 
the  countries  extending  eastward  from  the  Euphrates  to  the 
Indus. 

Thus  were  fully  accomplished  the  predictions  of  Dan. 
vii.  6 ;  viii.  5 — 8,  20 — 22.  Rollin  justly  remarks  that  "  other 
divisions  were  made  before  this  period,  but  they  were  only  of 
provinces,  which  were  consigned  to  governors,  under  the 
brother  and  son  of  Alexander,  and  none  but  the  last  was  the 
regal  partition.  Those  prophecies,  therefore,  are  to  be  under- 
stood of  this  alone ;  for  they  evidently  represent  these  four 
successors  of  Alexander  in  the  quality  of  four  kings ;  four 
stood  up  for  it.  But  not  one  of  Alexander's  successors  ob- 
tained the  regal  dignity  till  about  three  years  before  the  last 
division  of  the  empire.  And  even  this  dignity  was  at  first 
precarious,  as  being  assumed  by  each  of  the  several  parties, 
merely  by  his  own  authority,  and  not  acknowledged  by  any 
of  the  rest.    Whereas,  after  the  battle  of  Ipsus,  the  treaty  made 


CNiry   OF   THE   GRECIAN   EMPIRE.  173 

between  the  four  confederates,  when  they  had  defeated  their 
adversary,  and  divested  him  of  his  dominions,  assigned  each 
of  them  their  dominions  under  the  appellation  of  so  many 
kingdoms,  and  authorised  and  acknowledged  them  as  kings 
and  sovereigns,  independent  of  any  superior  power." 

The  accuracy  and  distinctness  of  the  prophetic  word  truly 
proclaim  the  perfect  knowledge,  wisdom,  and  boundless  power 
of  its  Divine  Author.  "  With  how  much  certainty  and  ex- 
actness, even  amidst  the  variety  of  these  revolutions,  and 
a  chaos  of  singular  events,  does  he  determine  each  particular 
circumstance,  and  fix  the  number  of  the  several  successors ! 
How  expressly  has  he  pointed  out  that  their  nation  was  to  be 
the  Grecian ;  described  the  countries  they  were  to  possess ; 
measured  the  duration  of  their  empires,  and  the  extent  of  their 

Eower,  inferior  to  that  of  Alexander !  in  a  word,  with  what 
vely  colours  has  he  drawn  the  characters  of  those  princes, 
and  specified  their  alliances,  treaties,  treachery,  marriages, 
and  success !  Can  any  one  possibly  ascribe  to  chance,  or  hu- 
man foresight,  so  many  circumstantial  predictions,  which  at 
the  time  of  their  being  announced,  were  so  remote  from  pro- 
bability? and  may  we  not  evidently  discover  in  them  the 
character  and  traces  of  the  Divinity,  to  whom  all  ages  are 
present  in  one  view,  and  who  alone  determines  at  his  will  the 
fate  of  all  the  kingdoms  and  empires  of  the  world  ?" 

Whoever  takes  a  retrospective  view  of  the  history  of  the 
many  kingdoms  or  provinces  of  the  Grecian  empire,  during 
the  preceding  twenty  years,  will  observe  that  all  the  chief  ac- 
tors in  the  great  events,  almost  unparalleled  in  number,  were 
intelligent,  and  some  of  them  highly  cultivated  Grecians. 
From  this  fact  we  may  justly  conclude  that  during  this  period 
the  language,  knowledge,  and  manners  of  Greece  must  have 
been  more  extensively  spread  than  in  any  former  or  later 
period  of  the  same  duration.  Thus  was  Divine  providence 
sedulously  employed  in  preparing  the  human  race  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  great  truths  which  were  to  be  communicated  to 
them,  chiefly  through  the  medium  of  the  Greek  language,  as 
the  only  and  effectual  instrument  of  emancipating  mankind 
from  the  debasing  thraldom  of  idolatry,  spurious  philosophy, 
worldly  ambition,  and  sensual  pleasures,  that  they  might  live 
and  act  worthy  of  the  native  dignity  of  their  nature,  and 
enjoy  the  hopes  which  elevate  them  to  victors  over  all  the  im- 
morality and  wretchedness  under  which  they  had  groaned  for 
thousands  of  years. 

16* 


t 


r\}  "itirtlil^^    'jf  ftkritt^\S    'ii^ji   ^Vit,t 


CHAPTER  XII. 


THE  REIGN  OF  PTOLEMY  PHILADELPHUS 


Ptolemy,  son  of  Lagus,  governed  Egypt  nearly  forty  years, 
one  half  of  which  he  was  acknowledged  its  king.  His  reign 
was  prosperous  ;  he  not  only  restored  the  kingdom  from  the 
ruinous  state  to  which  it  had  been  reduced  by  many  years  of 
anarchy,  intestine  and  foreign  wars,  but  he  perhaps  also  ren- 
dered it  more  truly  illustrious  than  it  had  ever  been.  Its  an- 
cient monarchs  had  sought  fame  by  the  erection  of  structures 
of  unparalleled  magnitude,  but  of  little  utility,  at  the  sacrifice 
of  the  comfort  and  lives  of  multitudes  of  their  subjects,  but  he 
studied  to  perpetuate  his  name  by  works  calculated  to  promote 
the  present  felicity  of  the  community,  and  to  secure  the  future 
greatness  of  the  nation.  Though  he  felt  himself  impelled,  by 
the  agitated  and  troubled  state  of  the  Grecian  empire,  to  en- 
gage often  in  war,  yet  he  almost  uninterruptedly  pursued  the 
arts  of  peace  and  improvement.  While  he  built  not  a  few 
cities  in  which  were  combined  the  beauty  of  Greek,  with  the 
solidity  of  Egyptian  architecture,  he  rebuilt  many,  repaired 
the  canals  and  made  them  navigable,  and  encouraged  agricul- 
ture. He  improved  ancient  harbours,  and  formed  new  ones, 
and  renovated  the  entire  surface  of  the  kingdom,  especially 
that  important  division  of  it  called  the  Delta.  Through  his 
energies,  Alexandria  was  exalted  above  probably  the  highest 
expectations  of  its  far-seeing  founder  ;  and  on  account  of  its 
vast  population,  commerce,  wealth,  and  noble  edifices,  it  was 
called  "  the  greatest  city,  the  queen  of  the  East."  And  his 
subjects  hesitated  not  to  call  him  Soter,  a  preserver ;  a  title 
first  given  him  by  the  Rhodians  to  express  their  grateful 
sense  of  the  generous  assistance  which  they  received  from  him 
in  their  astonishing  exertions  in  the  successful  defence  of  their 
island  against  what  all  deemed  the  irresistible  power  of  De- 
metrius, applied  with  consummate  skill  to  conquer  them. 


#= 


i 


REIGN    OF    PTOLEMY    PHILADELPHU8.  175 

Not  one  of  the  acts  of  Ptolemy  Soter  probably  contributed 
more  to  advance  his  honour  than  his  liberal  patronage  of 
science  and  literature.  The  celebrated  library  of  Alexandria 
owed  its  existence  to  him ;  he  valued  knowledge,  and,  if  we 
may  credit  authentic  history,  he  excelled  all  who  had  lived 
before  him  in  his  efforts  to  diffuse  it  in  society.  I'he  forma- 
tion of  the  library  was,  it  is  said,  first  suggested  by  the  learned 
and  admired  Demetrius  Phalerius,  who,  when  obliged  to  re- 
sign his  officeof  chief  ruler  in  Athens,  found  a  happy  asjdum 
in  the  court  of  Egypt. 

Besides  the  countries  of  which  Ptolemy  was  acknowledged 
sovereign  after  the  death  of  Antigonus,  he  acquired,  before  he 
died,  Ethiopia,  all  the  maritime  provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  Cy- 
prus, and  some  of  the  Grecian  Islands.  This  perhaps  resulted 
from  his  alliances  with  Seleucus,  the  Athenians,  and  others, 
which  were  chiefly  occasioned  by  the  ambitious  projects  of 
Demetrius,  the  son  of  Antigonus.  Fertile  in  expedients,  and 
unwearied  in  his  efforts  to  regain  the  dominions  of  his  father, 
he  was  unexpectedly  fortunate  enough  to  reduce  Greece  and 
M-Jcedon  ;  and,  assuming  the  title  of  king,  prepared  an  army 
and  a  larger  fleet  than  any  which  had  been  since  the  time  of 
Alexander,  in  order  to  invade  and  conquer  Asia.  The  alli- 
ance of  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Lysimachiis,  and  the  celebrated 
Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  frustrated  his  schemes;  and  he 
spent  his  last  days  in  a  state  of  captivity,  sedulously  watched, 
and  courteously  treated  by  Seleucus.  Few  or  no  princes  of 
ancient  times  were  blessed  with  children  as  distinguished  as 
his  were,  by  their  respect  and  attachment  to  their  parents,  and 
to  each  other ;  and  this  pleasing  feature  of  their  character 
seemed  hereditary  in  the  race.  It  was  strong  in  Antigonus 
Gonatus,  son  of  Demetrius,  who  reigned  several  years  in 
Greece  after  his  father's  death.  On  receiving  intelligence 
of  his  captivity,  he  was  overwhelmed  in  sorrow,  and  wrote  to 
all  the  kings  to  obtain  his  release,  offering  himself  as  a  host- 
age for  him,  and  avowing  himself  ready  to  part  with  all  his 
remaining  dominions  as  the  price  of  his  liberty;  and  when 
Demetrius  died,  his  ashes  were  transmitted  in  an  urn  to  his 
affectionate  son,  who  celebrated  his  funeral  with  great  mag- 
nificence. 

When  one  reflects  on  the  vast  extent  and  the  position  of  the 
dominions  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  it  is  manifest  that  they  were 
more  adapted  than  those  of  any  other  contemporary  power  to 
the  dissemination  of  the  Greek  language,  and  whatever  know- 
ledge or  religion  prevailed  in  Egypt:    and  from  his  well 


m- 


m 


176 


REIGN   OF    PTOLEMY   PHILADELPHUS. 


known  and  constant  partiality  to  the  Jews,  it  is  most  probable 
that  they  would  increase  in  all  regions  under  his  government, 
and  in  those  whose  inhabitants  were  disposed  to  friendly  and 
commercial  intercourse  with  his  subjects.  While  these  things 
were  favourable  to  the  interests  of  the  true  religion,  its  stability, 
permanence,  and  progress  were  unspeakably  more  secured  by 
the  Greek  version  of  the  Sacred  Oracles  (a  work  apparently 
commenced  in  the  latter  days  of  this  prince,)  than  by  all  the 
works  of  the  whole  of  the  learned  and  mighty  among  the  na- 
tions from  the  creation.  This  translation  appears  to  have 
been  gradually  and  slowly  completed.  The  style  of  the  dif- 
ferent books  indicates  that  they  were  not  translated  by  one,  but 
many  persons,  and  who  belonged  to  succcessive  generations; 
and  some  terms  used  show  that  the  authors  were  at  least 
educated  in  Egypt,  or  were  learned  in  the  philosophy  of 
the  Alexandrian  school.  The  Book  of  Esther  was,  accord- 
ing to  the  subscription,  finished  more  than  a  hundred  years 
after  Ptolemy  Soter.  All  ancient  records,  however,  con- 
cerning the  Greek  version,  go  to  prove  that  it  had  been 
undertaken  in  his  day;  for  they  say  that  it  originated  with 
his  friend  and  counsellor,  Demetrius  Phalerius,  who,  it  is  cer- 
tain, was  deprived  of  his  liberty  immediately  on  the  demise  of 
his  sovereign.  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  was  not  the  eldest  son 
of  Ptolemy  Soter,  but  his  mother  was  his  favourite  wife ;  and, 
through  her  influence,  his  father  resigned  to  him  the  throne 
two  years  before  his  death,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  Demet- 
rius Phalerius,  It  was  probably  during  this  period  that  the 
philosopher  had  prevailed  on  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  to  select 
persons  to  translate  the  Hebrew  Scriptures  into  Greek. 
Among  the  first  acts  of  this  prince,  after  he  had  honoured  his 
father  by  a  funeral  procession,  the  most  magnificent  ever  wit- 
nessed, was  the  infliction  of  vengeance  on  Demetrius,  on  ac- 
count of  his  presuming  to  recommend  the  exaltation  of  his 
eldest  brother  to  the  throne.  He  confined  him  in  a  fortress, 
and  would  have  probably  taken  his  life,  had  he  not  been 
killed  by  the  sudden  bite  of  an  aspic. 

Though  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  cherished  little  respect  for 
his  father's  friends,  or  genuine  affection  for  his  children,  yet 
he  had  sufficient  wisdom  to  imitate  his  royal  excellences,  and 
prosecute  the  schemes  and  works  which  he  had  deemed  ne- 
cessary to  augment  the  glory  and  resources  of  the  kingdom, 
and  perpetuate  the  fame  of  his  name  and  dynasty.  Thus,  in 
the  first  year  of  his  reign,  the  "  famous  watch-tower  in  the  isle 
of  Pharos  was  completed.     It  was  usually  called  '  the  tower 


«= 


Rtlim  OF  PTOLEMY  PHILADELPHUS.  177 

of  Pharos,'  and  has  been  reputed  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of 
antiquity.  It  was  a  large  square  structure,  built  of  white 
marble  ;  on  the  top  of  which  a  fire  was  constantly  kept  burn- 
ing, in  order  to  guide  ships  in  their  course,  it  cost  eight 
hundred  talents,  which,  estimated  by  the  Athenian  money, 
arc  equal  to  two  hundred  thousand  pounds,  but  amount  to  al- 
most double  that  sum,  if  computed  by  the  coin  of  Alexandria." 
Pharos,  originally  an  island,  situated  a  little  distance  from  the 
city,  was  afterwards  joined  to  the  continent  by  a  caiiseway 
like  that  of  Tyre. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus  persevered  in  enlarging  the  Alex- 
andrian library,  so  that  it  consisted  of  one  hundred  thousand 
volumes  at  his  death,  and  increased  to  seven  hundred  thou- 
sand during  the  reigns  of  his  successors.  Two  noble  edifices 
were  constructed  for  the  convenience  of  the  learned  who  re- 
sorted to  the  city,  and  to  contain  the  library.  The  former, 
called  the  Musajum  or  Bruchoin,  standing  near  the  palace. 
had  attached  to  it  gardens  and  pleasure  grounds,  in  which 
many  philosophers  assembled  to  study  or  to  impart  instruction, 
after  the  manner  of^the  learned  in  Greece.  The  latter  was 
named  Serapion,  because  it  was  the  temple  consecrated  to 
Serapis.  In  the  Bruchoin  were  deposited  four  hundred  thou- 
sand volumes  ;  and  in  the  Serapion,  three  hundred  thousand. 
The  first  collection  is  said  to  have  been,  with  the  building, 
consumed  by  fire,  during  Cesar's  war  against  Alexandria ; 
and  the  last  was  burnt  by  the  order  of  the  chief  of  the  Sara- 
cens, when  they  captured  the  city.  The  city  was  undoubt- 
edly indebted  to  its  library  "  for  the  advantages  she  long  en- 
joyed, of  being  the  greatest  school  in  all  that  part  of  the  world, 
and  of  having  trained  up  a  vast  number  of  excellent  men 
in  literature.  It  is  from  thence,  in  particular,  that  the  church 
has  received  some  of  its  most  illustrious  doctors  ;  as  Clemens 
Alexandrinus,  Ammonius,  Origen,  Anatolius,  Athanasius,  and 
many  others  ;  for  all  these  studied  in  that  seminary. 

Since  it  is  evident  that  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  like  his  father, 
cultivated  the  sciences,  the  Jewish  account  of  the  origin  of 
the  Greek  version  of  the  Scriptures,  known  under  the  name 
of  the  Septuagint,  or  the  Seventy,  is  certainly  not  improbable. 
A  distinct  and  brief  summary  of  the  long  narrative  respecting 
it,  by  Josephus,  is  thus  given  by  Rollin.  Demetrius  Phale- 
rius  having  informed  the  prince  that  the  Jews  possessed  "  a 
work  which  contained  the  laws  of  Moses,  and  the  history  of 
that  people,  was  desirous  of  having  it  translated  out  of  the 
Hebrew  language  into  the  Greek,  in  order  to  enrich  hia 


®= 


178  REIGN   OF   PTOLEMY    PHILADELPHUS. 

library  with  that  performance.  To  accomplish  this  design, 
it  became  necessary  for  him  to  address  himself  to  the  high- 
vriest  of  the  Jewish  nation  ;  but  the  affair  happened  to  be  at- 
..^nded  with  great  difficulty.  A  very  considerable  number  of 
Jews  had  been  actually  reduced  to  a  state  of  slavery  in  Egypt, 
by  Ptolemy  Soter,  during  the  invasions  of  Judea  in  his  time  ; 
and  it  was  represented  to  the  king,  that  there  would  be  no 
probability  of  obtaining  from  that  people  either  a  copy,  or  a 
faithful  translation  of  their  law,  while  he  suffered  such  a 
number  of  their  countrymen  to  continue  in  their  present  ser- 
vitude. Ptolemy,  who  always  acted  with  the  utmost  gene- 
rosity, and  was  extremely  solicitous  to  enlarge  his  library, 
did  not  hesitate  a  moment,  but  issued  a  decree  for  restoring 
all  the  Jewish  slaves  in  his  dominions  to  their  full  liberty ; 
with  orders  to  his  treasurer  to  pay  twenty  drachmas  a  head  to 
their  masters  for  their  ransom.  The  sum  expended  on  this 
occasion  amounted  to  four  hundred  talents,  which  make  it 
evident  that  an  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  Jews  recovered 
their  freedom  by  this  bounteous  proceeding.  The  king  then 
gave  orders  for  discharging  the  children  born  in  slavery,  with 
their  mothers ;  and  the  sum  employed  for  this  purpose 
amounted  to  above  half  the  former.  These  advantageous 
preliminaries  gave  Ptolemy  hopes  that  he  should  easily  ob- 
tain his  request  from  the  high-priest,  whose  name  was  Elea- 
zar.-  He  had  sent  ambassadors  to  that  pontiff,  with  a  very 
obliging  letter  on  his  part,  accompanied  with  magnificent  pre- 
sents. The  ambassadors  were  received  at  Jerusalem,  with  all 
imaginable  honours,  and  the  king's  request  was  granted  with 
the  greatest  joy.  Upon  which  they  returned  to  Alexandria 
with  an  authentic  copy  of  the  Mosaic  law,  written  in  letters 
of  gold,  and  given  them  by  the  high-priest  himself,  with  six 
elders  of  each  tribe,  that  is  to  say,  seventy-two  in  the  whole  ; 
and  they  were  authorised  to  translate  that  copy  into  the  Greek 
language.  The  king  was  desirous  of  seeing  these  deputies, 
and  proposed  to  each  of  them  a  different  question,  in  order  to 
make  a  trial  of  their  capacity.  He  was  satisfied  with  their 
answers,  in  which  great  wisdom  appeared,  and  loaded  them 
with  presents,  and  other  marks  of  his  friendship.  The  elders 
were  then  conducted  to  the  isle  of  Pharos,  and  lodged  in  a 
house  prepared  for  their  reception,  where  they  were  plenti- 
fully supplied  with  all  necessary  accommodations.  They  ap- 
plied themselves  to  their  work  without  losing  time,  and  m 
seventy-two  days  completed  the  volume  which  is  commonly 
called  '  the  Septuagint  Version.'     The  whole  was  afterwards 


'^1 


lUHGN   OF   VTOL.BMT   PHILADEa^PHUB.  ftO 

read,  and  approved  in  the  presence  of  the  king,  who  admired, 
in  a  peculiar  manner,  the  wisdom  of  the  laws  of  Moses,  and 
dismissed  the  seventy-two  deputies  with  extremely  magnificent 
presents ;  part  of  which  were  for  themselves,  others  for  the 
high-priest,  and  the  remainder  for  the  temple." 

The  Jewish  opinion  of  the  origin  of  the  Septuagint,  long 
credited  by  Christians,  many  moderns  regard  as  fabulous, 
and  suppose  that  it  was  made  by  the  Jews,  who  had  lost  their 
native  language,  and  only  understood  and  spoke  Greek.  The 
number  of  such  was  very  great  throughout  the  Grecian  em- 
pire, especially  in  Egypt.  Nothing  was  more  natural  than 
for  the  pious  among  them  to  desire  the  enjoyment  of  the 
Scriptures,  in  the  language  which  they  spoke,  both  for  their 
personal  use,  and  for  the  service  of  their  synagogues.  But, 
whatever  truth  may  be  in  this  conjecture,  all  Jews  and  Chris- 
tians agree  that  a  translation  of  the  sacred  books  from  the 
Hebrew  into  the  Greek,  was  made  in  Egypt,  in  the  time  of 
the  Ptolemies ;  that  we  have  this  translation  still  extant,  and 
thai  it  is  the  same  which  was  used  in  the  time  of  our  blessed 
Saviour,  as  most  of  the  passages,  cited  by  the  sacred  writers 
of  the  New  Testament,  from  the  original  Greek  of  the  Old, 
are  to  be  found  verbatim  in  this  version.  It  still  exists,  and 
continues  to  be  used  in  the  oriental  churches,  as  it  also  was 
by  those  in  the  primitive  ages,  among  whom  it  passed  for  a 
canonical  translation.  This  version,  therefore,  which  ren- 
ders th^  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament  intelligible  to  a  vast 
number  of  people,  became  one  of  the  most  considerable  fruits 
of  the  Grecian  conquests:  and  was  evidently  comprehended 
in  the  design  God  had  in  view,  when  he  delivered  up  all  the 
East  to  the  Greeks,  and  supported  them  in  those  regions,  not- 
withstanding their  divisions  and  jealousies,  their  wars,  and  the 
frequent  revolutions  that  happened  among  them.  In  this 
manner  did  God  prepare  the  way  for  the  preaching  of  the 
gospel,  which  was  then  approaching,  and  facilitate  the  union 
of  so  many  nations,  of  different  languages  and  manners,  into 
one  society,  and  the  same  worship  and  doctrines,  by  the  in- 
strumentality of  the  finest,  most  copious,  and  correct  language 
that  was  ever  spoken  in  the  world,  and  which  became  com- 
mon to  almost  all  the  countries  that  were  conquered  by  Alex- 
ander. For  an  account  of  the  excellencies  and  defects  of  the 
Septuagint,  we  must  refer  our  readers  to  those  who  have 
written  on  this  important  subject.  Much  information  will  be 
found  in  Home's  Introduction  to  the  Critical  Study  of  the 


1 


J 


I — — I 

180  REIGN    OF   PTOLEMY    PHILADELPHUS. 

Holy  Scriptures,  vol.  ii.  page  39 — 47.  Sixth  Edition  ,  and 
S.  Davidsons  Biblical  Criticism. 

The  long  reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  was,  considering 
the  times,  comparatively  tranquil,  and  allowed  him  to  prose- 
cute the  great  plans  of  his  father.  He  probably,  indeed,  ex- 
celled him  in  his  enthusiasm  for  science  and  the  fine  arts ; 
and  certainly  equalled  him  in  his  diligence  to  advance  the 
commerce  of  his  kingdom.  War  was  not  his  element ;  he 
sincerely  loved  science  and  the  arts  of  peace ;  and  was  the 
generous  patron  of  their  votaries.  He  collected  around  him 
persons  distinguished  by  genius  and  learning.  Several  illus 
trious  poets  were  the  ornament  of  his  courts. 

Solicitous  to  enrich  his  kingdom,  he  laboured,  at  great  ex- 
pense to  draw  into  it  all  the  maritime  commerce  of  the  East^ 
which  till  then  had  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Tyriana, 
who  transacted  it  by  sea,  as  far  as  Elath ;  and  from  thence  by 
land,  to  Rhinocorura,  and  from  this  last  place,  by  sea  agam, 
to  the  city  of  Tyre.  Elath  and  Rhinocorura  were  two  sea- 
ports ;  the  first  on  the  eastern  shore  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  the 
second  on  the  extremity  of  the  Mediterranean,  between  Egypt 
and  Palestine,  and  near  the  outlet  of  the  river  of  Egypt.  Pto- 
lemy, in  order  to  draw  this  commerce  into  his  own  kingdom, 
thought  it  necessary  to  found  a  city  on  the  western  shore  of 
the  Red  Sea,  whence  the  ships  were  to  set  out.  He  accord- 
ingly built  it,  almost  on  the  frontiers  of  Ethiopia,  and  gave  it 
the  name  of  his  mother  Bern  ice  ;  but  the  port  not  being  very 
commodious,  that  of  Myos-Hormos  was  preferred,  as  being 
very  near,  and  much  better  ;  and  all  the  commodities  of  Ara- 
bia, India,  Persia,  and  Ethiopia  were  conveyed  thither. 
From  thence  they  were  transported  on  camels  to  Coptus, 
where  they  were  again  shipped,  and  brought  down  the  Nile 
to  Alexandria,  which  transmitted  them  to  all  the  West,  in  ex- 
change for  its  merchandise,  which  was  afterward  exported  to 
the  East.  But  as  the  passage  from  Coptus  to  the  Red  Sea 
lay  across  the  deserts,  where  no  water  could  be  procured,  and 
which  had  neither  cities  nor  houses  to  lodge  the  caravans, 
.  Ptolemy,  in  order  to  remedy  this  inconvenience,  caused  a 
canal  to  be  opened  along  the  great  road,  and  to  communicate 
with  the  Nile,  that  supplied  it  with  water.  On  the  edge  of 
this  canal  houses  were  erected,  at  proper  distances,  for  the  re- 
ception of  passengers,  and  to  supply  them  and  their  beasts  of 
burden  with  all  necessary  accommodations.  As  useful  as 
all  these  labours  were,  Ptolemy  did  not  think  them  sufficient, 
for  as  he  intended  to  ingross  all  the  traffic  between  the  East 


^-- 


REION  OF   PTOLEMY   PHILADELPHI7&  181 

and  West  into  his  dominions,  he  thought  his  plan  would  be 
imperfect,  unless  he  could  protect  what  he  had  facilitated  in 
other  respects.  With  this  view,  he  caused  two  fleets  to  be 
fitted  out,  one  for  the  Red  Sea,  and  the  other  for  the  Mediter- 
ranean. This  last  was  extremely  fine,  and  some  of  the 
vessels  which  composed  it,  much  exceeded  the  common  size. 
Two  of  them,  in  particular,  had  thirty  benches  of  oars  ;  one, 
twenty ;  four  rowed  with  fourteen  ;  two,  with  twelve ;  four- 
teen, with  eleven  ;  thirty,  with  nine;  thirty-seven,  with  seven; 
five,  with  six  ;  and  seventeen,  with  five.  The  number  of  the 
whole  amounted  to  a  hundred  and  twelve  vessels.  He  had 
as  many  more,  with  four  and  three  benches  of  oars,  beside  a 
prodigious  number  of  small  vessels.  With  this  formidable 
fleet  he  not  only  protected  his  commerce  from  all  insults,  but 
kept  in  subjection,  as  long  as  he  lived,  most  of  the  maritime 
provinces  of  Asia  Minor ;  as  Cilicia,  for  instance,  with  Pam- 
phylia,  Lycia,  and  Caria,  as  far  as  the  Cyclades. 

The  first  report  of  the  fierce  aspect  of  the  fourth  beast, 
which  was  unlike  any  other  beast  on  the  earth,  and  was  des- 
tined to  supplant  and  slay  the  four-horned  ram  of  Grecia,  per- 
haps reached  the  East  in  the  early  part  of  the  reign  of  Pto- 
lemy. The  Italian  coast,  on  the  Adriatic  sea,  had  been,  for 
ages,  occupied  by  Grecian  colonies,  distinguished  by  their 
emulation  of  the  science,  philosophy,  arts,  and  manners  of  the 
mother  country.  This  district  was  named,  from  its  inhabi- 
tants. Magna  Graecia.  They  retained  their  native  pride  and 
love  of  independence ;  but  they  were  enervated  by  the  de- 
lightful country  in  which  they  resided,  and  still  more  by  their 
luxurious  and  sensual  habits,  and  were  therefore  ill  fitted  to 
resist  the  power  of  the  temperate,  bold,  and  aspiring  citizens 
of  Rome.  These  having  reduced  the  neighbouring  tribes, 
called  on  the  Grecian  colonies  to  acknowledge  their  sover- 
eignty. The  possession  of  Tarentum,  the  modern  Tarento, 
founded  by  the  Lacedemonians,  was  most  desirable,  particu- 
larly on  account  of  its  fine  and  spacious  harbours.  The  citi- 
zens had  no  confidence  in  their  power,  although  assisted  by 
the  other  colonies,  to  repel  the  Romans.  They  especially  felt 
the  want  of  an  able  general ;  and  they  looked  to  Greece  to 
supply  them  with  one,  in  whom  all  their  allies  might  confide. 
Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  was  the  most  celebrated  warrior  of 
the  age.  He  gladly  accepted  their  invitation  to  command 
their  forces ;  and  many  of  his  subjects  willingly  accompanied 
him  to  Italy.  After  a  dreadful  war  of  six  years  with  the  Ro- 
mans, he  was  compelled  to  leave  the  Grecian  colonies  in  their 

VOL.  L  16 


1 


182  REION    OF    PTOLEMY   PH1LADELPHU8. 

power,  and  retire  to  his  oWn  king-dom.  The  events  of  this 
war  revealed  the  unconquerable  energy  of  the  Romans ;  and 
they  were  henceforth  looked  on  with  deep  interest  by  the 
Greeks  and  Asiatics,  who  had,  for  a  number  of  years,  seen 
and  dreaded  the  military  skill,  power,  enterprise,  and  ambition 
of  Pyrrhus. 

The  greatness  of  the  E^ptian  monarch  was  known  to  the 
Romans,  and  they  hailed,  with  strong  expressions  of  satisfac- 
tion, the  arrival  of  ambassadors  from  him  to  their  senate,  b.  c. 
274,  to  desire  their  friendship.  He  had  probably  been 
induced  to  send  an  embassage  to  the  Romans,  rather  to  pro- 
claim his  magnificence  than  from  any  solicitude  to  propitiate 
their  favour.  Though  he  admired  their  heroic  deeds,  yet, 
considering  the  remoteness  of  their  position  in  relation  to  the 
principal  part  of  his  dominions,  it  is  not  likely  that  he  enter- 
tained any  uneasy  apprehension  of  danger  from  their  grow- 
ing power.  In  the  following  year  he  enjoyed  the  gratifica- 
tion of  an  embassy  from  Rome,  composed  of  four  of  its  most 
eminent  citizens.  While  he  conferred  on  them  the  most  dis- 
tinguished favours  and  honours,  they  manifested  the  greatest 
disinterestedness  of  conduct,  and  the  highest  respect  for  him, 
which  produced  an  apparently  sincere  and  cordial  union  of 
esteem  and  confidence  between  the  court  of  Egypt  and  the 
Roman  senate. 

Ptolemy's  peace  and  glory  were  at  once  endangered  by  an 
unexpected  revolt  in  Lybia  and  Cyrenaica.  He  had  com- 
mitted the  government  of  these  important  provinces  to  Megas, 
one  of  his  brothers  by  the  same  mother.  This  brother  pos- 
sessed the  talents,  and  was  animated  by  the  ambition  of  his 
family.  By  his  wisdom,  courage,  and  prudence,  he  secured 
the  affections  of  the  inhabitants  ;  and  confirmed  and  strength- 
ened his  power,  by  obtaining  in  marriage  Apamea,  a  daugh- 
ter of  Antiochus  Soter,  king  of  Syria.  Prosperity  inflated  his 
mind  ;  and  he  not  only  proclaimed  himself  Independent 
sovereign  of  the  region  which  he  governed,  but  prepared,  b.  c. 
265,  to  dethrone  his  generous  brother.  On  his  march  towards 
Egypt,  with  a  great  army,  tidings  reached  him  of  a  revok  in 
Lybia,  which  compelled  him  to  retreat.  The  king  of  Egypt 
was  prevented  from  pursuing Jiim,  by  a  detection  of  a  con- 
spiracy formed  against  him  by  several  thousand  Gauls,  whom 
he  had  admitted  into  his  army,  and  who  had  rashly  resolved 
to  seize  the  kingdom.  These  he  caused  to  be  sent  to  an 
island  in  the  Nile,  and  shut  up  till  they  all  perished  by  famine. 
Megas  no  sooner  restored  his  provinces  to  peace,  than  he 


• 


f 


ttmON   OF    PTOLEMY    PHlLADELPinj8.  iS^' 

fdi'rrted  an  alliance  with  his  father-in-law,  by  which  they  pro 
posed  to  invade  Egypt  at  both  its  extremities.  Ptolemy  anti- 
cipated their  plans,  and  frustrated  their  purpose ;  and,  a  few 
years  later,  he  agreed  to  a  treaty  of  peace  with  his  brother,  in 
which  the  latter  gave  his  eldest  daughter  in  marriage  to  the 
eldest  son  of  Ptolemy,  with  Lybia  and  Cyrenaica  for  her 
dowry.  Before  the  marriage  was  consummated  Megas  died, 
and  his  wife  sought  an  asylum  with  her  brother,  Antiochus 
Theos,  who  had  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  Syria.  She  had 
been  disappointed  in  her  schemes  to  secure  to  herself  the  do- 
minions of  her  husband,  by  the  murder  of  the  Grecian  whom 
she  purposel  to  marry.  Bernice,  her  daughter,  who  had 
been  guilty  of  this  deed,  having  been  actually  married  to  the 
heir  of  Egypt,  she,  to  be  revenged  on  her,  stirred  up  her  bro- 
ther to  attempt  the  conquest  of  that  kingdom. 

The  war  which  followed  between  Egypt  and  Syria,  lasted 
several  years  ;  but  was  at  last  terminated  by  a  peace,  the 
terms  of  which  were  that  Antiochus  should  divorce  his  wife 
and  marry  Bernice,  a  daughter  of  Ptolemy, — disinherit  the 
children  by  the  former,  and  settle  the  crown  on  the  children 
of  the  latter.  This  plan  of  Ptolemy  to  aggrandize  his  dy- 
nasty, appeared,  probably  to  him,  consummately  adapted  to 
re-establish,  almost  to  its  entire  extent,  the  unity  of  the  Gre- 
cian empire,  which  was  completely  opposed  to  the  revealed 
purpose^s  of  God.  That  it  was  contemplated  with  no  com- 
mon satisfiction  by  those  with  whom  it  originated,  their  con- 
duct showed.  The  monarchs  met  in  Seleucia,  the  noble  city 
recently  built  near  the  mouth  of  the  Syrian  river  Orontes. 
The  marriage  was  solemnized  with  great  magnificence. 
Ptolemy,  intensely  solicitous  for  the  heaUh  of  his  daughter, 
exalted  to  be  queen  of  Syria,  resolved  that  she  should  drink 
no  water  except  that  of  the  Nile,  which  he  deemed  essential 
to  prevent  disease  ;  and  he  therefore  decreed  to  transmit  to 
her  regular  supplies. 

The  exuhation  of  these  princes  was  transitory.  Their 
policy  was  confounded ;  Heaven  frowned  ;  and  their  coun- 
sels were  given  to  the  winds,  and  brought  great  calamity  on 
both  their  kingdoms.  This  act  of  theirs,  foreseen  by  the' Om- 
niscient, formed  a  prominent  part  of  Daniel's  prophetic  vision 
ol  the  Grecian  empire.  The  history  of  each  of  the  four 
kingdoms  into  which  it  was  divided,  on  the  death  of  the  first 
generation,  was  not  beheld  or  pourtrayed  by  the  prophet; 
that  of  Egfvpt  and  Svria  alone  was  interesting  to  the  wor- 
shippers of  the  True  God,  for  they  were  not  to  be  particularly 


» 


184  REIGN   OF   PTOLEMY   PHILADELPHU8. 

favoured  or  persecuted  by  the  rulers  of  the  other  two. 
Egypt  lay  south  of  Judea,  and  Syria  north  ;  and  hence  the 
former  is  denominated  by  Daniel  the  king  of  the  Soulh^  and 
the  latter  the  king  of  the  Nortk.  King  is  put  for  kingdom ; 
and  the  treaty  of  peace  and  marriage,  with  the  results,  are 
strikingly  described.  After  presenting  to  view  the  conquest 
of  Alexander,  and  the  transference  of  his  empire  to  those 
who  belonged  not  to  his  race,  the  prophet  proceeds : — "  And 
the  king  of  the  south  shall  be  strong,  and  one  of  his  (the  con- 
queror's) princes;  and,  or  even,  he  shall  be  strong  above  him, 
and  have  dominion  ;  his  dominion  shall  be  a  great  dominion. 
And  in  the  end  of  years  they  shall  join  themselves  together ; 
for  the  king  s  daughter  of  the  south  shall  come  to  the  king  of 
the  north  to  make  an  agreement :  but  she  shall  not  retain  the 
power  of  the  arm ;  neither  shall  he  stand,  nor  his  arm ;  but 
she  shall  be  given  up,  and  they  that  brought  her,  and  he  that 
begat  her,  and  he  that  strengthened  her  in  these  times."  Dan. 
xi.  5,  6.  That  the  Egyptian  power  was  strong,  the  history 
of  the  dynasty  of  Ptolemy  amply  proves ;  but  it  was  much 
exceeded  by  S3'^ria  under  Seleucus  and  his  race,  whether  we 
consider  the  extent  of  their  dominions,  or  the  warlike  char- 
acter of  several  of  its  kings,  the  principal  actions  of  whom 
will  have  to  pass  under  our  review.  Seleucus,  before  his 
death,  ruled  over  the  East  from  Mount  Taurus  to  the  river 
Indus,  several  provinces  of  Asia  ]Vlinor,  Thrace,  and  Mace- 
don.  The  alliance  by  marriage  of  the  royal  families  of 
Egypt  and  Syria,  was  speedily  dissolved.  Ptolemy  survived 
it  only  about  two  years.  This  event  was  no  sooner  known 
to  Antiochus  than  he  deserted  Bernice,  and  restored  Laodice 
his  first  wife  to  her  place:  and  she,  aware  of  the  changeable- 
ness  of  his  disposition,  secretly  poisoned  him,  and  put  Ber- 
nice and  her  infant  son  to  death,  to  secure  the  throne  to  her 
own  eldest  son,  known  in  history  by  the  name  of  Seleucus 
Callinicus.  This  barbarous  treatment  of  the  princess  of 
Egypt  was  deeply  resented  by  her  brother,  Ptolemy  Everge- 
tes,  who  had  ascended  his  father's  throne.  Thus  the  an- 
nouncement of  Daniel  was  minutely  verified,  and  we  may 
well  adopt  the  reflection  of  Rollin  on  this  fact :  "  I  cannot 
but  recognise'  in  this  place,  with  admiration,  the  divinity  so 
visible  in  the  scriptures,  which  have  related,  in  so  particular 
a  manner,  a  variety  of  singular  and  extraordinary  facts,  above 
three  hundred  years  before  they  were  transacted.  While  an 
immense  chain  of  events  extends  from  the  prophecy  to  the 
time  of  its  accomplishment,  by  the  breaking  of  any  single 


# 


#= 


REIGN    OF    PTOLEMY   PHILADELPHUS.  185 

link  the  whole  would  be  disconnected !  With  respect  to  the 
marriage  alone,  what  hand  but  that  of  the  Almighty  could 
have  conducted  so  many  different  views,  intrigues,  and  pas- 
sions to  the  same  point?  What  knowledge  but  this  could, 
with  so  much  certainty,  have  foreseen  such  a  number  of  dis- 
tinct circumstances,  subject  not  only  to  the  freedom  of  will, 
but  even  to  the  irregular  impressions  of  caprice?  And 
what  man  but  must  adore  that  sovereign  power  which  God 
exercises  in  a  certain  secret  manner,  over  kings  and  princes, 
whose  very  crimes  he  renders  subservient  to  the  execution  of 
his  secret  will,  and  the  accomplishment  of  his  eternal  decrees ; 
in  which  all  events,  both  general  and  particular,  have  their 
appointed  time  and  place  fixed  beyond  the  possibility  of  fail- 
ing, even  those  which  depend  the  most  on  the  choice  and 
liberty  of  mankind  ?" 


16« 


T 


Ui 


CHAPTER  nil. 


THE  SYRIAN  KINGS  CONTEMPORARY  WITH  PTOLEMY 
80TER  AND  PHILADELPHUS. 


Antiochus,  father  of  Seleucus,  was  one  of  Alexander's 
chief  captains ;  and  the  son  is  represented  in  history  as  supe- 
rior to  them  all  in  the  talents  and  acquirements  of  an  accom- 
plished warrior.  He  was,  however,  not  less  ambitious  to 
excel  in  the  arts  of  peace  than  those  of  war.  His  subjects 
esteemed  him  on  account  of  the  leniency,  justice,  and  equity 
of  his  administration  ;  and  all  admired  the  wisdom  displayed 
in  the  numerous  plans  and  the  persevering  efforts  by  which 
he  studied  to  enrich  and  exalt  his  extensive  kingdom. 

Immediately  after  he  and  his  three  allies  had  finally  di- 
vided among  them  the  empire,  he  proceeded  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  fine  provinces  of  Syria,  which  constituted  one  of 
the  most  valuable  portions  of  the  division  assigned  him.  He 
selected  a  fertile,  spot  for  the  site  of  a  city,  which  he  purposed 
to  make  the  capital  of  his  dominions  in  the  East.  This  city 
he  named  Antioch,  to  testify  his  respect  for  his  father,  or  son. 
It  was  erected  on  the  banks  of  the  Orontes,  the  modern 
El-Aasi,  the  principal  river  of  Syria,  about  twenty  miles  from 
its  junction  with  the  ocean.  The  river  was  anciently  naviga- 
ble, the  city  greater  and  richer  than  Rome,  and,  for  many 
ages,  not  equalled  by  any  oriental  city.  It  has  often  sufTerea 
from  earthquakes,  and  was  completely  ruined  by  the  Mame- 
lukes in  1269.  Its  remains  form  a  poor  town,  remarkable 
chiefly  for  its  numerous  gardens.  Five  miles  from  the 
ocean,  Seleucus  built  a  city  called  by  his  own  name ;  and 
higher  up  than  Antioch,  he  raised  the  well-known  city 
named  from  his  wife  Apamea.  He  gave  it  is  said,  the  name 
of  Antioch  to  a  number  of  the  cities  which  he  built  in  Asia 
Minor.  He  settled  Jews  in  all  these  cities,  conferring  on 
them  the  same  immunities  and  privileges  which  were  enjoyed 
by  his  own  countrymen,  the  Macedonians,  his  most  favoured 


# 


REIGNS   OP   THE   SYRIAN   KINGS,   &.C.  fW 

subjects.  He  may  in  this  have  imitated  the  policy  of  his 
contemporary  kings  of  Egypt ;  or,  as  some  think,  he  may 
have  thus  rewarded  the  Jews  for  their  services,  in  advancing 
his  interests  in  the  East,  when  he  had  to  contend  for  his  ex- 
istence against  Antigonus  and  Demetrius.  But  whatever 
motive  actuated  him  or  other  princes  in  their  generous  con- 
duct to  the  Jews,  the  fact  demonstrates  that  the  dominion  of 
idolatry  was  no  longer  absolute  and  exclusive  in  the  empire ; 
the  true  religion  was  allowed  to  lift  up  its  voice  in  the  East 
and  the  West.  Moses,  in  innumerable  synagogues,  loudly 
called  on  all  men,  every  Sabbath,  to  turn  from  dumb  idols 
and  serve  the  living  Grod,  that  they  might  escape  the  just  ven- 
geance of  Heaven. 

In  the  first  efforts  to  attain  independence,  Seleucus,  with  a 
view  to  destroy  Eumenes  and  his  army,  when  that  general 
sought  to  compel  him  to  support  the  rojral  cause,  cut  the 
sluices  of  the  Euphrates,  and  laid  the  whole  adjacent  plain 
under  water.  This  at  once  rendered  the  district  of  Babylon 
unfit  to  be  inhabited,  and  the  river  which  passed  through  the 
city  became  unnavigable.  These  circumstances  probabJy  in- 
duced Seleucus  to  construct  the  celebrated  city  Seleucia,  on  the 
western  bank  of  the  Tigris,  nearly  opposite  the  present  Bag- 
dad, about  forty  miles  from  Babylon.  The  inhabitants  of 
the  latter  soon  deserted  it,  and  peopled  the  new  city ;  and 
from  this  time  may  be  dated  the  complete  fulfilment  of  the 
prophetic  word,  which  announced  that  Babylon  should  be 
made  a  desert.  Its  walls  remained  some  time  for  the  protec- 
tion of  the  wild  beasts,  hunted  by  the  Parthian  kings.  These 
have  long  since  disappeared :  and  nothing  is  visible  to  travel- 
lers, except  vast  mounds  or  extensive  marshes,  to  indicate  the 
site  of  the  queen  of  the  nations ;  see  Babylon^  in  the  Pocket 
Biblical  Dictionary.  Seleucia  soon  rose  to  be  one  of  the  first 
cities  of  the  East,  and  was  the  occasional  residence  of  Seleu- 
cus and  his  successors. 

He  survived  Ptolemy  Soter  more  than  four  years ;  and 
though  he  was  at  that  time  above  seventy  years  of  age,  yet 
his  thirst  for  empire  was  not  allayed,  nor  his  military  prowess 
weakened.  And  perhaps  all  his  experience  and  observation 
had  failed  to  convince  him  that  he  possessed  neither  talents 
nor  power  to  reduce  under  him  all  the  kingdoms  conquered 
by  Alexander. 

Circumstances  flattered  his  boundless  ambition.  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  was  not  a  warlike  prince.  Of  all  the  great 
Captains  of  Alexander,  besides  himself,  Lysimachus  alone 


«= 


188  SYRIAN   KINGS    CONTEMPORARY   WITH 

survived,  and  he  had  lost  his  popnlarity.  His  celebrated  son 
was  esteemed  by  all  ranks.  He  had  been  persuaded  by  his 
youngest  wife  that  the  prince  had  formed  a  conspiracy  against 
him.  Without  proof  he  caused  him  to  be  imprisoned  and 
put  to  death.  The  principal  officers  of  his  court,  struck  with 
horror,  abandoned  him,  and,  accompanied  by  the  prince's 
widow,  a  daughter  of  Ptolemy  Soter,  his  brother,  and  her 
own  brother,  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  went  to  the  court  of  Seleucus 
to  implore  his  assistance  to  dethrone  their  sovereign,  and 
place  the  son  on  his  throne.  He  received  them  courteously, 
especially  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  the  eldest  son  of  Ptolemy,  who 
had  fled  to  Lysimachus  when  his  father  had  placed  his 
younger  brother  on  the  throne  of  Egypt;  and  he  pledged 
himself  to  raise  him  to  the  throne  of  which  he  was  the  legiti- 
mate heir. 

Having  prepared  for  war,  before  he  led  his  army  against 
Lysimachus,  Seleucus  placed  his  son  Antiochus  over  all  his 
provinces  lying  east  of  the  Euphrates.  His  march  through 
Asia  Minor  was  triumphant;  the  inhabitants  every  where 
submitted  to  him,  and  he  obtained,  in  Sardis,  all  the  treasures 
of  the  enemy.  The  contending  armies  met  in  Phrygia,  and 
in  the  battle  which  immediately  followed,  Lysimachus  was 
slain  and  his  army  defeated.  The  acquisition  of  his  king- 
dom scarcely  gave  more  pleasure  to  Seleucus  than  the  fact 
that  he  alone  survived  all  of  the  captains  of  Alexander,  and  had 
conquered  the  last  of  the  conquerors.  This  induced  him  to 
assume  the  title  Nicator,  or  conqueror,  by  which  he  is  distin- 
guished in  history.  Several  months  after  the  victory,  instead 
of  proceeding  to  Egypt,  he  set  out  for  Macedon,  avowing  his 
intention  to  spend  his  last  days  in  this,  his  native  country. 
This  appears  to  have  provoked  the  wrath  of  Ptolemy  Cer- 
aunus, who  saw  his  interests  wholly  neglected,  or  left  to  the 
will  of  Antiochus.  Unmoved  by  the  kindness  which  he  ex- 
perienced from  Seleucus,  he  indulged  only  the  spirit  of  re- 
venge, assassinated  his  benefactor,  and,  by  the  aid  of  the  sol- 
diers of  Lysimachus,  who  regarded  him  as  the  avenger  of 
their  sovereign's  death,  he  took  possession  of  Macedon.  His 
sister,  who  had  deserted  Lysimachus,  had  two  sons.  Con- 
sidering himself  in  danger  of  losing  the  kingdom  while  they 
lived,  he  persuaded  her  after  the  manner  of  the  Persians,  to 
marry  him  ;  and  having  thus  deceived  them,  he  speedily  put 
them  to  death.  But  Divine  vengeance  suffered  him  riot  to 
live.  He  led  an  army  against  the  Gauls,  who  had  recently 
invaded  the  adjoining  countries.     A  desperate  battle  tenni- 


#  —  » 


PtOLEMY   SOTER   AND   PHILADELPHUS.  189 

nated  in  the  total  defeat  of  his  amiy ;  and,  covered  with 
wounds,  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  barbarians,  and  was  ig- 
nominiously  slain. 

In  these  events,  we  conceive,  may  be  recognised  the 
benevolence  as  well  as  justice  of  the  supreme  administra- 
tion of  the  Almighty.  Thus,  had  Seleucus  lived  much 
longer,  nothing  seemed  to  prevent  his  acquiring  the  en- 
tire ascendancy  in  the  Grecian  empire,  except  the  power  of 
Egypt.  The  few  other  provinces,  which  acknowledged  not 
his  government,  were  not  in  a  state  to  oppose  him,  with  any 
prospect  of  success.  And  the  reigning  king  of  Egypt  was 
far  his  inferior  as  a  warrior,  and  must  have  found  it  difficult, 
if  not  impossible,  to  raise  an  army  capable  of  defending  his 
kingdom.  Now,  had  the  empire  been  subject  to  the  succes- 
sors of  Seleucus,  the  result  might  have  proved  most  injurious 
to  the  interests  of  the  true  religion.  Some  idea  may  be 
formed  of  this  from  the  conduct  of  his  descendant,  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  who,  we  shall  see,  would  have,  had  his  power 
equalled  his  purpose  and  efforts,  utterly  destroyed  every  wor- 
shipper of  the  True  God. 

But  supposing  Seleucus  had  only  deprived  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  of  the  throne,  and  rendered  his  unprincipled 
brother  the  independent  sovereign  of  Egypt,  the  consequence 
of  such  an  event  must  have  been  deplorable  to  that  kingdom 
and  the  world.  The  invaluable  benefits  which  multitudes,  in 
many  kingdoms,  owed  to  the  wise  and  just  government  of  the 
former  prince,  had  not  been  enjoyed  ;  but,  instead  of  them, 
Egypt  and  the  adjacent  nations  would  have  most  probably 
witnessed  a  reign  of  crime,  cruelty,  oppression,  and  misery. 

A  calamity  more  dreadful  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  empire, 
if  not  to  the  human  race,  than  any  which  had  happened  for 
ages,  was  finally  averted  by  Antiochus,  the  son  and  heir  of 
Seleucus.  We  allude  to  his  Imal  overthrow  of  the  Gauls  or 
Cehs,  on  which  account  he  acquired  the  title  of  Soter^  the  De- 
liverer or  Saviour.  This  race  of  barbaiians  had  been  known 
and  feared  in  Italy  several  years  before  they  appeared  in 
Greece  and  Asia.  More  than  a  century  earlier  they  had  laid 
Rome  in  ruins, — spread  over  France,  to  which  they  anciently 
gave  the  name  of  Gaul, — seized  the  western  coasts  and  cen- 
tral regions  of  Spain,  and  passed  over  to  Britain.  An  im- 
mense multitude  navigated  along  the  Danube,  till  they  ar- 
rived at  the  outlet  of  the  Save,  where  they  formed  themselves 
into  three  bodies.*  The  first  passed  into  Pannonia,  the  mo- 
dern   Hungary;    the  second,   led    by  Cerethrius,  entered 


i 


190  SYRIAN  KINGS   CONTEMPORARY   WITH 

Thrace ;  and  the  third,  under  Belgius,  invaded  Illyrium  and 
Macedon.  The  nations  exposed  to  their  ravages  hasted  to 
pacify  them  with  money.  Their  success  only  encouraged 
others  of  their  barbarous  races  to  follow  them,  particularly 
those  who  had  first  gone  to  Hungary,  Their  entrance  into 
Greece  was  rendered  memorable  by  their  attempting  to  take 
possession  of  the  immense  riches  of  the  famous  temple  of 
Apollo  at  Delphi.  In  this,  were  history  to  be  always  cred- 
ited, they  were  disappointed  by  a  sudden  and  dreadful  earth- 
quake, by  which  many  were  killed ;  and  the  survivors,  panic- 
struck,  during  the  night,  mistaking  friends  for  enemies,  de- 
stroyed one  another,  so  that,  on  the  approach  of  day,  not  more 
than  one-half  of  the  army  were  alive.  The  Greeks  who  had 
assembled  to  oppose  them,  encouraged  by  this  unexpected 
event,  which  they  deemed  an  interposition  of  the  gods  to  pro- 
tect their  temple,  charged  them  with  great  impetuosity,  slew 
vast  numbers,  and  compelled  the  rest  to  retreat.  One  division 
passed  the  Bosphorus,  and  the  other  the  Hellespont,  and  both 
met  in  Asia,  and  joined  the  forces  of  Nicomedes,  king  of 
Bithynia,  who  assigned  to  them  the  district  afterwards  named 
from  them  Gallo-Grecia  or  Galatia.  To  their  descendants, 
whom  Paul  converted,  was  one  of  his  Epistles  sent ;  and 
Jerom,  several  hundred  years  later,  states  that  they  continued 
to  speak  their  native  language.  Though  their  power  was 
broken,  they  long  persevered  in  their  marauding  habits. 
This  provoked  Antiochus  to  fall  upon  them,  and  in  a  fierce 
contest,  he  defeated  them  with  great  slaughter,  and  delivered 
his  Asiatic  dominions  from  a  daily  dreaded  enemy. 

From  this  time  the  Celts  became  the  mercenary  troops  of 
any  power  that  chose  to  pay  them  most  liberally  ;  but  so  con- 
scious were  they  of  their  strength,  that  they  ceased  not  for  a 
long  period  to  aspire  to  extensive  dominion.  Thus,  after  the 
great  battle  between  Seleucus  Callinicus  and  his  brother  An- 
tiochus, the  later  only  saved  his  life  by  bestowing  all  his 
treasures  on  the  Gauls  in  his  army,  who  on  the  report 
of  his  brother  being  slain,  conspired  to  kill  him,  and  seize 
the  whole  of  Asia  Minor.  At  another  period  he  found 
their  services  so  important,  that,  to  procure  it,  he  acknow- 
ledged them  independent,  and  treated  with  them  as  allies 
and  not  subjects.  It  is  hence  evident  that  the  Greeks  were 
exposed  to  great  risk  of  being  deprived  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  empire  by  the  Celts.  And  had  this  actually  happened, 
the  Greeks  and  Asiatics  had  most  probably  been  thrown  back 
into  that  frightful  state  of  ignorance,  superstition,  and  bar 


I 


T 


PTOLBMY  80TBR   AND    PHILADBLPinrS.  191 

barity,  from  which  they  had  been  emerging  for  at  least  two 
or  three  centuries.  Nor  would  their  improvement  alone  have 
been  arrested ;  for  their  degradation  would  have  deeply  af- 
fected the  Romans,  who,  it  is  well  known,  owed  their  progress 
in  civilization  to  their  connexion  with  the  Greeks.  One  may 
form  some  idea  of  the  tremendous  evils  inflicted  immediately 
and  generally  on  a  comparatively  civilized  people,  by  falling 
under  the  dominion  of  a  savage  race,  by  contemplating  the 
melancholy  state  to  which  Europe  was  reduced  in  future 
ages,  when  overrun  by  numerous  hordes  of  barbarians.  A 
similar  change  would  doubtless  have  passed  on  the  Grecian 
empire,  had  the  Celts  acquired  the  possession  of  it.  And  how 
unspeakably  less  qualified  then  would  its  inhabitants  have 
been  than  they  actually  were,  to  investigate  the  claims  of 
Christianity,  when  these  were  laid  before  them  by  the  holy 
apostles  of  Christ? 

Antiochus  Soter,  on  the  death  of  his  father,  b.  c.  280,  suc- 
ceeded him  on  the  throne  of  Syria.  His  reign  was  neither 
prosperous  nor  happy.  He  lost  Macedon,  and  failed  in  his  at- 
tempt to  conquer  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus.  On  returning 
to  Antioch,  after  a  signal  defeat  near  Sardis,  he  put  one  of  his 
sons  to  death,  who  had  raised  a  commotion  in  his  absence, 
and  proclaimed  the  other  king,  who  is  called  in  history  Anti- 
ochus Theos.  On  the  death  of  his  father,  he  ascended  the 
throne,  b.  c.  260.  He  owed  his  lofty  title  to  the  contemptible 
and  vile  flattery  of  the  citizens  of  Miletus,  whom  he  had  de<- 
livered  from  the  tyranny  of  Timarchus,  who,  not  satisfied  to 
govern  Caria,  in  the  name  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  its  sovereign, 
had  assumed  independence,  and  chose  Miletus  for  his  capital. 

History  details  not  the  events  of  the  war  which  Antiochus 
Theos  carried  on  with  Egypt  several  years,  and  which  was 
concluded  by  a  royal  marriage,  as  we  have  noticed  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter.  We  shall  have  to  attend  to  the  unhappy  con- 
sequence of  that  marriage  in  the  following  chapter.  But  we 
must  not  pass  over  here  the  immediate  disastrous  effect  of  the 
war  which  had  prevailed  before  it.  For  the  intense  desire 
of  Antiochus  to  injure  Egypt  prevented  him  from  guarding 
with  suflicient  care,  his  distant  dominions  in  the  East.  Theo- 
dotus,  his  governor  of  Bactria,  revolted  and  established  him- 
self an  independent  sovereign  of  this  fine  region,  said  to  con- 
tain a  thousand  cities.  Other  nations  beyond  the  Euphrates 
renounced  the  Syrian  yoke.  Perhaps,  however,  no  event  in 
the  history  of  the  dynasty  of  the  Seleucidae  had  a  more  inte- 
resting and  extensive  influence  on  the  human  rii«e  than  the 


192  SYRIAN   KINGS   CONTEMPORARY   WITH 

revolt  of  Parthia.  The  governor,  Agathocles  or  Phereclea, 
was  one  of  the  most  depraved  of  men.  Having  utterly  cor- 
rupted and  degraded  an  amiable  and  fascinating  young  man, 
his  brother  Arsaces  assassinated  the  impure  monster,  and 
placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  general  insurrection,  which, 
under  his  able  direction,  laid  the  solid  and  enduring  founda- 
tion of  what  was  denominated  the  Parthian  empire,  which 
proved  an  impenetrable  barrier  to  the  Roman  power. 

Parthia  proper  and  Hyrcania  correspond,  it  is  supposed,  to 
the  modern  Persian  province  of  Khorasan,  which  borders  on 
Tartary.  Though  not  generally  a  rich  soil,  yet  this  region 
contains  some  of  the  finest  districts  of  Persia,  and  is  cele- 
brated, as  in  ancient  times,  for  its  fine  and  numerous  race  of 
horses.  Some  think  that  the  Parthians  were  part  of  the  Scy- 
thians. It  is  more  certain  that  they  were  a  bold  and  warlike 
people,  and  deemed  the  most  accomplished  horsemen  and 
archers.  Their  dexterity  in  discharging  their  arrows  against 
an  enemy  from  whom  they  seemed  to  be  retreating,  enabled 
them  to  gain,  unexpectedly,  many  victories.  Their  food  was 
poor,  but  they  were  intemperate  in  drinking,  licentious  in  ha- 
bits, and  plundering  and  war  were  their  principal  pursuits. 
Their  religious  worship  resembled  that  of  Persia ;  but,  like 
the  northern  nation  of  Europe,  they  persuaded  themselves 
that  all  who  fell  in  battle  enjoyed  eternal  felicity.  .Parthia, 
from  its  poverty  and  barbarous  customs,  was  not  much  valued 
by  the  Grecian  conqueror.  From  the  time,  however,  that 
Arsaces  made  his  countrymen  independent,  they  rapidly  ex- 
tended their  dominion  over  all  the  neighbouring  provinces, 
except  Bactria,  which  the  Greeks  long  held,  although  at  last 
subdued  by  the  combined  powers  of  the  Parthians  and  Scy- 
thians. Arsaces  was  admired  by  his  subjects,  and  every  one 
of  his  successors  adopted  his  name,  and  assumed  the  dignity 
and  grandeur  of  the  most  haughty  and  luxurious  oriental 
monarchs.  The  Syrian  kings  laboured  in  vain  to  reduce 
Parthia ;  and  were  frequently  in  danger  of  falling  wholly 
under  its  dominion,  which,  for  a  considerable  time  embraced 
all  the  countries  which  lay  between  the  Euphrates  and  In- 
dus. The  Romans  put  forth  their  dreadful  might  to  conquer 
the  Parthians,  and  for  the  first  time  were  compelled  to  bring 
under  restraint  their  boundless  ambition,  and  to  permit  their 
enemies  to  fix  the  limits  of  their  vast  empire  in  the  East. 

Can  any  enlightened  or  human  mind  contemplate  these 
events,  without  regret  and  sorrow?  Incalculable  was  the 
misery  which  they  immediately  inflicted  on  mankind ;  and 


# 


1 


PTOLEMT   80TER   AND   PHILADELFHn&  193 

their  triumph  was  scarcely  less  to  he  deplored.  It  is  impos- 
sible to  reflect  on  the  natural  influence  of  either  the  ascen- 
dancy of  Greece  or  Rome,  and  not  conclude  that,  on  the 
whole,  it  was  most  salutary.  The  government  of  both  was, 
indeed,  despotic  and  oppressive,  and  the  multitude  were  often 
subjected  to  many  and  great  sufferings  ;  but  the  mental  condi- 
tion of  all  ranks  was  ameliorated  ;  and  not  a  few  were  taught 
to  aspire  to  a  life  far  superior  to  that  known  among  the  nations, 
who  remained  ignorant  of  their  knowledge,  of  science,  philo- 
sophy, and  the  arts  of  refinement,  and  of  common  life.  Man, 
under  the  atmosphere  of  Greece  or  Rome,  approached,  at  least, 
a  rational  life  ;  while  in  the  regions  beyond  them,  superstition 
and  sensuality  generally  reduced  him  nearly  to  a  level  with 
the  inferior  animals.  Happily  he  cannot  sink  into  a  state  of 
wretchedness  from  which  true  religion  cannot  rescue  and  ele- 
vate him.  But  how  much  greater  difficulties  had  it  to  sur- 
mount to  find  an  entrance  into  those  countries,  where  every 
one  confessing  the  True  God  exposed  himself  to  instant  des- 
truction, compared  to  those  which  generally  existed  in  the 
Roman  empire  till  the  time  when  Christianity  had  completely 
undermined  the  terrific  fabric  of  idolatry !  In  every  city,  vil- 
lage, and  hamlet  of  the  dominions  of  Rome,  any  one  recognised 
to  be  a  Jew,  might  proclaim  the  True  God,  and  Jesus  Christ 
whom  he  had  sent,  and  appeal  for  protection  to  the  law,  which 
tolerated  the  worship  of  the  Jews.  And  hence,  for  a  consid- 
erable time  the  chief  persecutors  of  the  apostles  and  disciples 
of  Christ  were  Jews ;  and  had  not  they  stirred  up  the  devout 
idolaters  to  oppose  the  proclamation  of  the  gospel,  its  advo- 
cates might  have  traversed  the  empire  and  fulfilled  their  mis- 
sion in  comparative  safety. 


VOL.   L  17 


S^l  t^-ivmjctnt.  <  -ifiMft  fimstn  i 


I 


CHAPTER   IIV. 

REIGN  OF  PTOLEMY  EUERGETES. 


The  third  kin^  of  Egypt  was  worthy  of  the  throne  of  hia 
father  and  grandfather.  He  inherited  their  talents,  and  imi- 
tated their  excellencies.  Educated  by  the  celebrated  philoso- 
pher, Aristarchus,  he  had  early  enriched  his  mind  with  the 
stores  of  literature,  and  cultivated  a  taste  for  all  the  arts  which 
are  the  ornament  of  a  nation,  and  acquired  fame  by  some  his- 
torical works  During  his  reign,  he  encouraged  the  learned 
to  resort  to  his  court,  highly  valued  their  society,  and  hon- 
oured and  rewarded  them  in  their  intellectual  pursuits. 
He  enlarged  the  Alexandrian  library,  and  procured  many 
volumes  at  an  immense  expense.  He  prosecuted  with  ardour 
every  scheme  which  appeared  calculated  to  aggrandise  his 
kingdom,  or  advance  and  extend  its  commerce.  In  order  to  this, 
one  of  his  principal  cares  was  to  obtain  the  sovereignty  of  the 
countries  on  the  southern  extremities  of  Egypt ;  and  he  suc- 
ceeded in  establishing  his  power  over  the  entire  coasts  of  the 
Red  Sea,  to  the  Straits  of  Babelmandel,  by  which  his  fleets 
had  free  communication  with  the  Southern  Ocean. 

The  first  great  object  of  his  reign  was  to  revenge  the  insult 
offered  his  sister  Bernice  by  Laodice,  who  sought  her  life  and 
that  of  her  infant  son.  Bernice,  on  the  death  of  Antiochus 
Theos,  fled  to  Daphne,  and  Sought  an  asylum  in  the  temple 
of  Apollo.  The  sacredness  of  the  place  was  no  protection 
from  the  jealousy  and  wrath  of  her  rival.  The  mother  and 
child  were. murdered  before  Ptolemy  could,  notwithstanding 
of  the  utmost  diligence,  lead  his  army  to  Antioch.  The  fail- 
ure of  saving  his  beloved  sister  inflamed  his  resentment,  and 
he  speedily  inflicted  dreadful  punishment  on  her  murderer. 
The  unnatural  and  bloody  deeds  of  Laodice.  countenanced  by 
her  son  Seleucus  Callinicus,  whom  she  raised  to  the  throne, 
alienated  from  them  the  hearts  of  the  people.     They,  conse- 


SEION  or   PTOLEMY   EUERGETBS. 


^tfe 


^jUently,  were  unable  to  command  an  army  capable  of  contend- 
ing with  the  formidable  power  of  Ptolemy,  who  had  collected 
under  him  an  immense  number  of  troops  from  Egypt  and 
Asia  Minor.  He  seized  Laodice,  and  put  her  to  death,  but 
the  young  king  escaped,  with  the  loss  of  a  great  part  of  his 
dominions ;  for  Ptolemy  soon  "  made  himself  master  of  all 
Syria  and  Cilicia,  after  which  he  passed  the  Euphrates,  and 
conquered  all  the  country  as  far  as  Babylon  and  the  Tigris: 
and  if  the  progress  of  his  arms  had  not  been  interrupted  by  a 
sedition  which  obliged  him  to  return  to  Egypt,  he  would  cer- 
tainly have  subdued  all  the  provinces  of  the  Syrian  empire. 
He,  however,  left  Antiochus,  one  of  his  generals,  to  govern 
the  provinces  he  had  gained  on  this  side  of  mount  Taurus: 
and  Xantippus  was  entrusted  with  those  that  lay  beyond  k. 
Ptolemy  then  marched  back  into  Egypt,  loaded  with  the 
spoils  he  had  acquired  by  his  conquests.  This  prince  carried 
off  forty  thousand  talents  of  silver,  with  a  prodigious  quantity 
of  gold  and  silver  vessels,  and  two  thousand  five  hundred 
statues,  part  of  which  were  those  Egyptian  idols  that  Cam- 
byses,  after  his  conquest  of  this  kingdom,  had  sent  into  Persia. 
Ptolemy  gained  the  hearts  of  his  subjects  by  replacing  those 
idols  in  their  ancient  temples,  when  he  returned  from  this  ex- 
pedition ;  for  the  Egyptians,  who  were  more  devoted  to  their 
superstitious  idolatry  than  all  the  rest  of  mankind,  thought 
they  could  not  sufficiently  express  their  veneration  and  grati- 
tude to  a  king,  who  had  restored  their  gods  to  them  in  such 
a  manner.  Ptolemy  derived  from  this  action  the  title  of 
Euergetes^  which  signifies  a  benefactor."  Thus  was  clearly 
and  exactly  accomplished,  as  RoUin  observes,  one  of  the  re- 
markable predictions  of  the  Sacred  Oracles.  Daniel  pou^ 
traying  the  powers  of  Egypt  and  Syria,  remarks  in  chap.  xi. 
7 — 9.  "  But  out  of  a  branch  of  her  root,  (intimating  the  king 
of  the  south,  who  was  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  the  son  of  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus)  shall  one  stand  up  in  his  estate,  which  sTiall 
come  with  an  army,  and  shall  enter  into  a  fortress  of  the 
king  of  the  north,  (Seleucus  Callinicus)  and  shall  deal 
against  them,  and  shall  prevail.  And  shall  also  carry  cap- 
tives into  Egypt,  their  gods,  with  their  princes,  and  with  their 
precious  vessels  of  silver  and  of  gold,  and  he  shall  continue 
.more  years  than  the  king  of  the  north.  So  the  king  of  the 
south  shall  come  into  his  kingdom,  and  shall  return  into  his 
own  land  ;"  namely,  into  that  of  Egypt.  Ptolemy  Euergetes 
survived  Seleucus  Callinicus  several  years. 

The  form  of  religious  worship  which  recommends  itself  to 


I 


196  KEIGN   OF   PTOLEMY   EUERGETES. 

the  judgment  of  all  ranks,  and  especially  of  those  who  aspire 
to  rule  and  influence  the  multitude,  is  not  always  that  which 
they  observe  or  patronise.  Statesmen,  not  unfrequently,  most 
zealously  and  publicly  honour  a  religion  which  in  their 
inmost  thoughts  they  utterly  despise.  They  imagine,  or 
know,  that  it  is  a  most  efficient  instrument  to  augment  and  se- 
cure their  dominion  over  its  votaries ;  and  this  they  deem 
a  sufficient  reason  to  vindicate  them  in  affording  it  liberal 
support,  although  they  perceive  it  wholly  derogative  to  the 
majesty  and  honour  of  the  True  God,  and  unworthy  of  the 
respect  of  a  rational  being.  Thus  human  wisdom  and  policy 
wrought  in  Ptolemy  Euergetes.  He  discovered  much  care 
and  concern  for  the  glory  and  interests  of  the  religion  of  the 
Egyptians,  than  which  mankind  never  invented  or  observed 
a  form  of  superstition  more  mean  and  contemptible.  We  can 
scarcely  doubt  that  he  beheld  it  in  its  proper  light,  and  would 
have  willingly  extirpated  it  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  had  he 
conceived  that  by  such  a  course  he  could  have  maintained  the 
stability  of  his  throne.  That  he,  in  heart,  preferred  the  wor- 
ship of  the  True  God,  may  be  inferred  from  his  proceeding 
to  Jerusalem,  on  his  return  froin  Syria  to  Egypt,  after  his  vic- 
tories over  the  Syrian  king,  to  offer  sacrifices  and  gifts. 
Josephus  informs  us  that  when  Ptolemy  "  had  gotten  posses- 
sion of  all  Syria,  by  force,  he  did  not  offer  his  thank-offerings 
to  the  Egyptian  gods  for  his  victory,  but  came  to  Jerusalem, 
and,  according  to  our  own  law:s,  offered  many  sacrifices 
to  the  Most  High,  and  dedicated  to  him  such  gifts  as  were 
suitable  to  such  a  victory."  Ptolemy  would  not  certainly 
have  acted  in  this  manner,  had  he  not  believed  in  the  revela- 
tion of  the  God  of  Israel.  He  had  no  temptation  to  do  any 
thing  to  conciliate  the  Jews;  for  he  had  nothing  to  dread 
from  their  power,  and  they  were  generally  his  most  faithful 
subjects.  Some  suppose  that  he  gratefully  worshipped  God 
in  consequence  of  bieing  directed  to  the  prediction  by  Daniel 
of  his  triumph  over  Syria.  That  he  had  ample  opportunity 
to  know  the  True  God  from  his  earliest  years,  is  certain. 
And  we  need  not  therefore  seek  any  other  reason  for  his  con- 
duct than  his  persuasion  of  the  supremacy,  and  desire  to  pro- 
pitiate the  favour,  of  the  Almighty,  the  Possessor  of  heaven 
and  earth. 

Few  or  no  conquered  nations  of  ancient,  or,  perhaps,  even 
of  modern  times,  have  had  more  reason  to  yield  a  grateful 
subjection  to  their  conquerors  than  the  Jews  had  to  the  first 
three  kings  of  the  dynasty  of  Ptolemy.     They  followed  the 


#  # 


REIGN  OF  PTOLEMY  EUERGETES  197 

generous  policy  of  Alexander  the  Great,  and  left  Judea  to  be 
ruled  according  to  its  own  original  constitution,  and  ap- 
parently required  no  more  from  the  people  than  a  moderate 
tribute.  We  have,  at  least,  no  record  of  the  kings  of  Egypt 
interfering,  during  this  period,  with  the  internal  affairs  of  the 
Jewish  government.  No  foreign  governor  was  sent  to  direct 
or  control  them.  Their  fidelity  had  been  long  tried,  and  they 
had  proved  themselves  worthy  of  the  confidence  which  their 
superiors  reposed  in  them.  If  the  Jews  were  oppressed, 
it  was  by  their  high-priests,  who  successively,  according  to 
their  descent  from  Aaron,  held  the  office  of  chief  ruler,  and 
were  assisted  in  the  government  by  the  Sanhedrim,  or  chief 
council. 

Jaddua,  who  was  honoured  by  Alexander,  after  ruling  the 
nation  about  twenty-one  years,  died,  and  gave  place  to  his  son, 
called  Onias  I.  As  nothing  is  recorded  dishonourable  to  the 
father  or  son,  it  is  probable  that  they  adhered  to  the  law 
of  Moses,  and  assiduously  endeavoured  to  promote  the  welfare 
of  their  people.  Indeed,  several  incidents  in  the  history 
of  the  Jews,  from  their  return  from  the  captivity  to  their  last 
age,  strongly  indicate  that  the  rulers  in  general  enforced  the 
observance  of  the  letter  of  the  laws.  Thus  we  know  that 
they  allowed  the  land  to  rest  every  seventh  year,  and  even 
superstitiously  interpreted  the  injunction  to  rest  from  secular 
affairs  on  the  Sabbath.  Onias  I.  officiated  about  the  same 
number  of  years  as  his  father.  Dying  302  b.  c.  his  son, 
Simon,  succccJcd  him  in  the  priesthood.  His  excellent 
character,  and  religiously  just  government,  procured  him  the 
honourable  title  of  Just.  A  high-priest  more  than  two  centu- 
ries later  was  also  called  Simon  the  Just.  Some  apply  the 
beautiful  eulogium  of  the  author  of  the  Ecclesiasticus  to  the 
latter  ;  but  it  must  respect  thf  former,  if  the  book  containing 
it  is  as  ancient  as  the  writer  ol  it  in  Greek  asserts  ;  for  he  says 
that  he  found  it  in  Egypt,  when  Ptolemy  Euergetes  was  king. 
The  two  kings  of  this  name  reigned  a  considerable  time 
before  the  second  Simon,  called  the  Just.  Be  this  as  it  may, 
the  son  of  Onias  is  celebrated  for  his  learning  and  piety.  If 
we  believe  tradition,  he  added  certain  names  to  the  genealo- 
gies or  Nehemiah,  and  made  some  slight  corrections  of  the 
Scriptures,  by  which  the  sacred  canon  was  completed.  From 
his  days,  no  Jewish  teacher  presumed  to  revise  or  add  to  the 
inspired  volume  ;  but  every  one  devoted  himself  to  investigate 
its  meaning,  and  expound  it  to  the  people.  The  Rabbins 
consider  him  to  have  been  the  last  of  the  high-priests  who 


19$  REIGN    OF    PTOUBMY    EUJpiQ£T]E:9. 

claimed  the  exclusive  right  to  the  presidency  of  the  Great 
Council.  The  dignity  of  president  of  the  council  passed  from 
him  to  Antigonus  Sochaeus,  an  eminent  Jewish  teacher,  whose 
very  name,  we  think,  indicates  that,  though  a  Jew,  he  or  his 
relations  were  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Greeks.  The  Jew- 
ish teachers  had  now  become,  perhaps,  generally  zealous  for 
the  traditions  of  the  Fathers ;  for  it  appears  that  the  chief  ob- 
ject of  the  instructions  of  Sochaeus  was  to  subvert  those  doc- 
trines which  distinguished  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees.  They 
uniformly  represented  God  as  disposed  to  reward  in  this  life 
religious  services,  added  to  those  enjoined  by  Moses ;  and  as 
certain  to  punish  in  this  life  those  who  neglected  their  tradi- 
tionary ritual.  He,  on  the  contrary,  boldly  taught  that  no 
services  were  acceptable  to  God,  unless  required  by  him 
in  his  written  revelation,  and  performed,  not  from  fear,  but 
love.  He  disregarded  the  work  done  by  slaves  for  hire,  and 
only  rewarded  that  done  from  disinterested  and  pure  affection. 
This  apparently  exalted  principle  is  more  allied  to  the  philos- 
ophy of  Plato  than  to  the  pure  wisdom  of  the  Sacred  Oracles. 
The  human  mind  is  not  formed  to  exclude  all  regard  to  one's 
own  happiness,  even  when  serving  God ;  nor  doth  he  ever 
demand  this  species  of  self-denial.  The  spring  of  all  obe- 
dience which  he  truly  approves  is,  indeed,  love  to  him;  but  it 
is  love  in  the  form  of  gratitude,  rather  than  in  the  disinterested 
form  of  his  love  to  his  creatures,  and  especially  to  fallen  man. 
It,  doubtless,  includes  admiration  of  his  greatness,  and  esteem 
of  his  excellency ;  but  its  conspicuous  feature  is  grateful  emo- 
tion, "  We  love  him,  because  he  first  loved  us !" 

Antigonus  SochsBus  was  the  chief  teacher  of  the  Jewish 
schools,  which  were  probably  originally  formed  on  the  model 
of  the  schools  of  the  prophets,  but  evidently  modified  by  the 
philosophical  academy  of  Alexandria,  which,  it  is  well  known, 
was  resorted  to  by  many  persons  from  all  the  countries  sub- 
ject to  Egypt.  Some  Jews  became,  at  a  later  period,  famous 
for  the  learning  which  they  acquired  in  Alexandria ;  and  it 
IS  not  unlikely  that  Antigonus  owed  much  of  his  celebrity  to 
his  attainments  in  Grecian  philosophy.  Among  his  disciples, 
the  names  of  two  occupy  a  place  in  history — Sadoc  and  Bai- 
thosus ;  and  the  former  gave  name  to  the  Sadducees,  one 
of  the  principal  religious  sects  of  the  Jews.  These  disciples  are 
said  to  have  misunderstood  the  doctrine  of  their  master.  Be- 
cause he  taught  them  to  renounce,  the  hope  of  reward  for 
their  works,  they  inferred  that  he  maintained  that  there  were 
no  future  rewards  or  punishments.     But  the  fact  may  be,  that 


^ 


REIGN  OF  PTOLEMT  EVEROEISB.  199 

he  philosophy  which  his  example  had  recommended  to  their 
study,  perverted  their  minds,  and  gendered  pride  of  intellect, 
which  impels  those  who  cherish  it  to  refuse  submission  of 
spirit  to  the  authority  of  God,  when  he  calls  them  to  admit 
principles  opposed  to  those  which  they  admire,  and  to  adopt 
practices  in  which  they  have  no  pleasure. 

Scepticism,  or  the  doubting  the  reality  of  every  thing  seen, 
and  denying  the  certainty  of  every  thing  reported,  may  be 
said  to  be  the  transition  state  of  mind  from  the  habit  of  un- 
founded veneration  of  antiquity,  and  unreserved  confidence  in 
traditionary  knowledge,  to  sacred  reverence  for  truth  and  a 
cordial  reception  of  it,  after  perceiving  the  full  evidence  by 
which  it  is  supported.  That  this  state  of  mind  actually  pre- 
vailed among  the  philosophers  of  the  age  of  Ptolemy  Euer- 
getes  might,  we  apprehend,  be  easily  proved.  Though  they 
sanctioned  by  example  the  fabulous  mythology  and  visionary 
conceptions  of  the  multitude,  who  devoutly  adored  the  gods, 
yet  they  secretly  laughed  at  these  things,  and  were  not  un- 
willing to  witness  them  turned  into  subjects  of  merriment. 
Reflect  on  the  theatrical  scenes  of  Greece  and  the  productions 
of  the  poets  of  the  age,  and  you  will  be  convinced  that  the 
Greeks  saw  or  heard  much  which  proclaimed  that  their  gods 
were  mere  phantoms  of  their  imagination:  what  they  saw  or 
Keard  in  their  academies  and  theatres,  was,  if  not  designed  to 
leach,  adapted  to  dispose  them  to  be  amused  by  their  gods, 
rather  than  cultivate,  towards  them  a  reverential  and  devo- 
tional spirit.  It  seems  therefore  manifest  that  the  gods  of  the 
nations  had  lost  all  hold  of  the  affections  of  the  learned  among 
the  Greeks,  who,  nevertheless  still  remained  destitute  of  su- 
preme love  of  truth  and  desire  to  discover  it.  Few  of  them 
surpassed  Socrates,  notwithstanding  that  Divine  knowledge 
was  much  more  accessible  to  them  than  to  him,  and  the  ma- 
jority of  them  were  far  inferior  to  him  in  correct  knowledge 
and  pure  conduct.  In  respect  to  religion,  they  were,  in  fact, 
generally  sceptics,  if  not  atheists.  They  recommended,  and 
actively  promoted  the  religious  worship  of  their  respective  na- 
tions. This  they  did,  however,  confessedly,  not  from  any  be- 
lief that  it  possessed  any  excellence  in  itself,  but  on  account 
of  its  supposed  utility  to  impart  pleasure  to  the  people,  and 
restrain  them  from  acts  of  insubordination  to  the  laws  and 
civil  institutions.  Now  it  is  certain  that  the  Sadducees  agreed 
with  the  Grecian  philosophers  in  regarding  and  treating 
religion  merely  as  ;in  engine  of  state.  And  it  is  probable  that 
their  first  leader  had  learned  in  Alexandria  to  question  the 


1 


m-- 


200  REIGN  OF  PTOLEMY  EUERGETES. 

existence  of  a  future  state  and  all  invisible  beings.  How  he 
reconciled  this  opinion  with  his  admission  that  there  was  only 
One  Living  and  True  God,  and  that  the  books  of  Moses  and 
the  prophets  contained  a  revelation  of  his  will,  it  may  seem 
impossible  to  ascertain,  for  most  plainly  do  these  books  an- 
nounce the  truths  which  the  Sadducees  disbelieved.  But  who 
does  not  know  that  many  learned  men,  who  receive  the  Scrip- 
tures as  inspired,  deny  some  truths  which  they  distinctly  re- 
veal, and  enforce  as  of  eternal  importance  ?  By  sophistical 
reasoning,  those  who  boast  of  superior  discernment  and  know- 
ledge, find  it  no  difficult  task  to  misinterpret  the  most  distinct 
statements  of  Divine  truth,  so  as  make  them  appear  to  convey 
a  meaning  akogether  different  and  even  opposite  to  the  usual 
import  of  the  language  employed  by  their  authors?  The 
Alexandrian  philosophers  employed  the  most  mystical  and  al- 
legorical language  to  explain  religion,  insomuch  that  they 
represented  all  the  facts  connected  with  it  as  little  else  than 
fictitious  tales,  or  symbolical  scenes,  which  they  explained,  as 
their  imagination  suggested,  to  illustrate  and  confirm  their 
subtle  theories  concerning  God  and  his  works.  Sadoc,  pur- 
suing their  path,  may  have  set  aside  all  the  narratives  or  an- 
nouncements respecting  angels  and  transactions  in  the  invisi- 
ble world  as  only  allegorical  scenes,  representing  the  agencies 
of  nature,  by  which  the  Divine  Being  sustains  the  universe, 
and  supplies  mankind  with  means  by  which  they  procure 
health,  riches,  pleasure,  and  honour.  But,  in  whatever  man- 
ner he  reasoned  to  pervert  or  veil  Divine  truth,  certain  it  is 
that  he  and  his  followers  asserted  that  no  angel  or  spirit 
existed,  and  that  man  wholly  perishecf  at  death,  and  that  con- 
sequently there  was  no  future  reward  to  be  expected,  nor 
future  punishment  to  be  feared. 

Some  have  accused  them  of  having  rejected  all  Revelation 
except  the  Pentateuch.  Of  this  we  have  no  proof  in  the 
Scripture  ;  and  it  is  improbable  that  they  should  deny  the  in- 
spiration of  the  largest  portion  of  the  Scripture,  and  not  only 
pass  uncensured,  but  be  admitted,  as  we  shall  see  they  were, 
to  hold  the  chief  offices  of  government.  That  they  totally 
disregarded  the  traditions  of  the  elders,  and  made  no  preten- 
sions to  intense  devotion,  seem  unquestionable ;  and  hence 
they  were  hated  by  the  Pharisees,  and  unpopular  with  the 
religious. — A  sketch  of  their  character  is  given  under  the  ar- 
ticle Sadducees,  in  the  "  Pocket  Biblical  Dictionary." 

Simon  the  Just  left  a  son  and  heir  to  the  office  of  high- 
priest  ;  but  on  account  of  his  youth  his  uncle  Eleazer  was 


#: 


m  ^ 


REIGN   OP   PTOLEMY  EUERGETES.  201 

exalted  in  his  stead.  The  most  memorable  act  ascribed  to 
him  by  tradition  is  the  selection  qf  seventy  of  the  most  learned 
Jews,  who  were  qualified  to  translate  the  Hebrew  Scriptures 
into  the  Greek  language.  These,  as  we  have  already  stated, 
were  sent  into  Egypt  at  the  request  of  the  king. 

Though  his  nephew,  named  Onias,  was  at  his  death  thirty 
years  old,  he  was  not  immediately  raised  to  the  office  of  high- 
priest.  The  reason  of  this  is  unknown  ;  perhaps  he  declined 
it,  for  he  intimated  at  a  future  period  that  he  had  not  sought 
the  office.  The  dignity  was  conferred  on  his  aged  relation 
Manasses,  son  of  Simon  the  Just,  b.  c.  233.  He,  however, 
died  in  the  course  of  two  years,  and  Onias  became  the  second 
high-priest  of  this  name.  He  appears  to  have  been  destitute 
of  every  quality  which  was  necessary  to  the  honourable  dis- 
charge of  the  duties  of  his  exalted  office.  Completely  selfish 
and  covetous,  he  was  totally  indifferent  to  the  interests  of  the 
people.  His  mean  spirit  and  unjust  conduct  brought  his  na- 
tion to  the  very  verge  of  destruction. 

From  history  we  learn  that  the  annual  tribute  which  Judea 
rendered  Egypt  was  twenty  talents  of  silver.  The  sum  had 
been  regularly  sent  to  the  king  of  Egypt  by  every  high-priest, 
the  supreme  ruler  of  the  nation,  tilt  the  time  of  Onias  II. 
The  mere  love  of  money  had  made  him  retain  this  tribute. 
After  some  years,  Ptolemy  Euergetes  determined  to  bear  no 
longer  such  presumptuous  conduct.  He  sent  Athenion,  one 
of  his  courtiers,  to  Jerusalem,  to  demand  the  payment  of  the 
arrears,  which  then  amounted  to  a  great  sum,  and  to  threaten 
the  Jews,  in  case  of  refusal,  with  a  body  of  troops  who  should 
be  commissioned  to  expel  them  from  their  country,  and  divide 
it  among  themselves.  The  alarm  was  very  great  at  Jerusa- 
lem on  this  occasion,  and  it  was  thought  necessary  to  send  a 
deputation  to  the  king,  in  the  person  of  Joseph,  the  nephew  of 
Onias,  who,  though  in  the  prime  of  his  youth,  was  univer- 
sally esteemed  for  his  prudence,  probity,  and  justice.  Athen- 
ion, during  his  continuance  at  Jerusalem,  had  conceived  a 
great  regard  for  his  character  ;  and  as  he  set  out  for  Egypt 
before  him,  he  promised  to  render  him  all  the  good  offices  in 
his  power  with  the  king.  Joseph  followed  him  in  a  short 
time,  and  on  his  way  met  with  several  considerable  persons 
of  Coelo-Syria  and  Palestine,  who  were  also  going  to  Egypt 
with  an  intention  to  offer  terms  for  farming  the  great  revenues 
of  those  provinces.  As  the  equipage  of  Joseph  was  far  from 
being  as  magnificent  as  theirs,  they  treated  him  with  little  re- 
ipect,  and  considered  him  as  a  person  of  no  great  capacity. 


%- 


#'- 


202  BEIGN  OF   PTOLEMY   EUERGfiTES. 

Joseph  concealed  his  dissatisfaction  at  their  behaviour,  but 
drew  from  the  conversation  that  passed  between  them  all  the 
circumstances  he  could  desire,  with  relation  to  the  affair  that 
brought  them  to  court,  and  without  seeming  to  have  any  par- 
ticular view  in  the  curiosity  he  expressed.  When  they  arrived 
at  Alexandria,  they  were  informed  that  the  king  ha4  made  a 
progress  to  Memphis,  and  Joseph  was  the  only  person  among 
them  who  set  out  from  thence  in  order  to  wait  upon  that 
monarch,  without  losing  a  moment's  time.  He  had  the  good 
fortune  to  meet  him  as  he  was  returning  from  Memphis,  with 
the  queen  and  Athenion  in  his  chariot.  The  king,  who  had 
received  impressions  in  his  favour  from  Athenion,  was  ex- 
tremely delighted  at  his  presence,  and  invited  him  into  his 
chariot.  Joseph,  to  excuse  his  uncle,  represented  the  infirmi- 
ties of  his  great  age,  and  the  natural  tardiness  of  his  disposi- 
tion in  such  an  engaging  manner  as  satisfied  Ptolemy,  and 
created  in  him  an  extraordinary  esteem  for  the  advocate  who 
had  so  effectually  pleaded  the  cause  of  that  pontiff  He  alao 
ordered  him  an  apartment  in  the  royal  palace  of  Alexandria, 
and  allowed  him  a  place  at  his  table.  When  the  appointed 
day  came  for  purchasing  by  auction  the  privilege  of  farming 
the  revenues  of  the  provinces,  the  companions  of  Joseph  in  his 
journey  to  Egypt  offered  no  more  than  eight  thousand  talents 
for  the  provinces  of  Coelo-Syria,  Phenicia,  Judea,  and  Sama- 
ria. Upon  which  Joseph,  who  had  discovered,  in  the  con- 
versation that  passed  between  them  in  his  presence,  that  this 
purchase  was  worth  double  the  sum  they  offered,  reproached 
them  for  depreciating  the  king's  revenues  in  that  manner, 
and  offered  twice  as  much  as  they  had  done.  Ptolemy  was 
well  satisfied  to  see  his  revenues  so  considerably  increased  ; 
but  being  apprehensive  that  the  person  who  proffered  so  large 
a  sum  would  be  in  no  condition  to  pay  it,  he  asked  Joseph 
what  security  he  would  give  him  for  the  performance  of  his 
agreement?  The  Jewish  deputy  replied  with  a  calm  air, 
that  he  had  such  persons  to  offer  for  his  security  on  that  oc- 
casion as  he  was  certain  his  majesty  could  have  no  objections 
to.  Upon  being  ordered  to  mention  them,  he  named  the 
king  and  queen  themselves,  and  added  that  they  would  be  his 
securities  to  each  other.  The  king  could  not  avoid  smiling 
at  this  little  pleasantry,  which  put  him  into  so  good  a  humour, 
that  he  allowed  him  to  farm  the  revenues  without  any  other 
security  than  his  verbal  promise  for  payment.  Joseph  acted 
in  that  'station  for  the  space  of  ten  years,  to  the  mutual  satis- 
faction of  the  court  and  provinces.     His  rich  competitors,  who 


REIGN    OF    PTOLEMY   EUERGETE8.  903 

had  farmed  those  revenues  before,  returned  home  in  the 
utmost  confusion,  and  had  reason  to  be  sensible  that  a  mag- 
nificent equipage  is  a  very  inconsiderable  indication  of  merit 

If  we  may  credit  the  narrative  of  Josephus,  Joseph  pro- 
cured great  riches  as  the  collector  of  taxes ;  and  that,  although 
he  seems  to  have  oppressed  the  neighbouring  countries,  yet 
he  was  generous  to  his  own  people,  and  advanced  their  inter- 
ests. But  the  historian's  account  of  Joseph's  family  has  a 
fabulous  aspect,  and  his  assertion  that  he  held  the  office  twenty- 
two  years  seems  doubtful,  for  during  part  of  that  period  the 
Egyptian  court  was  strongly  alienated  from  the  Jewish  na- 
tion, and  not  likely  to  leave  the  raising  of  the  tribute  in  the 
hands  of  one  of  the  natives. 

Having  thus  adverted  to  the  liberty  granted  the  Jews  by 
the  three  first  successors  of  Alexander,  we  return  to  the  his- 
tory of  Ptolemy  Euergetes  and  his  times,  in  which  he  cer- 
tainly was  the  chief  royal  actor.  Seleucus  Callinicus,  on 
learning  that  he  had  returned  to  Egypt,  recovered  courage, 
and  raised  a  fleet  and  army  in  order  to  reduce  the  revolted 
province.  The  navy  was  utterly  destroyed  by  a  tempest ; 
only  the  king  and  a  few  persons  escaped.  The  army  was  to- 
tally defeated,  and  Seleucus  would  have  ceased  to  reign,  had 
not  his  revolted  provinces,  from  grateful  feelings  towards  his 
family,  compassionated  his  humbled  state,  and  resolved  to  sup 
port  him.  The  cities  of  Smyrna  and  Magnesia  were  his  most 
efficient  friends.  They  had  expressed  their  attachment  to  An- 
tiochus  Theos  by  numbering  him  among  their  deities.  The 
marble  column  on  which  the  treaty  between  Seleucus  and 
the  above  cities  was  engraved,  is  a  relic  of  antiquity  much 
prized. 

The  Syrian  king,  to  strengthen  himself  against  his  power- 
ful enemies  in  the  south  and  east,  applied  to  his  brother  for 
aid.  Thoucrh  only  fourteen  years  of  age,  yet  he  was  governor 
of  Asia  Minor,  and  named,  from  his  rapacity,  Antiochus 
Hierax,  the  Hawk.  He  promised  him  the  independent  sov- 
ereignty of  Asia,  but,  in  consequence  of  procuring  a  truce 
with  Egypt,  of  ten  years,  he  violated  his  word.  This  occa- 
sioned a  sanguinary  war  between  them,  which  terminated  in 
the  ruin  of  both.  Antiochus  was  murdered  by  a  banditti ; 
and  Seleucus  died  a  prisoner  in  Parthia,  where  he  was 
treated  as  a  king.  These  events  left  the  king  of  Egypt  in 
possession  of  an  immense  empire,  and  of  liberty  to  pursue 
whatever  plans  he  deemed  proper  to  advance  the  glory  fA 
his  reign. 


J 


•-  =» 


204  REIGN   OP   PTOLEMY   EUERCaETES. 

His  name  is  honourably  associated  with  Aratus,  in  the  no- 
ble work  of  rousing  the  energies  of  the  Grecians  from  a  leth- 
argy which  threatened,  at  a  most  unseasonable  time,  the  de- 
struction of  their  power  and  influence  to  improve  the  mental 
state  of  the  Romans,  who  were  destined  to  establish  the  fourth 
empire.  From  the  time  of  Alexander's  death,  the  splendour 
of  Greece  had  been  gradually  passing  away.  The  state  of 
Lacedemon  had  never  properly  advanced  the  civilization  of 
man.  The  inhabitants  were  always  more  solicitous  to  attain 
power  and  engage  in  war  than  to  cultivate  peace  and  cherish 
the  milder  and  humane  virtues.  The  more  illustrious  states 
of  Athens  and  Thebes  alternately  endured  the  oppressions  of 
rulers  whom  they  were  unable  to  resist,  and  enjoyed  liberty, 
the  real  value  of  which  they  were  destitute  of  knowledge  to 
estimate,  and  of  wisdom  to  improve,  for  the  attainment  of  ra- 
tional felicity.  In  fact,  though  they  retained  the  shadow  of 
independence,  yet  their  political  vigour  was  gone,  and  they 
were  in  such  a  state  of  weakness  that  whoever  were  prepared 
to  conquer  Greece  might  easily  seize  it  for  a  prey.  Happily 
for  the  honour  of  Greece  and  the  welfare  of  man,  a  temporary 
restoration  of  its  liberty  was  effected  by  the  most  unexpected 
agency  of  the  Achaean  Republic.  This  democratic  state  ori- 
ginally consisted  of  twelve  small  cities,  situated  on  the  south- 
ern coast  of  the  Corinthian  Gulf  and  the  Ionian  Sea.  The 
opposite  side  was  occupied  by  the  iEtolians,  who  also  rose  to 
distinction  in  this  age.  After  being  long  subjected  by  the 
more  powerful  states  around  them,  the  Achaeans  renewed 
their  ancient  league,  and  resumed  their  ancient  customs  about 
the  time  that  Pyrrhus  invaded  Italy.  The  good  order  which 
reigned  in  this  little  republic,  where  freedom  and  equality, 
with  a  love  of  justice  and  the  public  good,  were  the  fun- 
damental principles  of  their  government,  drew  into  their  com- 
munity several  neighbouring  cities,  who  received  their  laws, 
and  associated  with  them  to  enjoy  their  privileges.  Sicyon 
was  the  first  that  acceded  to  the  Achaean  league.  This  city 
stood  south-east  of  Corinth.  Having  expelled  those  under 
whom  they  had  been  long  oppressed,  they  selected  Clinias 
for  their  chief  magistrate,  one  of  their  virtuous  and  bravest  cit- 
izens. Abantidas  conspired  against  him,  and,  by  the  aid  of  a 
mob,  put  him  and  a  number  of  his  relations  to  death,  and  ex- 
pelled the  remainder.  His  son  Aratus  escaped  as  by  miracle. 
Wandering  around  the  city  in  despair,  he  entered,  perhaps 
without  reflection,  the  house  of  the  tyrant's  sister.  This  lady 
was  naturally  generous ;  and  as  she  also  believed  that  this 


# 


REIGN  OP  PTOLEMY  EUERGETE8.  205 

destitute  infant  had  taken  refuge  under  her  roof  by  the 
impulse  of  some  deity,  she  carefully  concealed  him,  and 
when  night  came  caused  him  to  be  secretly  conveyed  to  Ar- 
gos.  Aratus  being  thus  preserved  from  so  imminent  a  dan- 
ger, conceived  in  his  soul  from  thenceforth  an  implacable 
aversion  to  tyrants,  which  always  increased  with  his  age.  He 
was  educated  with  the  utmost  care  by  some  hospitable  friends 
of  his  father. 

In  his  twentieth  year  he  resolved  to  deliver  his  native  city 
from  the  tyranny  of  Nicocles,  who  was  then  ruler.  In  the 
darkness  of  night  he  scaled  the  walls,  and  proclaimed  liberty 
to  the  citizens.  His  victory  was  obtained  without  blood.  No 
one  was  wounded  or  killed.  To  secure  the  liberty  thus  easily 
acquired,  he  persuaded  the  community  to  join  the  Achaeans. 
He  recalled  five  hundred  exiles.  Their  demand  to  be  put  in 
possession  of  their  property  which  had  been  confiscated  and 
sold  was  resisted,  and  Aratus  saw  nothing  before  him  but  a 
civil  war.  The  claims  of  both  parties  seemed  equitable ;  for 
the  disputed  property  was  purchased  by  the  one,  but  legally 
belonged  to  the  other.  He  had  not  wealth  enough  to  satisfy 
them ;  and  without  this  it  was  impossible  to  reconcile  them. 
In  this  emergency  he  determined  to  appeal  to  the  universally 
known  generosity  and  liberality  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes.  This 
feature  in  his  character  was  conspicuous  during  his  whole 
reign.  The  tone  of  moral  feeling  had  certainly  considerably 
improved  throughout  the  Grecian  empire.  Princes  and 
great  men  had  often,  in  past  times,  discovered  sympathy  with 
their  equals  in  distress ;  but  the  miseries  of  a  community  they 
little  regarded,  unless  they  felt  compelled  to  minister  relief  to 
them,  in  order  to  avert  anarchy  or  insurrection.  An  unpar- 
alleled manifestation  of  the  power  of  those  humane  feelings 
was  witnessed  in  this  age,  occasioned  by  one  of  the  most 
dreadful  catai^trophes  with  which  the  East  had  been  visited 
A  great  earthquake  in  the  island  of  Rhodes  almost  totally 
ruined  its  metropolis.  Its  walls,  arsenals,  harbour,  temples,  and 
best  buildings  were  one  mass  of  ruins;  and  its  famous  brazen 
statue,  named  Colossus,  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the  an 
cient  world,  was  entirely  destroyed.  The  loss  sustained  was 
inexpressible  ;  and  all  the  neighbouring  princes  united  to  an- 
swer the  supplications  for  relief,  which  reached  them  from 
the  Rhodians.  "  Hiero  and  Gelon  in  Sicily,  and  Ptolemy  in 
Egypt,  signalized  themselves  in  a  peculiar  manner  on  that  oc- 
casion. The  two  former  of  these  princes  contributed  above  a 
hundred  taients,  and  erected  two  statues  in  the  public  place  ; 

VOL.  L  18 


^ 

-m 


1 


iM  REIGN   OF    PTOLEMY   EUERGETES. 

one  of  which  represented  the  people  of  Rhodes,  and  the  other 
those  of  Syracuse ;  the  former  was  crowned  by  the  latter,  to 
testify,  as  Polybius  observes,  that  the  Syracusans  thought  the 
opportunity  of  relieving  the  Rhodians  a  favour  and  obligation 
to  themselves.  Ptolemy,  beside  his  other  expenses,  which 
amounted  to  a  very  considerable  sum,  supplied  that  people 
with  three  hundred  talents,  and  a  million  of  bushels  of  corn, 
and  a  sufficient  quantity  of  timber  for  building  ten  galleys  of 
ten  benches  of  oars,  and  as  many  more  of  three  benches,  be- 
side an  infinite  quantity  of  wood  for  other  buildings, — all 
which  donations  were  accompanied  with  three  thousand 
talents  for  erecting  the  Colossus  anew.  Antigonus,  Seleucus, 
Prusias,  Mithridates,  and  all  the  princes,  as  well  as  cities,  sig- 
nalized their  liberality  on  this  occasion.  Even  private  persons 
emulated  each  other  in  sharing  in  the  glorious  act  of  hu- 
manity; and  historians  have  recorded  that  a  lady,  whose 
name  was  Chryseis,  (golden,)  and  who  truly  merited  that  ap- 
pellation, furnished  from  her  own  substance  an  hundred  thou- 
sand bushels  of  corn.  '  Let  the  princes  of  these  times,'  says 
Polybius,  '  who  imagine  they  have  done  gloriously  in  giving 
four  or  five  thousand  crowns,  only  consider  how  inferior  their 
generosity  is  to  that  we  have  now  described.'  Rhodes,  in 
consequence  of  these  liberalities,  was  re-established  in  a  few 
years,  in  a  more  opulent  and  splendid  state  than  she  had 
ever  experienced  before,  if  we  only  except  the  Colossus." 

Ptolemy  was  an  enthusiatic  admirer  of  the  fine  arts,  espe- 
cially of  portraits  and  paintings ;  and  to  supply  him  with  good 
specimens  of  these,  was  one  of  the  most  appropriate  means  to 
propitiate  his  favour.  Such  means  were  happily  within  the 
power  of  Aratus,  and  these  he  successfully  employed.  He 
was  an  excellent  judge  of  painting,  and  Sicyon  was  celebrated 
for  this  department  of  the  arts.  Apelles  had  been  in  this  city, 
and  presented  a  talent  to  their  schools,  not  so  much  to  acquire 
from  them  perfection  in  the  art  of  painting,  as  in  order  to  obtain 
a  share  in  their  great  reputation.  Aratus  was  fortunate 
enough  to  collect  all  the  works  of  the  greatest  masters,  parti- 
cularly those  finished  by  Pamphilus  and  Melanthus.  The 
present  of  these  sent  to  Ptolemy,  procured  him  the  esteem  and 
grateful  acknowledgment  of  that  rich  and  mighty  monarch. 
He  could  devise  no  scheme  which  promised  to  extricate  him 
from  the  critical  and  dangerous  position  in  which  he  found 
himself  in  his  native  city,  except  to  proceed  to  Egypt,  and 
throw  himself  on  the  generosity  of  its  prince.  He  had  a  long 
audience  of  Ptolemy,  who  esteemed  him  the  better  the  more 


■BIGN   CO"   PTOLEBfY   EUERGETSa.  IKKT 

he  knew  of  him,  and  presented  him  with  an  hundred  and  fifty- 
talents  for  the  benefit  of  his  city.  Aratus  carried  away  forty 
talents  when  he  set  out  for  Peloponnesus,  and  the  king  re- 
mitted him  the  remainder  in  separate  payments.  Thus  en- 
riched, he  speedily  restored  peace  to  his  citizens ;  and  became 
no  less  the  object  of  their  esteem  and  confidence  than  of  their 
admiration  and  applause.  Statues  were  erected  to  him,  aui 
public  inscriptions  declared  him  the  father  of  the  people,  and 
the  deliverer  of  his  country.  The  liberty  of  Greece  was  the 
object  of  his  ambition  ;  but  the  consummate  wisdom,  prudence, 
and  foresig-ht  which  characterised  him  prevented  him  from 
hastily  aspiring  to  the  supreme  command.  He  entered  the 
army  as  an  inferior  officer  of  the  cavalry,  and  procured  uni- 
versal approbation  by  his  uniform  submission  to  the  laws,  and 
alacrity  in  the  performance  of  the  services  required  of  hint 
Nothing  seemed  more  necessary  for  the  .ittainment  of  Grecian 
liberty  than  to  possess  the  Aero  Corinthus,  or  citadel  of  Cor- 
inth, situated  on  a  lofty  mountain,  about  the  centre  of  the 
Isthmus.  It  was  called  by  Philip,  the  father  of  Alexander, 
"the  Shackles  of  Greece,"  because  who  ever  commanded  it  was 
for  the  time  master  of  the  country.  It  was  at  this  time  in  the 
bands  of  Aniigonus  Gonatus,  king  of  Macedon.  Aratus  learn- 
ing that  by  a  sum  of  money  he  might  be  able  to  capture  it, 
he  gave  for  a  pledge  all  his  gold,  plate,  and  his  wife's  jewels, 
and,  without  great  destruction  of  life,  seized  the  citadel,  the 
temple  of  Juno,  and  the  port  of  Lechoeum,  wuh  five  hundred 
war-horses,  and  twenty-five  ships.  This  success  was  followed  . 
by  the  accession  of  several  cities  to  the  Achaean  league,  of 
which  he  was  chosen  the  chief  But  Antigonus,  who  was  al- 
ready jealous  of  him,  now  became  the  avowed  enemy  of  the 
Achneans.  To  expel  all  the  soldiers  and  friends  of  the  Macer 
donian  power  from  the  Peloponnesus  was  the  great  object  of 
Aratus  for  many  years,  without  which  it  was  impossible  to 
restore  freedom  to  Greece,  so  that  the  inhabitants  might  obey 
their  own  laws,  and  observe  their  own  customs.  To  effect 
this,  he  prevailed  on  Ptolemy  to  join  the  confederacy,  and  per- 
suaded the  Achoeans  to  elect  him  generalissimo  of  their  navy 
and  army,  while  he  himself  was  appointed  next  in  command. 
This  high  OiTice  could  only  be  legally  held  by  the  same  indi- 
vidual every  alternate  year.  The  law,  however,  was  violated 
(Wi  his  account ;  and  in  the  year  in  which  he  died,  he  had  been 
electei  commander  of  his  countrymen  the  seventeenth  time. 
By  him  they  were  elevated,  in  a  considerable  degree,  to  their 
ancient  and  first  rank  among  the  nations.     And  he,  not  pru- 


m- 


208  REIGN   OF    PTOLEMY   EUEROETE8. 

dently,  perhaps  from  envy  and  jealousy  of  the  fame  of  Cleo- 
menes,  king  of  Lacedemon,  called  to  the  assistance  of  the 
Achaeans  the  king  of  Macedon,  and  by  this  act  forfeited  the 
favour  of  the  king  of  Egypt.  Had  he,  indeed,  continued  to 
enjoy  the  favour  and  aid  of  Ptolemy,  he  would  have  probably 
completely  re-established  the  liberty,  and  renovated  the  faded 
splendour  of  Greece.  Nevertheless,  all  vvhq  know  and  can- 
didly reflect  on  his  personal  worth,  and  the  tendency  and 
even  efficiency  of  his  illustrious  deeds  to  preserve  the  Greeks 
from  the  degradation  of  slavery  to  any  of  the  comparatively 
barbarous  powers  which  surrounded  them,  will  at  once  ac- 
knowledge that  he  had  just  claims  to  stand  high  among  the 
first  and  most  accomplished  leaders,  statesmen,  and  warriors 
of  his  own  or  any  country,  of  the  civilized  world,  in  any  age. 
He  was  confessedly  the  chief  instrument  of  rendering  the 
Greeks  so  venerable  in  the  eyes  of  the  Romans,  that  they  not 
only  long  cherished  them,  after  they  had  subdued  them^  but 
also  diligently  learned  their  language,  and  adopted  their 
science,  literature,  and  arts. 

And  had  they  not  pursued  this  course,  how  incalculably 
calamitous  to  the  human  race  had  been  their  conquests  of  the 
Persian  empire !  How  inferior  were  they  in  all  that  adorns, 
and  humanizes  man  previously  to  their  intercourse  with 
Greece !  And  even  after  they  had  adopted  the  learning  and 
civilization  of  Greece,  and  had  caused  their  name  to  be 
respected,  and  their  power  to  be  either  terribly  felt,  or  appre- 
hended with  dread  by  the  greatest  nations  of  Europe,  Asia, 
and  Africa,  had  any  accident  arrested  their  progress,  "  it  is 
probable,"  as  Ferguson  justly  remarks,  that  "their  name 
would  never  have  appeared  on  the  record  of  polished  nations, 
nor  they  themselves  been  otherwise  known  than  as  a  barbar- 
ous horde,  which  had  fallen  a  prey  to  more  fortunate  asserters 
of  dominion  or  conquest."  About  two  centuries  before  the 
Christian  era,  the  Romans  were  almost  altogether  men  of  the 
sword  or  of  the  state,  disposed  to  contemn  letters  and  seden- 
tary occupations.  No  historian,  poet,  or  philosopher  had 
arisen  among  them.  Ennius  and  Cato  were  the  first  Romans 
whose  works  were  destined  to  instruct  posterity.  The  citizens 
of  Rome  were  rude  in  manners,  and  the  most  abject  votaries 
of  the  most  contemptible  and  sanguinary  superstition.  Before 
their  conquest  of  Carthage,  on  the  report  of  a  prophecy  that 
the  Gauls  and  Greeks  were  to  possess  Rome,  the  Senate  "  or- 
dered a  man  and  woman  of  each  of  those  nations  to  be  buried 
alive  in  the  market  place,"  probably  because  taught  by  their 


J 


# 


BEI6N  OP   PTOLEMY  EUEROETES.  209 

priests  that  this  sacrifice  would  prevent  the  fulfilment  of  the 
prediction. 

It  may  seem  strange  that  they  had  derived  no  more  moral 
cultivation  from  their  vicinity  to  Magna  Grecia,  and  its  phi- 
losophic academies.  But  this  may  be  accounted  for,  on  the 
probable  conjecture,  that  they  hated  its  inhabitants,  as  rivals 
to  power  in  Italy,  and  looked  on  them  with  scorn,  as  animated 
by  the  meanest  spirit  in  the  prosecution  of  commerce  to  pro- 
cure riches,  magnificence,  and  pleasure.  The  Roman  com- 
manders and  ambassadors  sent  to  Greece  were  the  first  to  ac- 
quire a  taste  for  Grecian  learning,  and  discernment  and  can* 
dour  to  estimate  the  mental  superiority  of  the  Greeks.  The 
first  Roman  embassy  arrived  in  Greece,  on  occasion  of  the 
success  of  the  Romans  in  Illyrica,  b.  c.  225.  They  were  re- 
ceived with  distinction  in  the  principal  cities.  The  Corinthi- 
ans, for  the  first  time,  proclaimed  "  that  the  Romans  should 
be  admitted  to  celebrate  the  Isthmian  games,  with  the  same 
privileges  as  the  Greeks.  The  freedom  of  the  city  was  also 
granted  them  at  Athens,  and  they  were  permitted  to  be 
initiated  into  their  solemn  mysteries."  From  this  time  the 
Romans  solicitously  and  with  success  cultivated  the  friendship 
of  the  Grecian  states,  and  eventually  rescued  them  from  the 
tyranny  of  Philip,  king  of  Macedon.  To  oppose  the  ambi- 
tious schemes  of  that  monarch,  a  treaty  was  concluded 
between  the  Etolians  and  Romans,  b.  c.  211,  a  short  time 
after  the  death  of  Aratus,  who  was  believed  to  have  been  poi- 
soned by  an  emissary  of  Philip.  Several  powers,  alienated 
from  him,  or  at  war  with  him,  were  invited  to  accede  to  the 
treaty  against  him ;  and  Attalus,  king  of  Pergamus,  accepted 
the  invitation.  The  Romans,  however,  in  general,  continued 
averse  to  philosophical  studies  more  than  half  a  century  longer. 
For  when  some  of  their  most  distinguished  citizens  were  as- 
tonished and  fascinated  with  the  eloquence  of  certain  Grecian 
philosophers,  who  visited  Rome  in  the  time  of  Cato  the  Cen 
sor,  that  intelligent  and  virtuous  person  declaimed  against  the 
study  of  philosophy,  from  the  apprehension  that  it  would  in- 
duce effeminacy,  and  destroy  the  fortitude,  intrepidity,  and 
austere  habits  of  the  Roman  youth,  and  repress  in  them  the 
love  of  war,  the  cherishing  of  which  he  deemed  essential  to 
the  advancement  of  the  national  glory.  And  still  later,  dur- 
ing the  consulship  of  Strabo  and  Valerius,  "  a  decree  of  the 
senate  passed,  probably  in  consequence  of  repeated  visits  from 
Grecian  philosophers,  requiring  the  praetor  Pomponius  to 
take  care  that  no  philosophers  were  resident  in  Rome.    Some 

18* 


#— ^  .--.,-^1 


81t0  RBIGN   OF   PTOLEMY    EUERGETE8. 

years  afterwards,  the  censors,  as  if  resolved  at  once  to  shut 
the  door  against  philosophy  and  eloquence,  issued  a  similar 
edict  against  rhetoricians,  in  terms  to  this  effect :  '  Whereas 
we  have  been  informed,  that  certain  men,  who  call  themselves 
Latin  rhetoricians,  have  instituted  a  new  kind  of  learning, 
and  opened  schools,  in  which  young  men  trifle  away  their 
time  day  after  day ;  we,  judging  this  innovation  to  be  incon- 
sistent with  the  purpose  for  which  our  ancestors  established 
schools,  contrary  to  ancient  custom,  and  injurious  to  oui 
youth,  do  hereby  warn  both  those  who  keep  these  schools, 
and  those  who  frequent  them,  that  they  are  herein  acting  con- 
trary to  our  pleasure.'  And  this  edict  was  afterwards  revived, 
in  the  year  of  Rome  662,  under  the  consulate  of  Pulcher  and 
Perpenna.  But  at  length  philosophy,  under  the  protection  of 
those  great  commanders  who  had  conquered  Greece,  pre- 
vailed ;  and  Rome  opened  her  gates  to  all  who  professed 
to  be  teachers  of  wisdom  and  eloquence."  Her  men  re- 
sorted to  Greece,  and  returned  richly  loaded  with  its  mental 
treasures. 

Though  Ptolemy  Euergetes  deserted  Aratus,  yet  he  nobly 
defended  the  liberty  of  Greece,  exposed  to  imminent  danger 
by  the  influence  of  Philip  over  several  of  its  states.  He  may 
have  been  actuated  in  this  more  by  policy  than  disinterested 
regard  for  the  Greeks ;  for  his  own  provinces  in  Asia  Minor, 
Cyprus,  and  even  Egypt,  he  could  scarcely  consider  safe, 
were  Philip  to  subjugate  all  Greece.  But  the  advantage  to 
the  Greeks  was  great,  inasmuch  as  it  contributed  to  maintain 
their  dignity  and  fame,  and  terminated  in  their  exaltation  in 
the  eyes  of  the  Romans.  His  death,  b.  c.  221,  was  appar- 
ently an  unhappy  event  for  Greece,  and  still  more  for  Egypt ; 
for  he  was  the  last  of  his  dynasty  who  deserved  the  approba- 
tion of  mankind.  Ptolemy  Philopater  ascended  the  throne  of 
his  father.  His  reign,  as  we  shall  see  in  our  review  of  the 
times  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  was  disgraced  by  almost  every 
species  of  injustice  and  profligacy,  in  which  he  was  unhappHy 
followed  by  the  generality  of  his  successors. 


CHAPTER  XV. 


THE  REIGN  OF  ANTIOCHUS  THE  GREAT. 


Seleucus  Callinicus  left  two  sons,  known  in  history  by  the 
names  of  Seleucus  Ceraunus  and  Antiochus  the  Great.  They 
both  owed  their  succession  to  the  crown  of  Syria  to  the  wis- 
dom and  fidelity  of  their  uncle  Achaeus,  their  mother's  bro- 
ther. He  first  placed  Seleucus,  the  eldest,  on  the  throne. 
This  prince,  feeble  alike  in  mind  and  body,  was  despised 
by  the  army ;  and  after  reigning  about  three  years,  was  assas- 
sinated by  two  of  his  chief  officers.  Achasus  inflicted  on  the 
traitors  just  punishment,  and,  being  universally  beloved,  was 
urged  by  the  army  to  accept  of  the  sceptre.  He  had,  how- 
ever, preferred  to  preserve  the  kingdom  in  peace  till  the  arri- 
val of  Antiochus  from  Babylon,  where  he  had  resided  some 
years,  under  proper  tutors.  At  the  commencement  of  his 
reign,  b.  c.  222,  the  government  of  Asia  Minor  was  entrusted 
to  AchoDUS,  that  of  Media  to  Molo,  and  that  of  Persia  to  his 
brother  Alexander.  These  brothers,  in  the  following  year, 
renounced  the  authority  of  their  sovereign ;  but  in  less  than 
two  years  their  troops  were  totally  defeated ;  and,  perceiving 
no  way  of  escape  from  the  conqueror,  they,  after  the  manner 
of  the  age,  first  killed  their  wives  and  children,  and  then  took 
their  own  lives. 

Having  re  established  his  dominion  in  the  East,  Antiochus 
prepared  an  army  to  recover  Coelo-Syria,  which  he  regarded 
nis  own  by  inheritance.  He  had  formerly  attempted  this 
without  success ;  for  when  he  led  his  army  to  the  valley  ly- 
mg  between  Libanus  and  Anti-Libanus,  ne  found  the  passes 
of  these  mountains  so  strongly  fortified  and  defended  by  Theo- 
dotus,  an  ^tolian,  the  governor  appointed  by  Ptolemy  Euer- 
getes,  that  he  deemed  it  prudent  to  retire.  But  circumstances 
were  now  changed.  Ptolemy  Philopater  had  succeeded  his 
father,  and  had  gathered  around  him  persons,  who,  like  him- 


212  REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS   THE    GREAT. 

self,  were  destitute  of  virtuous  principles,  and  slaves  of  every 
base  passion.  He  was  believed  to  have  poisoned  his  noble 
father,  and  had  publicly  put  to  death  his  mother,  and  Megas, 
his  only  brother.  His  court  was  a  scene  of  indescribable 
luxury,  effeminacy,  and  intemperance.  The  king  and  his 
ministers,  however,  unqualified  to  judge  of  excellence,  pre- 
sumed to  charge  Theodotus  with  prosecuting  the  interests  of 
the  kingdom  with  less  ardour  than  became  his  office.  They 
had  called  him  before  them ;  and  though  acquitted,  yet  he  felt 
insulted,  and  even  ashamed  to  be  governed  by  persons  who, 
in  many  respects,  were  the  disgrace  of  human  nature.  Ac- 
cordingly, immediately  on  returning  to  Coelo-Syria,  he  seized 
Tyre  and  Ptolemais,  and  offered  to  deliver  up  the  country  to 
Antiochus.  The  Syrian  king  hastened  to  support  Theodotus. 
The  Egyptian  forces,  under  an  able  general,  Nicolaus,  a  na- 
tive also  of  ^tolia,  were  assembled  to  defend  the  passes  of 
Libanus  and  Anti-Libanus.  These  Ptolemy  compelled  to  re- 
tire ;  and  he  passed  on  to  the  Phenician  cities,  where  he  was 
jbined  by  Theodotus.  He  here  found  a  fleet  of  forty  ships, 
and  ample  naval  stores.  After  several  combats  of  the  oppos- 
ing fleets  and  armies,  Antiochus  obtained  possession  of  Damas- 
cus, the  metropolis  of  Ccelo-Syria,  Gilead,  Galilee,  and  Sa- 
maria, and  gave  rest  for  the  winter  to  his  fleet  at  Tyre,  and 
his  army  at  Ptolemais,  This  eruption  into  Judea  of  Antiochus, 
named  in  prophecy,  one  of  the  sons  of  the  kings  of  the  North; 
and  the  reconquest  of  the  country,  by  Ptolemy,  the  king  of  the 
South,  are  particularly  mentioned  in  Dan.  xi.  10 — 12.  "But 
his  sons  shall  be  stirred  up,  and  shall  assemble  a  multitude  of 
greatforces;  and  one  shall  certainly  come,  and  overflow  and  pass 
Uirough ;  then  shall  he  return,  and  be  stirred  up,  even  to  his  for- 
tress. And  the  king  of  the  south  shall  be  moved  with  choler, 
and  shall  come  forth  and  fight  with  him,  even  with  the  king  of 
the  north :  and  he  shall  set  forth  a  great  multitude ;  but  the  mul- 
titude shall  be  given  into  his  hand.  And  when  he  hath 
taken  away  the  multitude,  his  heart  shall  be  lifted  up ;  and  he 
shall  cast  down  many  ten  thousands:  but  he  shall  not  be 
strengthened  by  it." 

On  the  return  of  spring,  Ptolemy,  roused  to  a  proper  sense 
of  his  danger,  renounced  sensual  indulgences,  and  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  which  he  led  through 
the  desert  that  separates  Egypt  from  the  Holy  Land.  He 
was  met  at  Gaza  by  a  more  numerous  army,  under  Antio- 
chus. A  sanguinary  battle  soon  followed.  "  Arsinoe,  the  sis- 
ter and  wife  of  Ptolemy,  not  oply  exhorted  the  soldiers  to  be- 


I 


#' 


REIGN  OF   ANTIOCHUS   THE    GREAT.  213 

have  manfully,  before  the  battle,  but  did  not  leave  her  husband 
even  during  the  heat  of  this  engagement.  The  issue  of  it 
was,  Antiochus,  being  at  the  head  of  his  right  wing,  defeated 
the  enemy's  left.  But  whilst  hurried  on  by  an  inconsiderate 
ardour,  he  engaged  too  warmly  in  the  pursuit,  and  Ptolemy, 
who  had  been  as  successful  in  the  other  wing,  charged  Antio- 
chus' centre  in  flank,  which  was  then  uncovered ;  and  broke 
it,  before  it  was  possible  for  that  prince  to  come  to  its  relief 
An  old  officer,  who  saw  which  way  the  dust  flew,  concluded 
that  the  centre  was  defeated,  and  accordingly  made  Antiochus 
observe  it.  But  though  he  faced  about  that  instant,  he  came 
too  late  to  amend  his  fault;  and  found  the  rest  of  his  army 
broke  and  put  to  flight.  He  himself  was  now  obliged  to  pro- 
vide for  his  retreat,  and  retired  to  Raphia,  and  afterwards  to 
Gaza,  with  the  loss  of  ten  thousand  men  killed,  and  four  thou- 
sand taken  prisoners.  Finding  it  would  now  be  impossible 
for  him  to  continue  the  campaign  against  Ptolemy,  he  aban- 
doned all  his  conquests  ;  and  retreated  to  Antioch  with  the  re- 
mains of  his  army  ;"  and  all  Ccelo-Syria,  Judea,  and  the  neigh- 
bouring regions,  gladly  submitted  to  the  conqueror,  for  the  in- 
habitants were  strongly  attached  to  Egypt,  whose  yoke  they 
had  hitherto  felt  comparatively  light.  After  the  example  of 
his  predecessors,  he  expressed  himself  peculiarly  favourable 
to  the  Jews,  and  proposed  to  oflTer  sacrifices  and  gifts  to  the 
God  of  heaven,  in  Jerusalem.  Unless  we  recollect  and  ad- 
mit the  peculiarity  of  the  Jewish  constitution,  which  implied 
supernatural  interposition  to  favour  the  faithful  or  to  punish 
the  unfaithful  subjects  of  Jehovah,  the  Supreme  King  of  Israel, 
we  will  doubtless  regard  as  fabulous  the  historical  records 
of  Ptolemy's  visit  to  the  holy  city,  and  its  results.  Some  of 
the  incidents  are  noticed  by  Josephus  and  Eusebius  ;  but  the 
fullest  account  is  given  by  the  unknown  author  of  the  work 
called  "the  Third  Book  of  Maccabees."  The  external  beauty 
of  the  temple  and  the  solemnity  of  the  service  excited  the  cu- 
riosity of  the  king  to  examine  the  whole  of  the  interior  divi- 
sions. He  was  not  the  man  to  believe  that  his  presence  could 
defile  the  holy  of  holies. 

The  report  of  his  presumptuous  purpose  soon  spread  over 
the  city,  and  occasioned  a  great  tumult.  "  The  nigh-priest 
informed  him  of  the  holiness  of  the  place ;  and  the  express 
law  of  God,  by  which  he  was  forbid  to  enter  it.  The  priests 
and  Levites  drew  together  in  a  body  to  oppose  his  rash  de- 
sign, which  the  people  also  conjured  him  to  lay  aside.  And 
now,  all  places  echoed  with  the  lamentations  which  were 


214  RBIGN   OP   ANnOCHUS   THE   GEEAT. 

made,  on  account  of  the  profanation  to  which  their  temple 
would  be  exposed  ;  and  in  all  places  the  people  were  lifting 
up  their  hands  to  implore  Heaven  not  to  suffer  it.  However, 
all  this  opposition,  instead  of  prevailing  with  the  king,  only 
inflamed  his  curiosity  the  more.  He  forced  in  as  far  as  the 
second  court ;  but  as  he  was  preparing  to  enter  the  temple 
itself,  God  struck  him  with  a  sudden  terror,  which  threw  him 
into  such  prodigious  disorder  that  he  was  carried  off  half 
dead.  After  this  he  left  the  city,  highly  exasperated  against 
the  Jewish  nation  on  account  of  the  accident  which  had  be- 
fallen him,  and  highly  threatened  it  with  his  revenge."  The 
violence  of  his  resentment,  and  the  fierceness  of  his  anger,  im- 
pelled him,  on  the  first  occasion,  to  pour  out  his  wrath  on  all 
the  Jews  in  his  dominions.  On  returning  to  Alexandria,  the 
king  placed  all  who  sincerely  worshipped  the  True  God  be- 
yond the  protection  of  the  law.  He  erected  a  pillar  at  the 
gate  of  his  palace,  and  engraved  on  it  a  decree  prohibiting 
any  one  to  approach  his  throne  who  declined  to  worship  the 
gods  of  the  court.  By  consequence,  if  the  inferior  courts  pro- 
nounced unjust  decisions  against  the  Jewish  citizens,  they 
could  not  hope  for  redress,  unless  they  publicly  acknowledged 
themselves  idolaters.  The  citizens  were  divided  into  three 
classes ;  the  most  honourable  were  the  Macedonians  and 
Jews ;  the  mercenaries  in  the  army  constituted  the  next  rank ; 
and  the  natives  of  Egypt,  the  third.  The  second  decree 
against  the  Jews  degraded  them  to  the  third  rank  of  citizens, 
and  stripped  them  of  all  the  rights  which  they  had  hitherto 
enjoyed  under  the  Persians  and  the  Greeks.  "  But  this,"  as 
the  writer  in  '  Universal  History'  remarks,  "  was  not  the 
greatest  grievance ;  for  in  the  same  decree  it  was  exacted  that 
all  the  Jews,  at  the  appointed  time,  should  appear  before  the 
proper  officers,  in  order  to  be  enrolled  among  the  common 
people  ;  that  at  the  time  of  their  enrolment  they  should  have 
the  mark  of  an  ivy  leaf,  the  badge  of  Bacchus,  impressed  with 
a  hot  iron  on  their  faces  ;  that  all  who  wore  not  this  mark 
should  be  made  slaves ;  and  finally,  that  if  any  one  should 
stand  out  against  this  decree  he  should  be  immediately  put  to 
death.  But  that  he  might  not  seem  an  enemy  to  the  whole 
nation,  he  declared  that  those  who  sacrificed  to  the  gods 
should  enjoy  their  former  privileges,  and  remain  in  the  same 
class.  Notwithstanding  this  tempting  offer,  three  hundred 
only  out  of  many  thousands  of  the  Jewish  race  who  lived  in 
Alexandria  were  prevailed  upon  to  abandon  their  religion  in 
compliance  with  the  king's  will.     The  others  chose  rathe*- 


# 


REIGN   or   ANTIOCHUS   THE   GREAT.  216 

to  be  stigmatised  in  the  manner  the  king  had  ordered,  or  to 
redeem  themselves  from  that  ignominious  mark  by  parting 
with  all  they  had  to  the  king's  officers.  Those  who  con- 
tinued in  the  religion  of  their  forefathers  excluded  their  fallen 
brethren  from  all  manner  of  communion  with  them,  express- 
ing thereby  the >abhorrence  they  had  of  their  apostacy.  This 
their  enemies  construed  as  done  in  opposition  to  the  king's  or- 
ders, which  so  enraged  Ptolemy  that  he  resolved  to  extirpate 
\he  whole  nation,  beginning  with  the  Jews  who  lived  in  Al- 
exandria and  other  parts  of  Egypt,  and  then  proceed  with  the 
same  severity  against  the  inhabitants  of  Judea  and  Jerusalem. 
Pursuant  to  this  resolution,  he  commanded  all  the  Jews  who 
lived  in  any  part  of  Egypt  to  be  brought  in  chains  to  Alexan- 
dria, and  there  to  be  shut  up  in  the  hippodrome,  which  waS  a 
very  spacious  place  without  the  city,  where  the  people  used  to 
assemble  to  see  horse  races  and  other  public  shows.  When 
the  news  was  brought  him  that  all  the  Jews  who  lived 
in  Egypt  were,  agreeable  to  his  orders,  confined  within  the 
hippodrome,  he  sent  for  Hermon,  master  of  the  elephants,  and 
ordered  him  to  have  five  hundred  of  them  ready  against  the 
next  day,  to  be  let  loose  upon  the  prisoners  in  the  hippodrome. 
But  when  the  elephants  were  prepared  for  the  execution,  and 
the  people  assembled  in  great  crowds  to  see  it,  they  were  all 
disappointed  for  that  day,  by  the  king's  absence ;  for  having 
been  late  up  the  night  before  with  some  of  his  drunken  and 
debauched  companions,  he  did  not  awake  the  next  day  till  the 
•time  for  the  show  was  over,  and  the  spectators  returned 
to  their  respective  homes.  He  therefore  ordered  one  of  his 
servants  to  call  him  the  day  following  betimes,  that  the  people 
might  not  meet  with  a  second  disappointment.  But  when  the 
person  appointed  awakened  him,  he  was  not  yet  returned  to 
his  senses,  having  a  little  before  withdrawn  exceedingly 
drunk ;  and  therefore,  not  remembering  the  order  he  had 
given,  flew  into  a  violent  passion,  threatening  the  person  who 
spoke  to  him  of  it,  which  caused  the  show  to  be  put  off  to  the 
third  day. 

"  In  the  meantime,  the  Jews  who  continued  shut  up  in  the 
hippodrome,  ceased  not  to  offer  up  prayers  to  the  Almighty  for 
their  deliverance,  which  he  accordingly  granted  them.  For 
on  the  third  day,  when  the  king  was  present,  and  the  ele- 
phants brought  forth  and  let  loose  upon  the  prisoners,  those 
fierce  animals,  instead  of  falling  upon  the  Jews,  turned  their 
rage  upon  the  spectators  and  soldiers  who  assisted  at  the  exe- 
cution, and  destroyed  great  numbers  of  them ;  which,  with 


m 


216  REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS   THE    GREAT. 

Other  appearances  seen  in  the  air,  so  terrified  the  king,  that 
he  commanded  the  Jews  to  be  immediately  set  at  Kberty, — 
acknowledged  the  power  of  the  God  they  worshipped, — and, 
to  appease  his  anger,  restored  his  people  to  the  full  enjoy- 
ment of  their  former  privileges,  bestowing  upon  them  besides 
many  favours,  and  loading  them  with  presents  at  their  depart- 
ure ;  for  the  king  not  only  allowed  them  to  return  to  their  re- 
spective homes,  but  would  himself  bear  the  charges  of  their 
journey.  The  Jews,  seeing  themselves  thus  restored  to  the 
king's  favour,  demanded  and  obtained  leave  of  him  to  put  all 
those  of  their  own  nation  to  death  who  had  abandoned  their 
religion ;  which  permission  they  soon  made  use  of,  without 
sparing  a  single  man." 

In  memory  of  this  great  deliverance,  a  festival,  it  is  re- 
corded, was  kept  by  the  Jews  during  several  centuries ;  and 
their  gratitude  to  the  king  was  strongly  expressed  by  the  in- 
conquerable  courage  with  which  they  supported  him  in  the 
civil  war  which  originated  in  the  revolt  of  the  natives  of 
Egypt.  In  the  contest,  sixty  thousand  Jews  are  said  to  have 
been  slain. 

But  it  is  probable  that  the  unjust  conduct  of  Ptolemy  Phi- 
lopater  towards  the  Jews  completely  alienated  from  him  the 
inhabitants  of  Judea,  and  thus  they  prepared  them  to  acknow- 
ledge in  season  Antiochus  the  Great.  By  this  means  they 
most  probably  escaped  more  evil  than  it  was  in  the  power  of 
Egypt  to  inflict.  For  though  Antiochus  saw  it  expedient  to 
enter  into  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Egypt  on  the  most  humilia-  * 
ting  terms,  yet  he  rapidly  rose  to  be  the  first  sovereign  in 
Asia. 

Achaeus  had  not  only  reduced  under  him  all  the  provmces 
over  which  he  was  appointed  governor,  but  had  forced  At- 
talus,  king  of  Pergamus,  to  connne  his  exertions  within  the 
limits  of  his  small  kingdon.  His  success  had  kindled  the 
jealousy  and  envy  of  his  ungrateful  sovereign  and  court,  and 
he  considered  it  indispensable  for  his  own  safety  to  declare 
himself  an  independent  prince,  and,  it  is  said,  to  contend  with 
his  cousin  for  the  sovereignty  of  Syria,  which  he  had  for- 
merly nobly  refused.  These  circumstances  occasioned  a 
bloody  war,  which,  by  the  treachery  of  two  officers  of 
AchjEus,  natives  oi  Crete,  terminated  in  the  loss  of  his  domin- 
ion, his  liberty,  and  life.  Having  entire  confidence  in  them, 
they  found  it  easy  to  seize  him,  and  deliver  him  up  to  Antio- 
chus, who  immediately  caused  him  to  be  beheaded. 

Confident  that  Syria  was  safe  from  the  power  of  Egypt,  be- 


REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS   THE  GREAT.  217 

» 

cause  its  brutal  sovereign  had  given  himself  up  to  the  indul- 
gence of  every  vile  appetite  and  passion,  and  having  settled 
the  provinces  of  Asia  Minor,  Antiochus  determined  to  proceed 
to  reduce  the  revolted  provinces  in  the  East.  In  this  expedi- 
tion he  spent  several  years ;  but  after  repeatedly  defeating  the 
Parthians,  and  combating  the  Bactrians,  he  became  hopeless 
of  overcoming  them,  and  consented  to  a  peace  with  the  re- 
spective sovereigns,  on  condition  of  the  king  of  Parthia  re- 
nouncing all  claims  on  Media,  and  the  king  of  Bactria  grant- 
ing him  one  hundred  and  fifty  elephants. 

On  his  return  to  Antioch,  through  Persia,  Babylonia,  and 
Mesopotamia,  Antiochus  learned  that  the  king  of  Egypt  was 
dead,  and  its  throne  possessed  by  his  son,  Ptolemy  Epi- 
phanes,  who  was  only  five  years  of  age.  He  was  not  slow 
to  devise  a  scheme  by  whicn  he  hoped  to  dethrone  the  child, 
and  acquire  at  least  a  large  portion  of  his  dominions.  In 
order  to  do  this  he  formed  an  alliance  with  Philip,  king  of 
Macedon,  b.  c.  203,  the  basis  of  which  was  to  conquer  and 
divide  between  them  all  the  countries  subject  to  the  king  of 
Egypt.  This  most  unprovoked  and  unjust  alliance  brought 
utter  ruin  on  its  authors,  and  issued  in  the  establishment  of 
the  supremacy  of  the  Romans  over  the  chief  regions  of  the 
Grecian  empire,  and  occasioned  the  display  of  the  mighty 
energies  of  the  Fourth  Beast. 

Philip  was  one  of  the  most  skilful  warriors  a^inst  the 
powerful,  but  the  tyrant  of  the  weak.  Rarely  did  he  dis- 
cover any  indication  of  a  refined  mind  or  a  humane  heart. 
His  predecessor,  Antigonus  Dorson,  had  assisted  the  Achae- 
ans  in  their  illustrious  enterprise  to  restore  and  sustain  the 
liberty  of  all  the  States  of  Greece  ;  and  they  judged  it  neces- 
sary to  request  him  to  continue  the  same  assistance.  This 
they  the  more  willingly  did,  on  account  of  the  gentleness  and 
moderation,  combined  with  wisdom,  which  marked  his  con- 
duct in  the  early  period  of  his  reign.  Success,  however, 
awakened  pride  and  ambition ;  and  whoever  bowed  not  to 
his  authority,  or  submitted  not  to  his  will,  provoked  his  rage, 
and  exposed  themselves  to  his  implacable  resentment.  The 
intelligent  soon  perceived  that  he  had  set  his  heart,  not  on  the 
freedom  but  the  conquest  and  slavery  of  Greece.  That 
country  was  threatened  at  the  same  time  with  ruin  by  the 
Lacedemonians,  who  had  fallen  under  the  dominion  of  ty- 
rants. In  these  circumstances,  the  friendship  of  the  Romans 
w£is  acceptable  to  many  of  the  Greeks,  for  they  pretended  to 
desire  nothing  more  than  to  protect  the  natural  rights  of  aU 

VOL.    I.  19 


f 


^ 


^\S  AGIQN   OF   ANTIOOHUS  THE   GREAT. 

nations,  and  especially  of  the  enlightened  states  of  Greece 
Though  Philip  was  chiefly  indebted  for  his  ascendency  in 
Greece  to  Aratus  and  his  son,  who  was  truly  worthy  of  his 
father's  name,  yet  he  secretly  effected  the  death  of  the  for- 
mer, and  the  mental  derangement  of  the  latter,  when  he  per- 
ceived that  they  resolved  to  counteract  his  rapacious  designs. 
He  adopted  a  different  method  to  secure  himself  against  the 
opposition  of  Philopcsmen,  the  last  brave  general  of  the 
Achgeans,  and  who,  from  the  excellency  of  his  character, 
and  heroic  deeds,  has  been  justly  called,  "the  last  of  the 
Greeks."  Philip  endeavoured  in  vain  to  gain  this  celebrated 
man  over  to  his  interests.  But  the  ambitious  views  of  this 
prince  were  more  fully  developed  by  the  alliance  which  he 
formed  with  Hannibal,  the  chief  of  the  Carthaginians.  The 
wars  of  this  powerful  and  commercial  people  with  the 
Romans  astonished  the  Greeks,  who  had  always  regarded 
these  nations  as  mere  barbarians.  But  the  king  of  Macedon 
contemplated  them  with  the  deepest  interest ;  for  the  compar- 
atively narrow  Adriatic  Sea  alone  separated  his  kingdom 
from  Italy.  Hence  the  invasion  of  that  country  by  the  cele- 
brated Hannibal  was  gratifying  to  him ;  and  on  ascertaining 
that  the  Romans  had  been  defeated  by  him  in  three  succes- 
sive battles,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  the  victor  to  make  a 
treaty  with  him,  the  terms  of  which  he  cheerfully  accepted ; 
for  the  purport  was,  that  Philip  should  cross  into  Italy  with 
a  fleet  of  two  hundred  sail  and  lay  waste  the  sea  coasts ;  and 
should  assist  the  Carthaginians  both  by  sea  and  land :  That 
the  latter  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war,  should  possess  all  Italy 
and  Rome;  and  that  Hannibal  should  have  all  the  spoils: 
That  after  the  conquest  of  Italy,  they  should  cross  into 
Greece,  and  there  make  war  against  any  power  the  king 
should  nominate ;  and  that  both  the  cities  of  the  continent, 
and  the  islands  lying  towards  Macedonia,  should  be  enjoyed 
by  Philip,  and  annexed  to  his  dominions.  This  treaty  af- 
forded a  plausible  reason  to  justify  their  persevering  interfer- 
ence in  the  affairs  of  Greece,  and  to  make  war  with  Philip. 
But  till  they  conquered  Hannibal  they  could  not  vigorously 
prosecute  their  schemes  respecting  Macedon.  They  there- 
fore readily  entered  into  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Philip,  by  the 
terms  of  which  they  were  careful  to  appear  as  the  protector 
of  Grecian  liberty,  while  he  had  by  his  conduct  during  the 
war  alienated  from  him  all  who  venerated  the  religion,  the 
literature,  and  arts,  of  the  Greeks.  He  acted  the  barbarian 
in  every  city  which  he  captured.     He  laid  waste  the  sur 


1 


fLEIGN   OF   ANTIOqHUS   THE   QVJ^T.  219 

^Qunding  district — made  a  prey  of  whatever  was  valuable — 
destroyed  the  temples  and  the  most  admired  monument  of 
antiquity  and  art. 

Thus  he  showed  himself  a  prince  completely  prepared  to 
join  Antiochus  the  Great  in  the  most  unjust  plans,  which 
that  prince  proposed  as  the  foundation  of  an  alliance,  which 
they  made  b.  c.  204,  the  same  year  in  which  peace  was  es- 
.tablished  between  PhUip  and  the  Romans.  The  terms  of 
this  alliance  were  in  substance,  that  they  should  attack  the 
dominions  of  the  infant  king  of  Egypt,  remove  him  from  the 
throne,  and  divide  them ;  Philip  to  receive  Caria,  Egypt, 
Lybia,  and  Cyrenaica ;  and  Antiochus  all  the  rest.  By  this 
agreement  the  latter  was  brought  into  a  collision  with  the 
Romans,  which  ultimately  ruined  him,  and  placed  all  Asia 
within  their  wide  grasp.  They  had  kept  up  occasionally 
correspondence  with  the  court  of  Egypt,  from  the  time  of 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus ;  and  on  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Phil- 
opater,  the  senate  of  Rome  declared  themselves  the  guardians 
of  the  young  king,  and  entrusted  Aristomedes  with  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  kingdom. 

This  representative  of  the  Romans  was,  by  birth,  an  Acar- 
nanian,  but  he  had  been  for  a  considerable  time  in  Egypt,  and 
was  one  of  the  generals  of  the  army  most  distinguished  by 
fidelity  and  prudence.  Previously  to  his  appointment,  Anti- 
ochus had  conquered  all  Ccelo-Syria,  Judea,  and  Phenicia. 
To  recover  these  provinces,  Aristomedes  sent  Scopas  with  an 
army.  This  general,  at  first  every  where  triumphant,  was 
soon  overcome,  when  attacked  by  Antiochus  in  person,  and 
the  Egyptians  returned  to  Alexandria  overwhelmed  with  dis- 
grace ;  the  general  and  those  who  sought  refuge  in  Sidon  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  conqueror,  and  were  by  him  dismissed 
naked  and  destitute.  Scopas  seems  to  have  treated  the  prov- 
inces as  newly  captured,  and  his  overthrow  was  hailed  by  the 
inhabitants,  especially  by  the  Jews,  who  had  always  till  now 
been  celebrated  for  their  attachment  to  the  dynasty  of  Ptolemy. 
As  soon  as  they  knew  that  Antiochus  was  advancing  to  their 
country,  they  crowded  very  zealously  to  meet  him,  and  deliver 
up  the  keys  of  all  their  cities ;  being  come  to  Jerusalem,  the 
priests  and  elders  came  out  in  pomp  to  meet  him,  paid  him  all 
kinds  of  honour,  and  assisted  him  in  driving  out  of  the  castle 
the  soldiers  which  Scopas  had  left  in  it.  In  return  for  these 
services,  Antiochus  granted  them  a  great  many  privileges ; 
and  enacted,  by  a  particular  decree,  that  no  stranger  should 
be  dlowed  access  to  the  inner  part  of  the  temple ;  a  prohihi- 


220  REIGN   OP   ANTIOCHUS   THE   GREAT. 

tion  which  seemed  evidently  to  have  been  made  on  account 
of  Philopater's  late  attempt  to  force  his  way  thither.  Antio- 
chus,  in  his  eastern  expedition,  had  received  so  many  services 
from  the  Jews  of  Babylonia  and  Mesopotamia,  and  depended 
so  much  on  their  fidelity,  that  when  a  sedition  broke  out  in 
Phrygia  and  Lydia,  he  sent  two  thousand  Jewish  families  to 
quell  it,  and  keep  the  country  in  peace,  and  was  exceedingly 
liberal  to  them.  It  was  from  these  Jews,  transplanted  at  this 
time,  that  descended  many  of  those  who  were  dispersed  or 
" scattered  abroad,^  whom  we  shall  afterwards  find  so  nu- 
merous, especially  in  the  gospel  times.  The  favours  bestowed 
on  the  Jews  by  Antiochus  the  Great  are  minutely  detailed  by 
Josephus.  This  second  and  more  permanent  subjugation  by 
Antiochus  was,  like  the  first,  the  subject  of  Divine  prediction : 
"  For  the  king  of  the  north  shall  return,  and  shall  set  forth  a 
multitude  greater  than  the  former,  and  shall  certainly  come 
after  certain  years  with  a  great  army,  and  with  much  riches. 
And  in  those  times  there  shall  many  stand  up  against  the  king 
of  the  south :  also  the  robbers  of  thy  people  shall  exalt  them- 
selves to  establish  the  vision  ;  but  they  shall  fall.  So  the  king 
of  the  north  shall  come,  and  cast  up  a  mount,  and  take  the 
most  fenced  cities  ;  and  the  arms  of  the  south  shall  not  with- 
stand, neither  his  chosen  people,  neither  shall  there  be  any 
strength  to  withstand.  But  he  that  cometh  against  him  shall 
do  according  to  his  own  will,  and  none  shall  stand  before 
him  ;  and  he  shall  stand  in  the  glorious  land,  which  by  his 
hand  shall  be  consumed."  Dan.  xi.  13 — 16.  And  his  last 
and  greatest  exploits,  directed  against  the  Romans,  whose  re- 
gions in  Europe  are  denominated  the  isles^  are  foretold  in 
ver.  1 7 — 19,  of  which  an  illustration  is  presented  to  us  in  the 
events  which  we  proceed  briefly  to  record. 

Antiochus  was  resolved  to  raise  his  empire  to  its  original 
greatness  and  grandeur  in  the  days  of  its  founder  Seleucus 
Nicator.  That  he  might  direct  all  his  resources  to  the  con- 
quest of  Asia  Minor  and  the  regions  in  Europe,  which  had 
been  wrested  from  the  Syrian  power,  he  procured  peace  with 
Egypt  by  betrothing  his  daughter  to  Ptolemy,  with  the  pro- 
mise, when  their  marriage  was  consummated,  of  all  the  prov- 
inces, which  he  had  recently  conquered.  He  had  scarcely 
finished  his  preparations  for  the  war,  in  the  prosecution  of 
which  he  must  have  calculated  on  the  opposition  of  Rome, 
when  h6  was  deprived  of  the  co-operation  of  Philip,  king  of 
Macedon.  For  though  the  peace  which  he  had  made  with 
the   Romans  had  been  broken,  yet  he  was   compelled   to 


# 


# 


RBION   OF    ANTIOCHUS   THE    GREAT.  221 

acquiesce  in  another  more  humiliating  to  him,  198  b.  c.  The 
conditions  were,  That  all  the  Grecian  cities  not  voluntarily 
subject  to  him,  whether  in  Greece,  Asia,  or  Europe,  should 
be  free,  and  be  governed  by  their  own  laws :  that  Philip,  be- 
fore the  celebration  of  the  Isthmian  games,  should  evacuate 
those  in  which  he  then  had  garrisons  :  that  he  should  restore 
to  the  Romans  all  the  prisoners  and  deserters,  and  deliver 
up  to  them  all  the  ships  that  had  decks,  (five  feluccas  ex- 
cepted,) and  the  galley  having  sixteen  benches  of  rowers : 
That  he  should  pay  a  thousand  talents ;  one  half  down,  and 
the  other  half  in  ten  years,  fifty  every  year,  by  way  of  tribute. 
Among  the  hostages  required  of  him,  was  Demetrius  his  son, 
who  accordingly  was  sent  to  Rome.  This  treaty  was  accept- 
able to  all  the  Grecian  States,  except  ^tolia,  whose  chief  men 
declared  that  the  Romans  had  bound  the  Greeks  in  chains, 
because  they  had  reserved  the  right  of  placing  strong  garri- 
sons in  Corinth,  Colchis,  and  Demetrius,  to  prevent  them  be- 
ing seized  by  Antiochus.  The  complaints  of  the  iEtolians 
occasioned  much  perplexity,  and  induced  many  to  think  that 
the  Romans  would  never  evacuate  the  numerous  cities  which 
they  had  taken.  Flaminius  eagerly  embraced  the  opportu- 
nity aflforded  him  by  the  solemnization  of  the  Isthmian  games, 
to  tranquillize  all  Greece.  The  immense  multitude,  consisting 
of  all  ranks,  being  assembled  from  every  state,  in  the  stadium, 
he  ordered  a  herald  to  proclaim  that  the  "  Senate  and  people 
of  Rome,  and  Titus  Gluintius  the  general,  having  overcome 
Philip  and  the  Macedonians,  ease  and  deliver  from  all  garri- 
sons, and  taxes,  and  imposts,  the  Corinthians,  the  Locrians,  the 
Phocians,  the  Euboeans,  the  Phthiot  Achseans,  the  Magnesians, 
the  Thessalians,  and  the  Perhaebians :  declare  them  free,  and 
ordain  that  they  shall  be  governed  by  their  respective  laws 
and  usages."  When  this  proclamation  was  fully  understood, 
the  innumerable  hearers  aban  loned  themselves  to  the  highest 
transports  of  joy,  and  broke  iiito  such  loud  and  repeated  ac- 
clamations, that  the  sea  resounded  them  to  a  great  distance  ; 
and  some  ravens,  which  happened  to  fly  that  instant  over  the 
assembly,  fell  down  in  the  stadium  ;  so  true  it  is,  that  of  all 
the  blessings  of  this  life,  none  are  so  dear  to  mankind  as  lib- 
erty !  The  games  and  sports  were  hurried  over  with  neglect 
and  disregard  ;  for  so  great  was  the  general  joy  upon  this  oc- 
casion, that  it  extinguished  all  other  thoughts  and  regards. 
The  games  being  ended,  all  the  people  ran  in  crowds  to  the 
Roman  general ;  and  every  one  being  eager  to  see  his  deliv- 
erer, to  salute  him,  to  kiss  his  hand,  and  to  throw  crowns  and  fes- 
19* 


2(22  REIGN    OF    A>rriOCHUS   THE   GREAT. 

toons  of  flowers  over  him  :  he  would  have  run  the  hazard  of 
being  pressed  to  death  by  the  crowd,  had  not  the  vigour  of  his 
years  (for  he  was  not  above  thirty-three  years  old,)  and  the 
joy  which  so  glorious  a  day  gave  him,  sustained  and  enabled 
him  to  undergo  the  fatigue  of  it." 

These  events,  however  adverse  to  the  views  of  Antiochus, 
were  insufficient  to  change  his  plans.  Having,  by  a  dexter- 
ous policy,  secured  the  peace  ,of  Syria,  he  had  ordered  his 
sons,  Arduas  and  Mithridates  to  conduct  the  army  to  Sardis, 
and  wait  his  arrival  there,  for  he  proposed  to  lead  a  large 
fleet  to  the  coasts  of  Asia  Minor.  On  his  taking  possession 
of  the  principal  maritime  cities,  and  laying  up  his  fleet  at 
Ephesus  for  the  winter.  Smyrna,  Lampsacus,  and  other  free 
cities,  indisposed  to  submit  to  him,  applied  for  aid  and  protec- 
tion to  the  Romans.  Before  ambassadors  from  Rome  reached 
him,  he  had  passed  the  Hellespont  to  Europe,  and  conquered 
the  Thracian  Chersonesus,  which  he  proposed  to  constitute 
the  nucleus  of  a  kingdom  to  his  second  son,  Seleucus,  and  to 
make  Lysimachia  its  capital.  He  apoligised  for  his  proceed- 
ing, by  asserting  that  he  subjected  to  his  dominion  only  those 
countries  of  which  he  was  the  legitimate  heir,  as  the  descend- 
ant of  Seleucus  Nicanor,  who  had  ruled  over  them.  This 
apology  the  ambassadors  of  Rome  reported  to  the  senate,  but 
the  only  decision  passed  was,  that  Flaminius  should  watch  the 
proceedings  of  the  Syrian  king,  whose  power  they  avowed 
must  be  limited  to  Asia. 

Meanwhile  Hannibal,  who  had  lived  retired  in  Carthage 
several  years  from  the  time  of  his  total  defeat,  which  had  ter- 
minated in  the  temporary  restoration  of  peace  between  Rome 
and  that  city,  carried  on  correspondence  with  Antiochus. 
On  discovering  that  this  was  suspected,  and  having  some  rea- 
son to  apprehend  that  his  countrymen  would  deliver  him  up 
to  the  Romans,  he  fled  to  Ephesus,  and  was  joyfully  received 
by  the  Syrian  king,  who,  by  this  event,  was  strongly  con- 
firmed in  his  purpose  to  pursue  the  measures  which  he  judged 
best,  in  defiance  of  Rome. 

One  of  the  Roman  ambassadors  to  Antiochus  visited  Han- 
nibal at  Ephesus,  with  the  design  of  persuading  him  that  he 
had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  Romans,  and  that  it  was  rfbt 
his  interest  to  join  their  enemies.  Though  he  attained  not 
this,  yet  Hannibal  was  pleased  repeatedly  to  meet  him ;  a 
circumstance  which  induced  Antiochus  to  suspect  the  sin- 
cerity of  his  friendship,  and  from  this  time  he  was  much  less 
disposed  to  respect  his  advice  than  that  given  him  by  the 


i 


# 


REIGlf  OP   ANTIOCHUS   THE  GREAT.  228 

flatterers  with  whom  he  was  surrounded.  This  may  be  re- 
garded as  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  his  final  overthrow. 
Hannibal  always  insisted  that  the  Romans  could  never  be 
successfully  attacked,  except  in  Italy.  The  -^tolians  persuaded 
Antiochus  that  he  had  only  to  fight  the  Romans  in  Greece  to 
secure  a  complete  triumph,  for  all  the  Greeks  would  assured- 
ly join  his  standard.  He  followed  their  counsels,  and  his 
troops  were  totally  defeated  ;  and  the  ^tolians,  who  were 
the  only  one  of  his  allies  possessed  of  much  power,  were 
compelled  to  throw  themselves  on  the  compassion  of  the  Ro- 
mans. This  event  transpired  b.  c.  191,  and  in  the  succeed- 
ing year  Antiochus  was  forced  to  contend  with  Rome  for  his 
Asiatic  possessions.  The  strength  of  both  parties  was  exerted 
to  the  utmost ;  for  the  prize  was  the  empire  of  the  world. 

The  Roman  armies,  on  land,  were  led  by  L.  Cornelius 
Scipio,  the  new  consul ;  his  brother,  Scipio  Africanus,  the 
conqueror  of  Hannibal,  served  as  lieutenant.  L.  iEmilius 
Regillus  commanded  the  fleet,  which  was  strengthened  by  a 
large  fleet  from  Rhodes.  The  latter  first  attacked  and  dis- 
persed many  ships  in  which  Hannibal  was  conveying  troops 
from  Syria  and  Phenicia  to  Asia.  iEmilius  obtained  a  com- 
plete victory  over  the  principal  fleet  of  Antiochus,  on  the 
coast  of  Ionia.  In  consequence  of  these  disasters,  Antiochus 
was  disabled  from  arresting  the  progress  of  the  Roman  army 
in  their  march  into  Asia.  The  report  that  they  had  passed 
the  Hellespont  struck  terror  into  his  heart,  and  seemed  to  de- 
prive him  of  understanding.  He  ordered  his  troops  to  be 
withdrawn  from  the  very  fortresses,  which  stood  in  the  way 
of  the  enemy,  lest  they  should  take  them  prisoners  ;  and  in 
despair  he  sent  an  embassy  to  propose  terms  of  peace ;  and, 
on  learning  the  conduct  of  the  Roman  general  on  reaching 
Asia,  he  entertained  hopes  of  pacifying  him.  "  The  Romans 
halted  some  time  at  Troy,  which  they  considered  as  the  cra- 
dle of  their  origin,  and  as  their  primitive  country,  from  whence 
they  set  out  to  settle  in  Italy.  The  consul  offered  up  sacri- 
fices to  Minerva,  who  presided  over  the  citadel.  Both  parties 
were  overjoyed,  and  much  after  the  same  manner  as  fathers 
and  children,  who  meet  after  a  long  separation.  The  inhab- 
itants of  this  city,  seeing  their  posterity  conquerors  of  the 
West  and  of  Africa,  and  laying  claim  to  Asia  as  a  kingdom 
that  had  been  possessed  by  their  ancestors,  imagined  they  saw 
Troy  rise  out  of  its  ashes  in  greater  splendour  than  ever.  On 
the  other  side,  the  Romans  were  infinitely  delighted  to  see 
themselves  in  the  ancient  abode  of  their  forefathers,  who  had 


#-  ^m 


m- 


« 


224 


BEION   OF   ANTIOCHUS   THE   GREAt. 


, 


given  birth  to  Rome ;  and  to  contemplate  its  temples  and  dei- 
ties, which  they  had  in  common  with  that  city."  The  army 
observed  the  festival  named  Ancilia,in  which  the  sacred  shields 
were  carried  m  solemn  procession  with  great  pomp.  Scipio 
Afncanus,  who  was  one  of  the  salii  or  priests  of  Mars,  whose 
olfice  was  to  keep  these  shields,  had  not  yet  crossed  the  sea ; 
for,  being  one  of  the  salii,  he  could  not  leave  the  place  where 
the  festival  was  solemnizing,  so  that  the  army  was  obliged  to 
wait  for  him.  What  a  pity  it  was  that  persons  of  so  much  re- 
ligion were  no  better  illuminated,  or  directed  their  worship  to 
such  improper  objects!  This  delay  gave  Antiochus  some 
hopes ;  for  he  imagined  that  the  Romans,  immediately  upon 
their  arrival  in  Asia,  would  have  attacked  him  on  a  sudden. 
Besides,  the  noble  character  he  had  heard  of  Scipio  Africanus, 
and  his  greatness  of  soul,  his  generosity  and  clemency  to 
those  he  had  conquered,  both  in  Spain  and  Africa,  gave  him 
hopes  that  this  great  man,  now  satiated  with  glory,  would  not 
be  averse  to  an  accommodation,  especially  as  he  had  a  present 
to  make  him  which  could  not  but  be  infinitely  agreeable. 
This  was  his  own  son,  a  child,  who  had  been  taken  at  sea,  as 
he  was  going  in  a  boat  from  Chalcis  to  Oreum,  according  to 
Livy.  Scipio  Africanus,  though  grateful  for  the  gift  of  his 
son,  informed  the  ambassadors  of  Antiochus,  that  by  allowing 
the  Romans  to  enter  Asia,  he  had  put  the  yoke  on  his  own 
neck,  and  that  he  ought  now  to  lay  down  his  arms  and 
accept  any  articles  of  peace  proposed  to  him.  This  announce- 
ment left  him  no  alternative  but  to  try  the  strength  of  his  arms, 
and  he  instantly  proceeded  to  meet  the  enemy.  His  army 
consisted  of  seventy  thousand  foot,  twelve  thousand  horse,  and 
fifty-four  elephants.  The  Romans  amounted  only  to  thirty 
thousand  men,  and  sixteen  elephants.  The  battle,  which  was 
fought  near  the  city  of  Magnesia,  was  dreadful,  but  was  soon 
terminated  in  the  entire  overthrow  of  the  army  of  Antiochus, 
and  the  voluntary  submission  of  all  the  cities  of  Asia  Minor 
to  Rome.  Antiochus  retired  to  Sard  is,  from  which  he  soon 
fled  to  Phrygia  to  join  his  son  Seleucus.  They  both  returned 
to  Antioch ;  and  immediately  sent  ambassadors  to  sue  for 
peace.  The  conditions  prescribed  by  Scipio  Africanus  were, 
"  that  Antiochus  should  evacuate  all  Asia  on  this  side  Mount 
Taurus:  that  he  should  pay  all  the  expenses  of  the  war, 
which  were  computed  at  fifteen  thousand  Euboean  talents,  and 
the  payments  were  settled  as  follows ;  five  hundred  talents 
down ;  two  thousand  five  hundred,  when  the  senate  should 
have  ratified  the  treaty,  and  the  rest  in  twelve  years,  a  thou- 


m  m 


B.KION   OP  ANTIOOHUS  THE  GREAT.  225 

sand  talents  every  year.  That  he  should  pay  Eumenes  the 
four  hundred  talents  he  owed  him,  and  the  residue  of  a  pay- 
ment on  account  of  corn  with  which  the  king  of  Pergamus 
his  father  had  furnished  the  king  of  Syria ;  and  that  he  should 
deliver  twenty  hostages,  to  be  chosen  by  the  Romans;"  and, 
finally,  that  Hannibal,  and  Thoas,  the  general  of  the  iEtolians, 
who  had  been  the  chief  agent  in  fomenting  the  war,  should 
be  delivered  up  to  them.  These  terms  were  accepted  by  An- 
tioclius,  and  approved  by  the  Roman  senate. 

Thus  the  Grecian  empire  vanished,  and  Rome  triumphed. 
The  fourfh  beast  exultingly  raised  his  throne,  in  the  world ; 
and  the  human  race,  astonished,  beheld  that  it  was  truly 
"  dreadful  and  terrible,  and  strong  exceedingly ;  and  it  had 
great  iron  teeth :  it  devoured  and  brake  in  pieces,  and  stamped 
the  residue  with  the  feet  of  it:  and  it  was  diverse  from  all  the 
beasts  that  were  before  it;  and  it  had  ten  horns,"  Dan.  vii.  7. 
The  Romans,  however,  still  continued  the  avowed  protectors 
of  the  freedom  of  all  nations,  especially  of  the  Greeks,  in  Asia 
as  well  as  Europe ;  and  for  a  considerable  time  treated  them 
with  respect.  Indeed,  every  Roman  who  aspired  to  intelli- 
gence, distinction,  or  superiority  in  literature,  science,  or  the 
fine  arts  of  eloquerice,  poetry,  sculpture,  and  painting,. was 
happy  in  having  the  opportunity  of  sojourning  a  longer  or 
shorter  time  in  the  principal  Grecian  cities.  And  nothing 
contributed  more  than  this  to  advance  the  civilization  of  the 
Roman  people.  Nevertheless,  their  acquisition  of  Asia  ex- 
tinguished their  most  dazzHng  qualities  ;  for  they  exchanged 
their  temperate  habits,  moderation,  patience,  and  fortitude, 
for  Asiatic  wealth,  luxury,  effeminacy,  and  licentious  pleas- 
ures. 

Antiochus,  confounded  by  his  fall,  perished  in  the  first  at- 
tempt to  secure  the  friendship  of  the  Romans,  who,  if  pro- 
voked, were  sufficiently  powerful,  and  inclined,  to  strip  him 
of  all  his  dominion.  On  recovering  somewhat  from  the  tre- 
mendous shock  which  he  had  endured,  he  was  perplexed  how 
to  procure  the  sum  which  he  was  pledged  to  remit  to  Rome, 
The  only  scheme  that  appeared  eligible  was  to  make  a  pro- 
gress through  his  eastern  provinces,  and  levy  the  tribute  due 
him.  He  appointed  his  son  Seleucus  regent  of  the  kingdom 
during  his  absence,  and  declared  him  his  heir  and  successor. 
Arriving  at  Elymais,  capital  of  the  northern  division  of  Susi- 
ana,  he  was  informed  that  its  temple  of  Jupiter  Belus  con- 
tained considerable  treasure.  Being  a  votary  of  pleasure,  ra- 
ther than  of  idolatry,  he  rashly  invaded  the  sacred  edifice,  in 


^-  — ._~-=™* 


-^ 


226  REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS   THE   GREAT. 

the  darkness  of  night,  and  carried  off  its  riches,  and  gifts  of 
devotion  religiously  preserved  for  many  generations.  This 
act  excited  the  horror  and  rage  of  the  citizens ;  and,  in  the 
tumult,  his  life  was  the  forfeit  of  his  presumption  and  pro- 
fanity. He  was  characterised,  till  fifty  years  old,  by  wisdom, 
prudence,  and  bravery,  by  which  he  acquired  the  title  of  the 
Greatj  but,  from  that  period,  pride,  inconsideration,  and  in- 
dulgence of  the  meaner  passions,  produced  self-confidence, 
imprudent  conduct,  and  love  of  ease ;  and  these  proved  fatal 
to  his  power  and  fame. 


-» 


CHAPTER  IVI 


REIGN  OF  ANTIOCHUS  EPIPHANES. 


NoTHTNG  important  is  recorded  of  the  short  reign  of  Seleu- 
cus  Philopater,  the  son  and  successor  of  Antiochus  the  Great, 
except  his  unjust  and  presumptuous  spoiling  of  the  temple  of 
Jerusalem.  And  to  this  he  was  excited  by  his  circumstances 
rather  than  by  any  alienation  from  the  Jews.  They  had  en- 
joyed a  considerable  period  of  peace  and  prosperity  under  the 
government  of  his  father,  and  appear  to  have  been  favoured 
by  pious  and  faithful  high-priests.  That  this  was  the  charac- 
ter of  Simon  II.  who  succeeded  the  covetous  Onias  II.  b.  c 
249,  is  probable  from  the  silence  of  history  concerning  his 
pontificate ;  for  the  Jewish  historians  usually  thus  treat  thf^ 
lives  of  their  leaders  who  kept  the  even  tenor  of  their  way, 
especially  when  no  remarkable  event  happened  to  them  dur 
ingthtir  administration.  His  son  Onias  III,  who  was  or- 
dained high-priest,  b.  c.  199,  was  greatly  beloved  by  all  the 
true  worshippers  of  God.  But  he  was  hated  by  the  wicked, 
and  from  the  wrath  and  honour  connected  with  his  office, 
they  envied  him,  and  sought  his  destruction.  Among  these 
was,  unhappily,  Simon,  a  Benjaminite,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed governor  of  the  temple.  When  this  man  failed  to  se- 
duce Onias  from  his  duty,  he  resolved  to  act  the  traitor  of  his 
nation,  and  charge  Onias  with  the  crime.  He  knew  the  ex- 
treme difficulty  which  the  king  of  Syria  felt  to  raise  the  fine 
or  tribute  imposed  on  his  kingdom  by  the  Romans.  Indeed 
this  was  the  principal  object  of  Seleucus  Philopater's  life,  for 
the  loss  of  his  dominions,  he  was  certain,  would  speedily  fol- 
low the  neglect  to  send  them  annually  one  thousand  talents. 
Thus  this  prince  completely  vindicated  the  character  given  of 
him  in  the  Divine  prediction  :  "  Then  shall  stand  up  in  his 
estate  a  raiser  of  taxes  in  the  glory  of  the  kingdom:  but  within 
few  days  he  shall  be  destroyed,  neither  in  anger  nor  in  battle.'* 


# 


t 


-m 


228  REIGN   OF    ANTIOC'HUS    EPIPHANES. 

Dan.  xi.  20.     The  contemporaries  of  Seleucus  mig^ht  justly 
have  denominated  him  "  the  collector  of  taxes." 

To  him  Simon  introduced  himself,  assured  of  procuring 
his  favour,  by  intimating  to  him  that  the  temple  at  Jerusalem, 
of  which  he  was  governor,  contained  immense  treasure,  of 
which  the  king  might  easily  obtain  possession.  To  this 
monarch  no  information  could  be  more  acceptable,  and  he 
quickly  availed  himself  of  it.  This  part  of  his  conduct,  so 
deeply  interesting  to  the  Jews,  is  plainly  detailed,  with  all 
the  accompanying  circumstances,  in  the  Second  Book  of 
Maccabees. 

"  Now  when  the  holy  city  was  inhabited  with  all  peace, 
and  the  laws  were  kept  very  well,  because  of  the  godliness 
of  Onias  the  high-priest,  and  his  hatred  of  wickedness,  it  came 
to  pass  that  even  the  kings  themselves  did  honour  the  place, 
and  magnify  the  temple  with  their  best  gifts ;  insomuch  that 
Seleucus,  king  of  Asia,  of  his  own  revenues,  bare  all  the  costs 
belonging  to  the  service  of  the  sacrifices.  But  one  Simon,  of 
the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  who  was  made  governor  of  the  temple, 
fell  out  with  the  high-priest  about  disorder  in  the  city.  And 
when  he  could  not  overcome  Onias,  he  gat  himto  Apollonius 
the  son  of  Thraseas,  who  then  was  governor  of  CoDlo-Syria 
and  Phenice,  and  told  him  that  the  treasury  in  Jerusalem  was 
full  of  infinite  sums  of  money,  so  that  the  multitude  of  their 
riches,  which  did  not  pertain  to  the  account  of  the  sacrifices, 
was  innumerable,  and  that  it  was  possible  to  bring  all  into  the 
king's  hand.  Now,  when  Apollonius  came  to  the  king,  and 
had  showed  him  of  the  money  whereof  he  was  told,  the  king 
chose  out  Heliodorus  his  treasurer,  and  sent  him  with  a  com- 
mandment to  bring  him  the  foresaid  money.  So  forthwith 
Heliodorus  took  his  journey,  under  a  colour  of  visiting  the 
cities  of  CcElo-Syria  and  Phenice,  but  indeed  to  fulfil  the  king's 
purpose.  And  when  he  was  come  to  Jerusalem,  and  had 
been  courteously  received  of  the  high-priest  of  the  city,  he 
told  him  what  intelligence  was  given  of  the  money,  and  de- 
clared wherefore  he  came,  and  asked  if  these  things  were  so 
indeed.  Then  the  high-priest  told  him  that  there  was  such 
money  laid  up  for  the  relief  of  widows  and  fatherless  children, 
and  that  some  of  it  belonged  to  Hircanus,  son  of  Tobias,  a 
man  of  great  dignity,  and  not  as  that  wicked  Simon  had  mis- 
informed ;  the  sum  whereof  in  all  was  four  hundred  talents 
of  silver,  and  two  hundred  of  gold  ;  and  that  it  was  altogether 
inpossible  that  such  wrongs  should  be  done  unto  them,  that 
had  committed  it  to  the  holiness  of  the  place,  and  to  the  ma- 


HI 


REIGN   OF  ANTIOCHUS  EPIPHANES.  229 

jesty  and  inviolable  sanctity  of  the  temple,  honoured  over  all 
the  world.  But  Heliodorus,  because  of  the  king  s  command- 
ment given  iiim,  said,  that  in  any  wise  it  must  be  brought 
into  the  king's  treasury.  So  at  the  day  which  he  appointed 
he  entered  in  to  order  this  matter :  wherefore  there  was  no 
small  agony  throughout  the  whole  city.  But  the  priests,  pros- 
trating themselves  before  the  altar  in  their  priests'  vestments, 
called  unto  heaven  upon  him  that  made  a  law  concerning 
things  given  to  be  kept,  that  they  should  safely  be  preserved 
for  such  as  had  committed  them  to  be  kept.  Then  whoso 
had  looked  the  high-priest  in  the  face,  it  would  have  wounded 
his  heart :  for  his  countenance,  and  the  changing  of  his  colour, 
declared  the  inward  agony  of  his  mind  ;  for  the  man  was  so 
compassed  with  fear  and  horror  of  the  body,  that  it  was  mani- 
fest to  them  that  looked  upon  him  what  sorrow  he  had  now 
in  his  heart.  Others  ran  flocking  out  of  their  houses  to  the 
general  supplication,  because  the  place  was  like  to  come  into 
contempt.  And  the  women,  girt  with  sackcloth  under  their 
breasts,  abounded  in  the  streets ;  and  the  virgins  that  were 
kept  in  ran,  some  to  the  gates,  and  some  to  the  wails,  and 
others  looked  out  of  the  windows.  And  all,  holding  their 
hands  toward  heaven,  made  supplication.  Then  it  would 
have  pitied  a  man  to  see  the  falling  down  of  the  muhitude  of 
all  sorts,  and  the  fear  of  the  high-priest,  being  in  such  an 
agony.  They  then  called  upon  the  Almighty  Lord  to  keep 
the  things  committed  of  trust  safe  and  sure  for  those  that  had 
committed  them.  Nevertheless  Heliodorus  executed  that 
which  was  decreed.  Now,  as  he  was  there  present  himself 
with  his  guard  about  the  treasury,  the  Lord  of  spirits,  and  the 
Prince  of  all  power,  caused  a  great  apparition,  so  that  all  that 
presumed  to  come  in  with  him  were  astonished  at  the  power 
of  God,  and  fainted,  and  were  sore  afraid.  For  there  appeared 
unto  them  an  horse  with  a  terrible  rider  upon  him,  and  adorned 
with  a  very  fair  covering,  and  he  ran  fiercely,  and  smote 
at  Heliodorus  with  his  forefeet,  and  it  seemed  that  he  that  sat 
upon  the  horse  had  complete  harness  of  gold.  Moreover,  two 
other  young  men  appeared  before  him,  notable  in  strength, 
excellent  in  beauty,  and  comely  in  apparel,  who  stood  by  him 
on  either  side,  and  scourged  him  continually,  and  gave  him* 
many  sore  stripes.  And  Heliodorus  fell  suddenly  unto  the 
ground,  and  was  compassed  with  great  darkness :  but  they 
that  were  with  him  took  him  up,  and  put  him  into  a  litter. 
Thus,  him  that  lately  came  with  a  great  train,  and  with  all  his 
guard,  into  the  said  treasury,  they  carried  out,  being  unable 
VOL.   L  20 


# 


$80  REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANE8. 

to  help  himself  with  his  weapons :  and  manifestly  they  ac- 
knowledged the  power  of  God :  for  he  by  the  hand  of  God 
was  cast  down,  and  lay  speechless  without  all  hope  of  life. 
But  they  pruised  the  Lord,  that  had  miraculously  honoured 
his  own  place:  for  the  temple,  which  a  little  afore  was  full  of 
fear  and  trouble,  when  the  Almighty  Lord  appeared,  was  fil- 
led with  joy  and  gladness.  •  Then  straightway  certain  of  Helio- 
dorus'  friends  prayed  Onias,  that  he  would  call  upon  the  Most 
High  to  grant  him  his  life  who  lay  ready  to  give  up  the  ghost. 
So  the  high-priest,  suspecting  lest  the  king  should  misconceive 
that  some  treachery  had  been  done  to  Heliodorus  by  the  Jews, 
offered  a  sacrifice  for  the  heahh  of  the  men.  Now,  as  the 
high-priest  was  making  an  atonement,  the  same  young  men, 
in  the  same  clothing,  appeared,  and  stood  beside  Peliodorus, 
saying,  Give  Onias  the  high-priest  great  thanks,  insomuch  as 
for  his  sake  the  Lord  hath  granted  thee  life :  and  seeing  that 
thou  hast  been  scourged  from  heaven,  declare  unto  all  men 
the  mighty  power  of  God.  And  when  they  had  spoken  these 
words,  they  appeared  no  more.  So  Heliodorus,  after  he  had 
offered  sacrifice  unto  the  Lord,  and  made  great  vows  unto  him 
that  had  saved  his  life,  and  saluted  Onias,  returned  with  his 
host  to  the  king.  Then  testified  he  to  all  m6n  the  works  of 
the  great  God,  which  he  had  seen  with  his  eyes.  And  when 
the  king  asked  Heliodorus,  who  might  be  a  fit  man  to  be  set 
yet  once  again  to  Jerusalem,  he  said,  if  thou  hast  any  enemy 
or  traitor,  send  him  thither,  and  thou  shah  receive  him  well 
scourged,  if  he  escape  with  his  life :  for  in  that  place,  no  doubt, 
there  is  an  especial  power  of  God.  For  he  that  dwelleth  in 
heaven  hath  his  eye  on  that  place,  and  defendeth  it ;  and  he 
beateth  and  desttoyeth  them  that  come  to  hurt  it.  And  the 
things  concerning  Heliodorus,  and  the  keeping  of  the  trea- 
sury, fell  out  on  this  sort.  This  Simon  now,  of  whom  we 
spake  afore,  having  been  a  bewrayer  of  the  money,  and  of 
his  country,  slandered  Onias,  as  if  he  had  terrified  Heliodorus, 
and  been  the  worker  of  these  evils.  Thus  was  he  bold  to 
call  him  a  traitor  that  had  deserved  well  of  th'e  city,  and  ten- 
dered his  own  nation,  and  was  so  zealous  of  the  laws.  But 
when  their  hatred  went  so  far,  that  by  one  of  Simon's  faction, 
murders  were  committed,  Onias,  seeing  the  danger  of  this  con- 
'tention,  and  that  Apollonius,  as  being  the  governor  of  Celo- 
Syria  and  Phenice,  did  rage,  and  increase  Simon's  malice,  he 
went  to  the  king,  not  to  be  an  accuser  of  his  countrymen,  but 
seeking  the  good  of  all,  both  public  and  private :  for  he  saw 


i 


REIGN    OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANE8.  2St 

that  it  was  impossible  that  the  state  should  continue  quiet, 
and  Simon  leave  his  folly,  unless  the  king  did  look  thereunto." 

This  section  indicates,  that  whatever  was  the  general  reli- 
gious and  moral  character  of  the  Jewish  nation,  at  this  time, 
the  number  of  unbelieving  and  profane  persons  was  not  small. 
And  the  next  section  discloses  still  more  clearly  this  melan- 
choly truth  ;  for  from  it  we  learn  that  the  highest  ecclesiasti- 
cal office  was  bought  and  sold,  and  the  contentions  of  thosr 
who  aspired  to  it  were  fierce  and  sanguinary,  and  occasionr^d 
civil  anarchy.  If  we,  therefore,  believe  that  the  Jews  re- 
mained under  this  peculiar  constitution,  very  properly  called 
a  Theocracy,  this  was  a  season  in  which,  according  to  the 
usual  providences  of  Jehovah  with  their  fathers,  the  righteous 
might  expect  supernatural  interposition  to  sustain  their  faith, 
and  hope,  and  love ;  and  dread  the  infliction  of  signal  punish- 
ment on  the  ungodly,  and  great  calamity  in  the  whole  nation. 
And  such  were  the  most  prominent  features  of  this  age  of  the 
Jews.  The  trials  and  miracles  may  be  related  by  what  are 
called  the  "Apocryphal  writers,"  in  hyperbolical,  or  in  other 
respects,  exceptionable  language  ;  but  that  they  actually  hap- 
pened, no  candid  man  can  question,  unless  he  is  sceptical 
respecting  all  facts  recorded  by  profane  historians.  For 
those  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  the  knowledge  of  the 
events  which  relate  to  the  Jews,  describe  also  not  a  few  in  re- 
lation to  other  nations ;  and  their  account  of  them  is  fully 
confirmed  by  other  writers,  whose  testimony  is  universally 
believed.  That  these  writers  should  be  silent  on  many  of  the 
subjects  which  concerned  the  Jews  is  not  surprising,  because 
they  regarded  with  indifference  the  interests  of  that  peculiar 
race.  • 

Seleucus  very  soon  became  the  victim  of  that  minister's 
ambition,  whom  he  had  employed  to  execute  his  most  unjust 
and  oppressive  designs  against  the  Jews.  His  brother,  Anti- 
ochus,  was  a  hostage  in  Rome.  Being  most  desirous  to  see 
him,  he  sent  his  son  Demetrius  to  occupy  his  place.  During 
the  absence  of  the  heirs  to  the  throne,  Heliodorus  poisoned 
the  king,  and  seized  the  sceptre  of  Syria.  Thus,  in  the  elev- 
enth year  of  his  reign,  called  by  Daniel  "  (ew  days,"  as  it 
was  comparatively  a  short  reign,  Seleucus  died,  "  neither  in 
anger  nor  in  battle,"  but  by  the  basest  treachery  of  his  confi- 
dential minister.  His  son,  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  by  the  aid 
of  Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamus,  expelled  Heliodorus,  and  as- 
cended to  the  throne  of  his  ancestors.  He  was  not  the  legiti- 
mate heir  while  Demetrius,  his  brother's  son,  was  alive.     But 


■^  T 


»= 


#^ 


232  REIGN   OF   ANTIOOHUS  .  EPIPHANES. 

he  succeeded  in  supplanting  him  hy  his  influence* over  Eu- 
menes,  most  probably  by  flattery  and  deceit,  as  predicted  by 
Daniel,  xi.  21.  Perhaps  he  equalled  his  grandfather,  Antio- 
chus  the  Great,  in  talent ;  but  he  was  utterly  destitute  of  his 
excellencies  ;  and  indeed  he  owed  the  apparent  splendour  of 
his  reign  much  more  to  the  habitual  practice  of  deceit  and 
falsehood  than  to  wisdom  or  bravery.  He  assumed  the  ap- 
pellation Epiphanes,  the  Illustrious ;  but  no  prince  more 
justly  merited  the  epithet  "  vile,"  by  which  he  is  characterised 
in  the  Sacred  Oracles.  And  no  prince  has  ever  discovered 
more  destitution  of  moral  principle,  honourable  feeling,  and 
propriety  of  conduct.  Habituated  in  his  youth  to  the  customs 
of  the  Romans,  he  seems  to  have  derived  his  happiness  from 
imitating  the  lower  arts  of  a  demagogue,  and  the  contemptible 
manners  of  a  bufl^oon  ;  the  very  dregs  of  societj"^,  with  whom 
he  sometimes  mixed,  despised  him.  Perhaps  nothing  is  more 
surprising  in  his  life,  than  that  he  should  have  been  permitted 
to  disgrace^the  Syrian  throne  eleven  years.  He  commenced 
his  reign  about  b.  c.  175  ;  and  exhausted  all  his  resources, 
chiefly  with  the  view  of  conquering  Egypt,  and  extirpating 
the  Jewish  people  ;  in  both  of  which  objects  he  signally  failed. 
The  times  were  singularly  favourable  to  his  schemes  in  rela- 
tion to  Egypt.  The  Romans,  who  had  assumed  the  office  of 
guardians  of  that  kingdom  during  the  minority  of  its  prince, 
Ptolemy  Philometer,  were  fully  engaged  at  home  in  oppos- 
ing the  machinations  of  some  of  the  ablest  citizens,  who  seemed 
resolved  to  revolutionise  the  republic,  and  to  establish  the  low- 
est form  of  democracy ;  and  all  the  forces  which  the  nation 
could  command  were  required  to  maintain  and  extend  their 
power  over  Greace  and  Macedon.  With  their  approbation, 
the  regency  of  Egypt  had  been  entrusted  to  Cleopatra,  the 
mother  of  the  young  king.  She  was  the  sister  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  and  had  sufficient  influence  over  him  and  her  own 
court  to  preserve,  during  her  hfe,  an  apparent  harmony  be- 
tween the  two  kingdoms.  At  her  dpath,  b.  c.  173,  Lanacus, 
a  distinguished  noble,  was  chosen  regent,  and  Eulaeus,  a 
eunuch,  was  charged  with  the  education  of  the  king.  These 
stimulated  the  court  to  send  an  Embassy  to  Antiochus,  to  de- 
mand the  restoration  of  CoBlo-Syria,  Judea,  Phenicia,  which 
legitimately  belonged  to  the  dynasty  of  Ptolemy ;  and  which, 
though  conquered  by  Antiochus  the  Great,  yet  had  been  re- 
signed by  him  as  the  dowry  of  Cleopatra,  the  wife  of  Ptolemy 
Epiphanes. 

These  claims  he  disregarded  ;  and  having  learned  that  the 


#  ^ 


1 


REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANB&  233 

court  of  Egypt  was  preparing  an  army  to  enforce  them,  he 
determined  to  invade  that  kingdom.  That  he  might  secure 
the  peace  of  his  dominions,  in  his  absence,  he  visited  these 
provinces,  whose  inhabitants  were  favouring  or  suspected  to 
be  favourable  to  the  views  of  Egypt.  This  feeling  chiefly 
prevailed  in  Judea  ;  and  it  was  probably  to  prevent  the  revolt 
of  the  Jews  that  he  had  deposed  the  faithful  high-priest  Onias, 
and  accepted  from  Jason  his  brother  a  large  sum  for  liberty 
to  take  his  place  ;  for  he  was  an  appstate  from  the  true  reli- 
gion, and  willing  to  adopt  any  measures  calculated  to  advance 
his  temporal  interest.  The  king's  confidence  in  him  was  con- 
firmed by  the  mao^nificent  reception  which  he  met  with  when 
he  entered  Jerusalem,  for  the  multitude  neglected  no  means 
which  they  could  command  to  express  their  loyalty,  and 
grateful  sense  of  the  honour  conferred  on  them  by  his  conde- 
scension to  visit  their  city.  He  was  not  less  diligent  to  pro- 
pitiate the  favour  of  the  Romans  than  his  own  subjects.  To 
them  he  sent  an  embassy  with  the  usual  tribute,  and  a  present 
to  the  people  of  several  golden  vases,  as  a  token  of  the  strong 
feeling  of  gratitude,  which  he  felt  for  the  many  favours  con- 
feiyed  on  him  by  the  senate  and  the  citizens  while  he  sojourned 
at  Rome.  By  thus  assuming  the  character  of  a  prince  who 
solicitously  desired  the  welfare  of  his  subjects,  and  highly 
valued  the  friendship  of  his  allies,  he  persuaded  himself  that 
he  might,  without  apprehension  of  internal  commotions,  exe- 
cute his  scheme  of  conquest.  And,  indeed,  for  some  time,  his 
proceedings  were  successful.  The  Egyptian  army  met  him 
on  the  frontiers  of  their  country,  but  were  defeated.  But  he 
made  no  other  use  of  his  victory  at  this  time  than  to  place  his 
frontiers  on  the  south  in  such  a  state  of  defence  as  would 
check  the  utmost  efforts  of  Egypt  to  recover  the  provinces,  to 
which  they  laid  claim. 

The  following  year  he  invaded  that  kingdom  by  sea  and 
land,  and  completely  overthrew  the  forces  which  opposed 
him.  The  dissimulation  which  uniformly  marked  his  con- 
duct was  on  this  occasion  remarkably  displayed.  He  had  it 
in  his  power  to  have  killed  or  taken  captive  every  individual 
of  the  army ;  but  the  more  effectually  to  ruin  his  nephew,  the 
young  king,  instead  of  making  use  of  the  advantage  he  had 
gained,  he  himself  rode  up  and  down  on  all  sides,  and 
obliged  his  soldiers  to  discontinue  the  slaughter.  This  clem- 
ency gained  him  the  hearts  of  the  Egyptians ;  and  when  he 
advanced  into  the  country,  all  the  inhabitants  came  in  crowds 
to  pay  their  submission  to  him ;  so  that  he  soon  took  Mem- 
20* 


•■ 


234  REIGN   OP   ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANfeS. 

phis  and  all  the  rest  of  Egypt,  except  Alexandria,  which 
alone  held  out  against  him.  Philometer  was  either  taken,  or 
else  surrendered  himself  to  Antiochus,  who  set  him  at  full 
liberty.  After  this,  they  had  but  one  table ;  lived,  seemingly, 
in  great  friendship ;  and,  for  some  time,  Antiochus  affected 
to  be  extremely  careful  of  the  interest  of  the  young  king  his 
nephew,  and  to  regulate  his  affairs  as  his  guardian.  But, 
when  he  had  once  possessed  himself  of  the  country,  under 
that  pretext,  he  seized  whatever  he  thought  fit,  plundered  all 
places,  and  enriched  himself,  as  well  as  his  soldiers,  with  the 
spoils  of  the  Egyptians. 

The  Alexandrians  no  sooner  learned  that  Philometer  had 
consented  that  Antiochus  should  govern  Egypt  as  he  pleased, 
than  they  declared  the  throne  vacant,  and  proclaimed  the 
younger  brother  king,  under  the  title  of  Ptolemy  Euerge- 
tes  II.,  whom  history  usually  calls  Ptolemy  Physcon,  or 
tunbellied,  for  he  became  a  glutton  and  exceedingly  cor- 
pulent. This  transaction  Antiochus  deemed  sufficient  to  jus- 
tify his  third  invasion  of  Egypt,  "  under  the  specious  pre- 
tence of  restoring  the  dethroned  monarch ;  but,  in  reality,  to 
make  himself  absolute  master  of  the  kingdom."  His  fleet 
obtained  a  victory  over  that  of  the  Alexandrian,  near  Pelu- 
sium ;  and  he  led  his  army  unopposed  to  Alexandria,  in 
order  to  beseige  it.  The  ministers  of  the  recently  elected 
king,  feeling  their  inability  to  preserve  the  city,  proposed 
terms  of  peace,  but  these  Antiochus  rejected,  till  ambassadors 
from  Rome  arrived  ;  and  even  their  interference  would  have 
been  fruitless,  had  he  not  found  the  capture  of  the  city  a. 
more  difficult  task  than  he  had  imagined.  But  though  he 
liberated  Philometer,  and  resigned  to  him  his  kingdom,  he 
retained  Pelusium,  its  key  on  the  north,  by  which  means  he 
could  instantly  enter  Egypt,  when  circumstances  were  more 
auspicious. 

The  character  of  Philometer  appeared  transformed  on  his 
restoration  to  his  throne.  Adversity  had  awakened  his  dor- 
mant capacities.  Eulaeus,  the  eunuch  entrusted  with  his 
education,  had,  in  order  that  he  might  retain  the  supreme 
power  of  the  nation,  studiously  kept  him  in  profound  igno- 
rance of  every  subject  of  importance,  and  he  had  cherished 
in  him  his  natural  indolence  and  acquired  taste  of  luxury 
and  pleasure,  that  he  might  remain  totally  disqualified  for 
business.  In  the  prospect  of  the  battle,  on  which  the  destiny 
of  his  kingdom  seemed  suspended,  he  carefully  shunned 
ever*'  place  of  danger;   and   afterwards  submitted    in  the 


#^ 


REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANE8.  235 

most  abject  manner,  to  the  will  of  the  victor.  When,  how- 
ever, he  was  restored  to  liberty,  he  speedily  displayed  the 
wisdom  and  energy,  which  are  the  ornaments  of  royalty. 
He  clearly  perceived  the  ambitious  design  of  Antiochus,  in- 
dicated by  his  keeping  possession  of  Pelusiunf,  and  he  re- 
solved to  frustrate  them.  In  order  to  this,  by  the  mediation 
of  his  sister,  he  prevailed  on  his  brother  to  agree  to  rule  the 
kingdom  conjointly ;  and  to  apply  to  the  Greeks  and  Romans 
for  assistance  to  defend  Egypt  against  the  power  of  Syria. 
In  the  meantime,  Antiochus,  the  instant  that  he  heard  of  the 
reconciliation  of  the  brothers  determined  to  employ  his  whole 
force  against  them.  The  consummate  hypocrite  discovered 
that  his  varied  and  numerous  arts  of  deception  had  failed  to 
conceal  his  ambition — the  guise  of  affection  for  his  eldest 
nephew,  and  extreme  concern  for  the  happiness  of  Egypt, 
was  visible  to  all — he  therefore  cast  it  aside  as  a  useless  robe, 
and  proclaimed  himself  the  implacable  enemy  of  the  young 
princes  and  their  subjects.  He  ordered  his  fleet  to  proceed 
to  Cyprus,  to  protect  that  fine  island,  which  he  had  wrested 
from  Egypt ;  and  led  a  mighty  army  into  the  centre  of  that 
kingdom.  He  subjugated  all  the  regions  on  the  line  of  his 
march  to  Memphis,  and  in  that  city  he  received  the  submission 
of  almost  all  other  parts  of  Egypt ;  and  he  had  only  to  obtain 
possession  of  Alexandria  to  become  absolute  master  of  the 
whole  country.  He  hasted  to  besiege  that  great  city ;  but 
when  his  army  had  reached  within  a  mile  of  it,  his  progress 
was  arrested  by  ambassadors  from  Rome.  Probably  he 
would  have  been  slightly  moved  by  their  presence,  had  he 
not  been  just  informed  of  the  triumph  of  the  Romans  in 
Macedon.  This  news  utterly  prostrated  all  his  hopes;  for 
he  was  fully  convinced  that  henceforth  no  power  remained 
to  prevent  the  Romans  from  the  attainment  of  the  summit  of 
iheir  wishes — the  unlimited  sovereignty  of  the  Grecian  em- 
pire. That  he  might,  if  possible,  avert  their  vengeance,  he 
quickly  followed  the  impulse  of  his  nature,  and  assumed  the 
form  of  the  serpent.  One  of  the  ambassadors,  Popilius,  was 
an  old  friend.  Apparently  transported  with  joy  at  his  pres- 
ence, he  opened  his  arms  to  embrace  him.  The  proud 
Roman  drew  back,  and  inquired,  ''•  whether  he  approached 
as  an  enemy  or  a  friend  of  Rome.  He  then  gave  him  the 
decree  of  the  senate ;  bade  him  read  it  over,  and  return  him 
an  immediate  answer.  Antiochus,  after  perusing  it,  said  that 
he  would  examine  the  contents  of  it  with  his  friends,  and 
give  his  answer  in  a  short  time.     Popilius,  enraged  at  the 


#—  •  » 


"2^6  iteBIGN    OF   ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANE8. 

king  for  talking-  of  delays,  drew,  with  the  wand  he  held  in 
his  hand,  a  circle  round  Antiochus,  and  then  raising  his 
voice,  '  Answer,'  says  he,  *  the  senate  before  you  stir  out  of 
that  circle.'  The  king  quite  confounded  at  so  haughty  an 
order,  after  a  moment's  reflection,  replied,  that  he  would  act 
according  to  the  desire  of  the  senate.  Popilius  then  received 
his  civilties ;  and  behaved  after  in  all  respects  as  an  old  friend. 
How  effectual  was  this  blunt  loftiness  of  sentiment  and  ex- 
pression !  The  Roman,  with  a  few  words  strikes  terror  into 
the  king  of  Syria,  and  saves  the  king  of  Egypt."  The  base- 
ness of  mind  and  dissimulation  of  manner  which  character- 
ised Antiochus  Epiphanes  were  still  more  conspicuous  in  the 
message  which  he  commissioned  his  ambassadors  to  Rome  to 
announce  to  the  Senate ;  "  that  the  peace  which  the  senate 
had  been  pleased  to  grant  their  sovereign  appeared  to  him 
more  glorious  than  the  most  splendid  conquests ;  and  that 
he  had  obeyed  the  commands  of  the  Roman  ambassadors 
as  strictly  as  if  they  had  been  sent  from  the  gods."  The 
senate  replied,  "  That  Antiochus  acted  wisely  in  paying  obe- 
dience to  the  ambassadors  ;  and  that  the  senate  and  people  of 
Rome  were  'pleased  with  him  for  it."  At  the  stipulated  time 
Antiochus  withdrew  with  his  forces  from  Egypt 


■iSiU 


CHAPTER  IVII. 


THE  REIGN  OF  ANTIOCHUS  EPIPHANES,  CONTINUED. 


The  hungry  and  enraged  lion,  which  mighty  hunters  have 
driven  from  his  prey,  pounces  on  the  first  feeble  animal  that 
meets  him  in  his  flight.  Thus  Anliochus,  exasperated  to  find 
one  of  the  richest  and  most  splendid  crowns  of  the  world  sud- 
denly torn  from  him,  on  arriving  in  Judea,  sought  to  satiate 
his  thirst  for  blood  by  devouring  the  Jewish  people.  That 
these  were  under  the  special  care  of  Jehovah,  as  their  supreme 
King,  had  been  often  and  plainly  proclaimed  by  Moses  and 
the  prophets,  and  had  been  repeatedly  demonstrated  by  his 
miraculous  interpositions  on  their  behalf  The  avowed  ob- 
ject, however,  of  the  Divine  care  of  Israel,  it  must  not  be  for-' 
gotten,  was  not  only  their  safety,  but  also  their  discipline,  to 
form  them  suitable  instruments  through  whom  the  supremacy 
and  infinite  perfections  of  Deity  might  be  manifested  to  all  na- 
tions. Accordingly,  they  were  seen,  in  every  age,  signally 
blessed  with  rest,  prosperity,  and  honour,  when,  as  a  commu- 
nity, they  were  faithful  and  obedient  to  their  Divine  Sove- 
reign ;  and  not  less  wonderfully  punished  with  anarchy,  de- 
gradation, and  disgrace,  when  they  contemned  his  authority, 
renounced  his  government,  aud  neglected  his  institutes.  Je- 
hovah governed  them  according  to  justice.  This  principle 
of  his  administration  was  strikingly  illustrated  and  established 
in  the  history  of  the  Jews  during  the  age  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes.  To  the  Grecian  princes  in  Syria,  and  still  more  to 
those  in  Egypt,  they  were  indebted  for  many  and  great 
favours  ;  and  how  sensible  they  were  of  them  they  proved  by 
untainted  loyalty,  humble  submission,  and  meek  and  patient 
endurance  of  many  unprovoked  evils,  inflicted  on  them  by 
some  of  the  governors  of  the  adjacent  provinces.  The  intel- 
ligence, fidelity,  bravery,  and  temperance  of  those  Jews  who 
served  in  the  armies  of  those  conquerors,  raised  their  nation 


#  ,  -— # 


238  REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHTS    EPIPHANE8. 

high  in  the  estimation  of  the  Greeks,  especially,  it  would 
seem,  of  the  Lacedemonians,  who,  notwithstandmg  of  their 
excessive  national  pride,  were,  if  we  credit  Josephus,  ex- 
tremely desirous  of  claiming  kindred  with  them.  For  the 
historian  presents  us  with  a  copy  of  an  epistle  addressed  by 
Areus,  king  of  Macedon,  to  one  of  the  high-priests,  named 
Onias  ;  it  runs  thus :  "  We  have  met  with  a  certain  writing, 
whereby  we  have  discovered  that  both  the  Jews  and  the  La- 
cedemonians are  of  one  stock,  and  are  derived  from  the  kin- 
dred of  Abraham.  It  is  but  just,  therefore,  that  you,  who  are 
our  brethren,  should  send  to  us  about  any  of  your  concerns 
as  you  please.  We  will  also  do  the  same  thing,  and  esteem 
your  concerns  as  our  own  ;  and  will  look  upon  our  concerns 
as  in  common  with  yours.  Demoteles,  who  brings  you  this 
letter,  will  bring  your  answer  back  to  us.  The  letter  is  four- 
square ;  and  the  seal  is  an  eagle,  with  a  dragon  in  his  claws." 
Though  the  friendly  intercourse,  long  cherished  between 
the  Jews  and  the  Greeks,  was  doubtless  in  many  respects  ad- 
vantageous to  both,  its  results  were  ultimately  most  disastrous 
to  the  former.  Perversion  of  heart,  in  relation  to  God  and 
his  most  holy,  just,  and  good  law,  prevailed  among  them,  in 
every  successive  generation  ;  and  a  greater  or  lesser  number 
were  always  easily  seduced  from  truth,  justice  and  purity,  by 
the  aliens  with  whom  they  associated.  This  apostacy  assumed 
the  form  of  idolatry,  which  fearful  plague  was  the  chief 
agent  employed  by  Satan  to  destroy  the  human  race.  The 
vitality  of  this  loathsome  body  had,  as  we  have  seen,  lost  its 
vigour,  and  was  gradually,  although  slowly  wasting  away, 
from  about  the  time  of  the  restoration  of  the  Jews  from  Baby- 
lon, and  the  appearance  of  a  common-sense  philosophy  in 
Greece.  But  Satan,  fertile  in  devices  to  work  wickedness, 
soon  called  into  life  an  agency  scarcely  less  powerful,  by  its 
subtlety,  and  sophistry,  and  fascination,  to  pervert  the  mind 
and  deprave  the  heart,  although  destitute  of  the  dazzling  and 
confounding  influence  of  idolatry.  This  agency  consisted 
principally  in  the  speculative  philosophy  of  the  Greeks,  which 
amused  the  reflective  part  of  the  community,  and  the  vast  ap- 
paratus which  rulers  had  constructed  to  supply  pleasure  to 
the  volatile,  inconsiderate,  and  sensual  muhitude  of  the  young 
and  old,  the  rich  and  poor,  the  proud  citizen  and  abject  slave. 
These  powers  captivated  not  a  few  of  the  Jews.  Pride  of  in- 
tellect induced  a  few  to  admire  and  cultivate  the  wisdom  of  the 
Greeks.  These  fell  victims  to  infidelity.  The  shows  and 
games  of  Greece  pleased  a  more  numerous  class ;  and  both 


#  a> 


REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANE8.  239 

treated  with  scorn  the  sacred  laws,  and  simple  and  innocent 
habits,  manners,  and  customs  of  their  own  people.  The  ar- 
dent wish  of  their  heart  was,  "  no  God."  The  fear  of  their 
fathers  was  not  before  their  eyes.  By  the  vain  reasoning  of 
the  wise,  and  the  levity  and  madness  of  the  foolish,  moral  dis- 
ease and  death  were  widely  spread  among  the  community. 
Had  not  this  been  the  melancholy  state  of  the  Jews  in  the 
reign  of  the  high-priest  Onias  HI.  it  appears  unaccountable 
that  this  upright  and  holy  priest  should  have  been  supplanted 
by  Jason,  without  producing  great  commotion  in  Jerusalem. 

Jesus,  who  assumed  the  Greek  name  Jason,  to  express  his 
predilection  for  the  Grecian  manners,  or  to  please  the  party 
of  the  Jews  who  zealously  imitated  the  Greeks,  was  a  brother 
of  Onias,  but  a  complete  apostate  from  the  true  religion,  and 
prepared  to  adopt  any  form  of  worship  prescribed  by  Antio- 
chus — a  prince  who  may  be  ranked  first  among  the  many 
whose  lives  exhibit  brutal  sensuality  and  barbarity,  combined 
with  enthusiastic  zeal  for  idolatry  and  superstition.  Jason  as- 
pired to  the  highest  ecclesiastic  office,  doubtless  because  of  the 
political  power,  and  opportunity  to  acquire  riches  which  were 
attached  to  it,  in  his  nation.  The  high-priest  was  also  the  civil 
governor, — a  privilege  which,  we  have  formerly  observed, 
was  generally  granted  the  Jews  as  a  token  of  special  favour 
by  their  conquerors.  This  officer,  it  seems,  was  also  author- 
ised to  confer  on  any  Jew  the  right  of  a  citizen  of  Antioch, 
the  celebrated  metropolis  of  the  Syrian  kingdom  ;  and  the 
granting  of  this  right  procured  him  many  friends.  The  ac- 
tions of  Jason,  during  the  brief  period  which  he  held  the  high- 
priest's  office,  were  strongly  marked  with  the  highest  degree 
of  profaneness  and  profligacy.  To  convey  an  idea  of  his  in- 
fidelity, no  ^language,  we  conceive,  would  be  more  appropri- 
ate than  that  used  by  the  author  of  the  Second  Book  of  the 
Maccabees,  who  thus  writes:  "After  the  death  of  Seleucus, 
when  Antiochus,  called  Epiphanes,  took  the  kingdom,  Jason, 
the  brother  of  Onias,  laboured  under-hand  to  be  high-priest, 
promising  unto  the  king,  by  intercession,  three  hundred  and 
threescore  talents  of  silver,  and  of  another  revenue  eighty 
talents:  besides  this,  he  promised  to  assign  an  hundred  and 
fifty  more,  if  be  might  have  licence  to  set  him  up  a  place  for 
exercise,  and  for  the  training  up  of  youth  in  the  fashions  of 
the  heathen,  and  to  write  them  of  Jerusalem  by  the  name  of 
Antiochians.  Which  when  the  king  had  granted,  and  he  had 
gotten  into  his  hand  the  rule,  he  forthwith  brought  his  own 
nation  to  the  Greekish  fashion.     And  the  royal  privileges 


1 


f 


240  REION   OF   ANTIOCHU8    EPIPHANES. 

granted  of  special  favour  to  the  Jews  by  the  means  of  John 
3ie  father  of  Eupolemus,  who  went  ambassador  to  Rome  for 
amity  and  aid,  he  took  away  ;  and  putting  down  the  govern- 
ments which  were  according  to  the  law,  he  brought  up  new 
customs  against  the  law:  for  he  buih  gladly  a  place  of  exer- 
cise under  the  tower  itself,  and  brought  the  chief  young 
men  under  his  subjection,  and  made  them  wear  a  hat.  Now 
such  was  the  height  of  Greek  fashions,  and  increase  of  hea- 
thenish manners,  through  the  exceeding  profaneness  of  Jason, 
that  ungodly  wretch,  and  no  high-priest,  that  the  priests  had 
no  courage  to  serve  any  more  at  the  altj^r ;  but  despising  the 
temple,  and  neglecting  the  sacrifices,  hastened  to  be  partakers 
of  the  unlawful  allowance  in  the  place  of  exercise,  after  the 
game  of  discus  called  them  forth  ;  not  setting  by  the  honours 
of  their  fathers,  but  liking  the  glory  of  the  Grecians  best  of 
all.  By  reason  whereof  sore  calamity  came  upon  them:  for 
they  had  them  to  be  their  enemies  and  avengers,  whose  cus- 
tom they  followed  so  earnestly,  and  unto  whom  they  desired 
to  be  like  in  all  things.  For  it  is  not  a  light  thing  to  do  wick- 
edly against  the  laws  of  God:  but  the  time  following  shall 
declare  these  things.  Now,  when  the  game  that  was  used 
every  fifth  year  was  kept  at  Tyrus,  the  king  being  present, 
this  ungenerous  Jason  sent  special  messengers  from  Jerusa- 
lem, who  were  Antiochians,  to  carry  three  hundred  drachms 
of  silver  to  the  sacrifice  of  Hercules,  which  even  the  bearers 
thereof  thought  fit  not  to  bestow  upon  the  sacrifice,  because  it 
was  not  convenient,  but  to  be  reserved  for  other  charges. 
This  money  then,  in  regard  of  the  sender,  was  appointed  to 
Hercules'  sacrifice ;  but  because  of  the  bearers  thereof,  it  was 
employed  to  the  making  of  galleys."  Jason  was  rewarded 
according  to  his  works ;  his  own  transgression  was  recalled 
by  his  fall.  Josephus  says  that  Menelaus,  who  treacherously 
procured  his  deposition,  and  obtained  his  dignity,  was  his  own 
orother,  whose  proper  name  was  Onias,  but  exchanged  by 
him  for  a  Greek  name.  But  the  writer  of  the  Maccabees 
says  that  he  was  the  son  of  Simon  the  Benjamite,  the  wicked 
governor  of  the  temple,  whom  he  had  occasion  to  mention  in 
a  former  page.  And  if  so,  it  more  thqn  accounts  for  the  in- 
dignation of  the  Jews  at  his  instalment ;  for  what  presumptu- 
ous wickedness  was  his,  to  assume  an  office  exclusively  lim- 
ited by  Jehovah  to  the  family  of  Aaron  ?  The  man,  however, 
who  could  violate  the  temple,  and  shed  the  blood  of  the  only 
legitimate  high-priest  of  Jehovah,  as  he  did,  was  not  likely  to 
be  moved  from  his  purpose,  or  frustrated  in  his  plans,  by 


m  t 


REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHTJS    EnniANES.  241 

scruples  of  conscience  on  any  Divine  subject.  Sent  1  y  Jason 
to  Antioch  to  deliver  the  first  annual  tribute  due,  he  thus  pro- 
ceeded :  "  Being  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  king,  when 
he  had  magnified  him  for  the  glorious  appearance  of  hia 
power,  got  ihe  priesthood  to  himself,  ofl!e ring  more  than  Jason 
by  three  hundred  talents  of  silver.  So  he  came  with  the 
king's  mnndate,  bringing  nothing  worthy  the  high  priest- 
hood, but  having  the  fury  of  a  cruel  tyrant,  and  the  rage  of  a 
savage  beast.  Then  Jason,  who  had  undei mined  his  own 
brother,  being  undermined  by  another,  was  compelled  to  flee 
into  the  ccintry  of  the  Ammonites.  So  Menelaus  got  the 
principality:  but  as  for  the  money  that  he  promised  unto  the 
king,  he  took  no  good  order  for  it,  albeit  Sostratus  the  ruler 
of  the  castle  required  it:  for  unto  him  appeitained  the  gather- 
ing of  the  customs.  Wherefore  they  were  both  called  before 
the  king.  Now  Menelaus  left  his  brother  Lysimachus  in  his 
stead  in  the  priesthood  ;  and  Sostratus  left  Crates,  who  was 
governor  of  the  (Cyprians.  While  those  things  were  in  doing, 
they  of  Tarsus  and  Mallos  made  insurrection,  because  they 
were  given  to  the  king's  concubine;  called  Antiochis.  Then 
came  the  king  in  all  haste  to  appease  matters,  leaving  An- 
dronicus,  a  man  in  authority,  for  the  deputy.  Now  Menelaus, 
supposing  that  he  had  gotten  a  convenient  time,  stole  certain 
vessels  of  gold  out  of  the  temple,  and  gave  some  of  them  to 
Andronicus,  and  some  he  sold  into  Tyrus,  and  the  cities 
round  about.  Which  when  Onias  knew  of  a  surety,  he  re- 
proved him,  and  withdrew  himself  into  a  sanctuary  at 
Daphne,  that  lieth  by  Antiochia.  Wherefore  Menelaus.  taking 
Andronicus  apart,  prayed  him  to  get  Onias  into  his  hands ; 
who  being  persuaded  thereunto,  and  coming  to  Onias  in  de- 
ceit, gave  him  his  right  hand  with  oaths  ;  and  though  he  was 
suspected  by  him,  yet  persuaded  he  him  to  come  foith  of  the 
sanctuary  :  whom  forthwith  he  shut  up  without  regard  of  jus- 
tice. For  the  which  cause  not  only  the  Jews,  but  many  also 
of  other  nations,  took  great  indignation,  and  were  much 
grieved  for  the  unjust  murder  of  the  man.  And  when  the 
king  was  come  again  from  the  places  about  Cilicia,  the  Jews 
that  were  in  the  city,  and  certain  of  the  Greeks  that  abhorred 
the  fact  also,  complained  because  Onias  was  slain  without 
cause.  Therefore  Antiochus  was  heartily  sorry,  and  moved 
to  pity,  and  wept,  because  of  the  sober  and  modest  behaviour 
of  him  that  was  dead.  And  being  kindled  with  anger,  forth- 
with he  took  away  Andronicus'  purple,  and  rent  off  his 
clothes,  and  leading  him  through  the  whole  city  unto  that  very 
VOL.  I.  21 


%■■ 


242  REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANEa 

place  where  he  had  committed  impiety  against  Onias.  there 
slew  he  the  cursed  murderer.  Thus  the  Lord  rewarded  him 
his  punishment,  as  he  deserved. 

Now,  when  many  sacrileges  had  been  committed  in  the 
city  by  Lysimachus  with  the  consent  of  Menelaus,  and  the 
bruit  thereof  was  spread  abroad,  the  multitude  gathered  them- 
selves together  against  Lysimachus,  many  vessels  of  gold  be- 
ing already  carried  away.  Whereupon  the  common  people 
rising,  and  being  filled  with  rage,  Lysimachus  armed  about 
three  thousand  men,  and  began  first  to  offer  violence ;  one 
Auranus  being  the  leader,  a  man  far  gone  in  years,  and  no 
less  in  folly.  They  then  seeing  the  attempt  of  Lysimachus, 
some  of  them  caught  stones,  some  clubs,  others  taking  hand- 
fuls  of  dust,  that  was  next  in  hand,  cast  them  altogether  upon 
Lysimachus,  and  those  that  set  upon  them.  Thus  many  of 
them  they  wounded,  and  some  they  struck  to  the  ground,  and 
all  of  them  they  forced  to  flee:  but  as  for  the  church-robber 
himself,  him  they  killed  beside  the  treasury.  Of  these 
matters  therefore  there  was  an  accusation  laid  against  Mene- 
laus. Now,  when  the  king  came  to  Tyrus,  three  men  that 
were  sent  from  the  senate  pleaded  the  cause  before  him :  But 
Menelaus,  being  now  convicted,  promised  Ptolemee,  the  son 
of  Dorymenes,  to  give  him  much  money,  if  he  would  pacify 
the  king  toward  him.  Whereupon  Ptolemee,  taking  the  king 
aside  into  a  certain  gallery,  as  it  were  to  take  the  air,  brought 
him  to  be  of  another  mind;  insomuch  that  he  discharged  Mene- 
laus from  the  accusations,  who,  notwithstanding,  was  the  cause 
of  all  the  mischief:  and  those  poor  men,  who,  it  they  had  told 
their  cause,  yea,  before  the  Scythians,  should  have  been  judged 
innocent,  them  he  condemned  to  death.  Thus  they  that  fol- 
lowed the  matter  for  the  city  and  for  the  people,  and  for  the  holy 
vessels,did  soon  suffer  unjust  punishment.  Wherefore  even  they 
of  Tyrus,  moved  with  hatred  of  that  wicked  deed,  caused  them 
to  be  honourably  buried.  And  so,  through  the  covetousness  of 
them  that  were  of  power,  Menelaus  remained  still  in  authori- 
ty, increasing  in  malice,  and  being  a  great  traitor  to  the  citi- 
zens." 

This  unvarnished  narrative  attests  that  many  Jews,  of  all 
ranks,  had  fearfully  declined  from  the  true  religion,  and  that 
not  a  few  of  the  priests  were  complete  apostates.  Similar  is 
the  testimony  of  the  author  of  the  First  Book  of  Maccabees, 
whose  authority  stands  higher  than  that  of  the  writer  of  the 
Second  Book.  Thus,  speaking  of  the  times  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  he  remarks,  that  certain  "wicked  men  of  Israel 


& 


REIGN    OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANE8.  ^SB4^ 

persaaded  many,  saying,  let  us  go  and  make  a  covenant  with 
the  heathen  that  are  round  about  us ;  for  since  we  departed 
from  them  we  have  had  much  sorrow.  So  this  device  pleased 
them  well.  Then  certain  of  the  people  were  so  forward  here- 
in, that  they  went  to  the  king,  who  gave  them  licence  to  do 
after  the  ordinances  of  the  heathen :  whereupon  they  built  a 
place  of  exercise  at  Jerusalem,  according  to  the  customs  of  the 
heathen:  and  made  themselves  uncircumcised,  and  forsook 
the  holy  covenant,  and  joined  themselves  to  the  heathen,  and 
were  sold  to  do  mischief" 

As  the  Israelites  were  uniformly  prosperous  in  those  sea- 
sons that  the  community  believed  God  and  his  prophets,  so 
they  were  brought  into  deep  adversity  every  time  that  they 
allied  themselves  to  the  heathen,  and  conformed  to  their  con- 
duct, manners,  and  customs.  Their  standard  of  morals  was 
always  higher  than  that  of  any  other  nation  ;  and  we  have 
no  reason  to  believe  that,  as  a  nation,  they  ever  equalled  their 
neighbours  in  the  degeneracy  of  their  conduct,  and  the  im 
purity  of  their  superstitions.  Nevertheless,  while  Jehovah  en- 
dured with  much  long-suffering  the  heathen,  he  never  failed 
to  punish  his  chosen  people.  He  had  peculiarly  favoured 
and  honoured  them;  and,  consequently,  their  degeneracy  wap, 
in  the  same  proportion,  criminal  and  inexcusable;  and  the 
claims  of  justice  demanded  that  they  should  be  signally  pun- 
ished. And  of  this  they  had  been  often  solemnly  warned. 
The  principle  of  the  Divine  administration,  in  relation  to  Is- 
rael, Jehovah  thus  states:  "You  only  have  I  known  of  all  the 
earth,  therefore  will  I  punish  you  for  your  iniquities."  It  is 
therefore  manifest,  that  when  the  Jews  conformed  either  to  the 
infidel  or  idolatrous  Greeks,  Jehovah,  their  Supreme  Sove- 
reign, would  speedily  and  publicly  vindicate  the  holiness  of 
his  laws  and  the  rectitude  of  his  government,  by  inflicting  on 
them  such  punishment  as  would  fix  on  them  the  eyes  of  all 
nations.  The  suflerings  of  the  Jews  were  designed  to  correct 
and  restore,  and  not  to  consume  and  utterly  destroy  them.  In 
this  light  they  are  represented  in  the  Sacred  Scriptures;  and 
one  is  pleased  to  find  the  dreadful  persecutions  of  the  Jews, 
by  Anliochus,  contemplated  in  the  same  li^hl  by  the  author 
of  the  Second  Book  of  the  Maccabees:  "Now,  I  beseech  those 
that  read  this  book,  that  they  be  not  discouraged  for  these  ca- 
lamities, but  that  they  judge  those  punishments  not  to  be  for 
destruction,  but  for  a  chastening  o(  our  nation.  For  it  is  a 
token  of  his  great  goodness,  when  wicked  doers  are  not  suf- 
lerea  any  long  time,  but  forthwith  punished.     For  not  as  with 


244  REIGN    OF   ANTIOCHUS    EFIPHANES. 

Other  nations,  whom  the  Lord  patiently  forbeareth  to  pnnish, 
till  they  be  come  to  the  fulnessof  their  sins,  so  deaieth  he  with 
us;  lest  that  being  come  to  the  height  of  sin,  afterwards  he 
should  take  vengeance  of  us.  And  therefore  he  never  wkh- 
draweth  his  mercy  from  us:  and  though  he  punish  with  ad- 
versity, yet  doth  he  never  forsake  his  people.  But  let  this 
we  have  spoken  be  for  a  warning  unto  us." 

Though  we  have  little  evidence  that  God  continued,  after 
the  redemption  of  Israel  from  Babylon,  to  rise  early,  and  in- 
struct, reprove,  and  admonish  them,  by  inspired  men,  yet  we 
have  seen  traces  of  supernatural  means  adapted  to  the  same 
end,  after  that  period.  And  if  we  credit  the  wiiter  whose 
words  we  have  just  quoted,  marvellous  signs  in  the  heavens 
exceedingly  alarmed  the  Jews,  a  shoit  period  preceding  the 
frightful  calamities  that  fell  on  them.  "  About  the  same  time 
Antiochus  prepared  his  second  voyage  into  Egypt:  and  then 
it  happened,  that  through  all  the  city,  for  the  space  almost  of 
forty  days,  there  were  seen  horsemen  running  in  the  air,  in 
cloth  of  gold,  and  armed  with  lances,  like  a  band  of  soldiers, 
and  troops  of  horsemen  in  array,  encountering  and  running 
one  against  another,  with  shaking  of  shields,  and  multitude  of 
pikes,  and  drawing  of  swords,  and  casting  of  darts,  and  glit- 
tering of  golden  ornaments,  and  harness  of  all  sorts.  Where- 
fore every  man  prayed  that  that  apparition  might  turn  to 
good." 

The  history  of  the  Jews  of  this  age  affords  ample  evidence 
that  many  of  them  remained  unfeigned  and  faithful  worship- 
pers of  the  God  of  their  fathers.  These  must  have  been  in- 
tensely grieved  by  the  conduct  of  Antiochus,  especially  by  his 
daring  impiety  in  disposing  of  the  sacred  office  of  the  liigh- 
priest.  And  of  their  disaffection  he  could  not  be  ignorant, 
and  it  would  naturally  incline  him  to  suspect  the  loyalty  of 
the  whole  nation  ;  for  men  truly  religious,  however  much 
disliked  or  even  hated,  are  always  dreaded  by  the  wicked,  on 
account  of  the  influence  which  they  are  always  known  to 
have  over  all  who  are  not  completely  depraved.  Hence  he 
readily  believed  the  false  report  that  the  Jews  had  been  trans- 
ported with  joy  when  the  vague  rumour  reached  them  of  his 
having  been  Ikilled  in  Egypt.  He  had  never  loved  them ; 
and  from  this  time  he  became  their  undisguised  and  unrelent- 
ing enemy.  His  determination  to  make  them  feel  his  ven- 
geance was  strengthened  by  the  fact  that  they  had  declined  to 
maintain  in  his .  office  Menelaus,  whom  he  had  made  highr 
priest 


I 


9  # 


REION   OF  ANTIOCHUS  EPIPHANE8.'  245 


I 


During  the  king's  second  invasion  of  Egypt,  Jason  had 
suddenly  assaulted  Jerusalem  and  compelled  Menelaus  to  re- 
tire into  the  citadel.  The  thousand  who  accompanied  him, 
joinei  by  his  p:irtizins  in  the  city,  slaughtered  all  who  op- 
posed them.  His  triumph,  however,  was  short,  for  he  fled  as 
soon  as  he  learned  that  Antiochus  was  on  his  way  from 
Egyft  Concluding  from  the  exaggerated  report  of  this  in- 
surrection, that  the  Jews  had  cast  oflfhis  yoke,  the  revengeful 
king  advanced  to  Jerusalem  ;  and,  after  meeting  some  resist- 
ance, captured  the  city,  probably  by  the  treachery  of  the  party 
of  Menelaus,  who,  we  know,  continued  to  possess  his  favour. 
On  entering  it,  "  he  commanded  his  soldiers  not  to  spare  such 
as  they  met,  and  to  slay  such  as  wpnt  up  upon  the  houses. 
Thus  there  was  killing  of  young  and  old,  making  away  of 
men,  women,  and  children,  slaying  of  virgins  and  infants. 
And  there  were  destroyed,  within  the  space  of  three  whole 
days,  fourscore  thousand,  whereof  forty  thousand  were  slain 
in  the  conflict ;  and  no  fewer  sold  than  slain.  Yet  was  he 
not  content  with  this,  but  presumed  to  go  into  the  most  holy 
temple  of  all  the  world,  Menelaus,  that  traitor  to  the  laws,  and 
to  his  own  country,  being  his  guide:  and  taking  the  holy 
vessels  with  polluted  hands,  and  with  profane  hands  pulling  ji 

down  the  things  that  were  dedicated  by  other  kings  to  the  | 

augmentation,  and  glory,  and  honour  of  the  place,  he  gave  ' 

them  away.     And  so  haughty  was  Antiochus  in  mind,  that  t 

he  considered  not  that  the  Lord  was  angry  for  a  while  for  the  !| 

sins  of  them  that  dweU  in  the  city,  and  therefore  his  eye  was  i| 

not  upon  the  place.     For  had  they  not  been  formerly  wrapt  jj 

in  many  sins,  this  man,  as  soon  as  he  had  come,  had  forthwith  J 

been  scourged,  and  put  back  from  his  presumption,  as  Helio-  ] 

dofus  was,  whom  Seleucus  the  king  sent  to  view  the  treasury. 
Nevertheless,  God  did  not  choose  the  people  for  the  place's 
sake,  but  the  place  for  the  people's  sake.  And  therefore  the 
place  itself,  that  was  partaker  with  them  of  the  adversity  that 
happened  to  the  nation,  did  afterward  communicate  in  the 
benefits  sent  from  the  Lord :  and  as  it  was  forsaken  in  the 
wrath  of  the  Almighty,  so  again,  the  great  Lord  being  recon- 
ciled, it  was  set  up  with  all  glory.  So  when  Antiochus  had 
carried  out  of  the  temple  a  thousand  and  eight  hundred  talents, 
he  departed  in  all  haste  unto  Antiochia,  weening  in  his  pride 
to  make  the  land  navigable,  and  the  sea  passable  by  foot ; 
such  was  the  haughtiness  of  his  mind.  And  he  left  gov- 
ernors to  vex  the  nation  :  at  Jerusalem,  Philip,  for  his  coun- 
try a  Phrygian,  and  for  manners  more  barbarous  than  he  thai 

21* 


i 


246  REIGN    OF   ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANES. 

set  him  there;  and  at  Garizim,  Andronicus;  and  besides, 
Menelaus,  who,  worse  than  all  the  rest,  bare  an  heavy  hand 
over  the  citizens,  having  a  malicious  mind  against  his  country- 
men, the  Jews.  He  sent  also  that  detestable  ringleader,  Apol- 
lonius,  with  an  army  of  two-and-twenty  thousand,  command- 
ing him  to  slay  all  those  that  were  in  their  best  age,  and  to 
sell  the  women  and  the  younger  sort:  who  coming  to  Jerusa- 
lem, and  pretending  peace,  did  forbear  till  the  holiday  of  the 
Sabbath,  when,  taking  the  Jews  keeping  holiday,  he  com- 
manded his  men  to  arm  themselves:  and  so  he  slew  all  them 
that  were  gone  to  the  celebrating  of  the  sabbath,  and  running 
through  the  city  with  weapons,  slew  great  multitudes.  But 
Judas  Maccabeus,  with  nine  others,  or  thereabout,  withdrew 
himself  into  the  wilderness,  and  lived  in  the  mountains  after 
the  manner  of  beasts,  with  his  company,  who  fed  on  herbs 
continually,  lest  they  should  be  partakers  of  the  pollution." 
"  Therefore  there  was  great  mourning  in  Israel,  in  every  place 
where  they  were ;  so  that  the  princes  and  elders  mourned,  the 
virgins  and  young  men  were  made  feeble,  and  the  beauty  of 
women  was  changed.  Every  bridegroom  took  up  lamenta- 
tion, and  she  that  sat  in  the  marriage-chamber  was  in  heavi- 
ness. The  land  also  was  moved  for  the  inhabitants  thereof, 
and  all  the  house  of  Jacob  was  covered  with  confusion." 
Tremendous  as  were  these  calamities,  they  were  to  the  Jewish 
people  only  the  beginning  of  sorrows. 

Their  reverence  for  the  sacred  institutions  of  their  country 
was  invigorated  by  sufferings ;  and  Antiochus  doubtless  per- 
ceived that  there  was  no  probability  of  conquering  their 
antipathy  to  his  pagan  ceremonies  and  licentious  customs. 
Hence  he  resolved  to  exterminate  the  Jewish  nation.  But  his 
unjust  and  ambitious  schemes  respecting  Egypt  fully  occupied 
his  care  for  two  years.  His  final  expulsion  from  that  kingdom 
we  have  seen.  He  had  obtained  almost  all  his  wishes;  and 
scarcely  anything  remained  but  to  place  the  Egyptian  crown 
on  his  hateful  head,  when  all  his  visions  of  glory  vanished  at  the 
terrific  voice  of  the  Roman  beast.  From  this  hour  he  seemed 
to  live  only  to  accomplish  the  entire  destruction  of  the  chosen 
people.  On  h  is  journeying  from  Eg}'pt  to  Antioch,  he  commis- 
sioned Apollonius,  a  man  according  to  his  own  demoniacal 
heart,  to  proceed  to  Jerusalem,  under  pretence  of  collecting 
tribute  ;  but,  in  reality,  to  commence  the  work  of  destruction, 
on  which  his  heart  was  fixed.  The  first  scene  of  this  awful 
tragedy  of  the  Jewish  nation  will,  perhaps,  be  best  exhibited 
in  the  simple  language  of  their  historian  :  "  After  two  yearr 


-m 


# 


REIGN    OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANES.  247 

fully  expired,  the  king  sent  his  chief  collector  of  tribute  unto 
the  cities  of  Judea,  who  came  unto  Jerusalem  with  a  great 
multitude,  and  spake  peaceable  words  unto  them,  but  all  was 
deceit ;  for  when  they  had  given  him  credence,  he  fell  sud- 
denly upon  the  city,  and  smote  it  very  sore,  and  destroyed 
much  people  of  Israel.  And  when  he  had  taken  the  spoils  of 
the  city,  he  set  it  on  fire,  and  pulled  down  the  houses  and 
walls  thereof  on  every  side.  But  the  women  and  children 
took  they  captive,  and  poss^sed  the  cattle.  Then  buiided 
they  the  city  of  David  with  a  great  and  strong  wall,  and  with 
mighty  towers,  and  made  it  a  strong  hold  for  them.  And  they 
put  therein  a  sinful  nation,  wicked  men,  and  fortified  them- 
selves therein.  They  stored  it  also  with  armour  and  victuals: 
and  when  they  had  gathered  together  the  spoils  of  Jerusalem, 
they  laid  them  up  there,  and  so  they  became  a  sore  snare. 
For  it  was  a  place  to  lie  in  wait  against  the  sanctuary,  and  an 
evil  adversary  to  Israel.  Thus  they  shed  innocent  blood  on 
every  side  of  the  sanctuary,  and  defiled  it ;  insomuch  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  fled  because  of  them  :  whereupon  the 
city  was  made  an  habitation  of  strangers,  and  became  strange 
to  those  that  were  born  in  her  ;  and  her  own  children  left  her. 
Her  sanctuary  was  laid  waste  like  a  wilderness,  her  feasts 
were  turned  into  mourning,  her  sabbaths  into  reproach,  her 
honour  into  contempt.  As  had  been  her  glory,  so  was  her 
dishonour  increased,  and  her  excellency  was  turned  into 
mourning." 

Having  thus  desolated  the  city,  and  erected  a  fortress  which 
completely  commanded  it,  Apollonius  turned  his  attention  to 
his  duties  as  governor  of  the  district  of  Samaria.  And  among 
its  inhabitants  he  witnessed  all  that  he  or  his  wicked  sove- 
reign could  desire ;  for  they,  with  one  voice,  disclaimed  all 
connexion  with  the  Jews.  This  was  their  usual  procedure, 
in  ail  seasons,  in  which  the  chosen  people  were  persecuted 
by  idolatrous  princes.  But,  on  this  occasion,  they  not  only 
declared  that  their  ancestors  were  idolaters,  and  that  they  had 
conformed  to  some  of  the  religious  ceremonies  of  the  Jews 
merely  from  filse  apprehensions  excited  by  temporary  afflic- 
tions or  superstitions  and  unfounded  terrors;  but  also  earn- 
estly requested  the  king  to  order  their  temple  to  be  consecrated 
to  the  worship  of  idols,  and  to  be  called  the  "Temple  of  Jupi- 
ter Hellenis." 

This  zeal  to  renounce  the  True  God,  doubtless  encouraged 
Antiochus  in  the  other  persecuting  measures  which  he  pur- 
sued  if  i+  did  not  suggest  them  to  his  proud  and  malignan' 


248  REIGN    OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPJPHANE& 

spirit.  His  arrival  in  Antioch  was  rendered  memorable  by  a 
decree,  that  every  individual  in  his  dominions,  who  refused  to 
worship  the  gods  adored  by  the  king,  should  suffer  death. 
That  by  this  he  sought  the  utter  extirpation  of  the  Jews,  was 
manifest  to  all ;  but  his  ultimate  object  was  unquestionably  to 
endeavour,  if  possible,  to  expel  for  ever  from  the  world,  the 
semhlance  of  the  worship  of  the  One  God,  the  Creator  and 
Judge  of  the  human  race.  Antiochus  diligently  adopted  ap- 
propriate means  to  enforce  his  e^ict.  He  sent  commissioners 
into  all  the  provinces  to  make  known  to  the  obedient  the  reli- 
gious ritual  of  the  court,  and  to  punish-lhe  refractory.  "More- 
over, king  Antiochus  wrote  to  his  whole  kingdom,  that  all 
should  be  one  people,  and  every  one  should  leave  his  laws: 
so  all  the  heathen  agreed,  according  to  the  commandment  of 
the  king.  Yea,  many  also  of  the  Israelites  consented  to  his 
religion,  and  sacrificed  unto  idols,  and  profaned  the  sabbath. 
For  the  king  had  sent  letters  by  messengers  unto  Jerusalem, 
and  the  cities  of  Judea,  that  they  should  follow  the  strange 
laws  of  the  land,  and  forbid  burnt-offerings,  and  sacrifice,  and 
drinkoflferings,  in  the  temple;  and  that  they  should  profane 
the  sabbaths  and  festival  days,  and  pollute  the  sanctuary  and 
holy  people ;  set  up  altars,  and  groves,  and  chapels  of 
idols;  and  sacrifice  swine's  flesh,  and  unclean  beasts:  that 
they  should  also  leave  their  children  uncircumcised,  and 
make  their  souls  abominable  with  all  manner  of  uncleanness 
and  profanation ;  to  the  end  they  might  forget  the  law,  and 
change  all  the  ordinances.  And  whosoever  would  not  do  ac- 
cording to  the  commandment  of  the  king,  he  said,  he  should 
die.  In  the  self-same  manner  wrote  he  to  his  whole  kingdom, 
and  appointed  overseers  over  all  the  people,  commanding  the 
cities  of  Juda  to  sacrifice,  city  by  city.  Then  many  of  the 
people  were  gathered  unto  them,  to  wit,  every  one  that  for- 
sook the  law;  and  so  they  committed  evils  in  the  land  ;  and 
drove  the  Israelites  into  secret  places,  even  wheresoever  they 
coulJ  flee  for  succour.  Now,  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  month 
Casleu,  in  the  hundred  forty  and  fifth  year,  they  set  up  the 
abominvition  of  desolation  upon  the  altar,  and  builded  idol 
altars  throughout  the  cities  of  Juda  on  every  side  ;  and  burnt 
incense  at  the  doors  of  their  houses,  and  in  the  streets.  And 
when  they  had  rent  in  pieces  the  books  of  the  law  which 
they  found,  they  burnt  them  with  fire.  And  wheresoever 
was  found  with  any  the  book  of  the  testament,  or  if  any  con- 
sented to  the  luw,  the  king's  commandment  was,  that  they 
should  put  him  to  death.     Thus  did  they,  by  their  authority. 


>  # 


REIGN   OP    ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANES.  249 

unto  the  Israelites  every  month,  to  as  many  as  were  found  in 
the  cities.  Now,  the  five-anJ-twentieth  day  of  the  month  they 
did  sacrifice  upon  the  idol  altar,  which  was  upon  the  altar  of 
GoJ.  At  which  time,  according  to  the  commandment,  they 
put  to  death  certain  women  that  had  caused  th^ir  children  to 
be  circumcised.  And  they  hanged  the  infmts  about  their 
necks,  and  rifled  their  houses,  and  slew  them  that  had  cir- 
cumcised them.  Howbeit  many  in  Israel  were  fully  resolved, 
and  confirmed  in  themselves  not  to  eat  any  unclean  thing. 
Wherefore  they  chose  rather  to  die,  that  they  might  not  be 
defiled  with  meats,  and  that  they  might  not  profane  the  holy 
covenant:  so  then  th'ey  died.  And  there  was  very  great 
wrath  upon  Israel." 

The  majority  of  the  Jews  in  Judea  appear  to  have  stedfastly 
resisted  the  efforts  of  the  first  commissioners.  And  this  led  to 
the  appointment  at  a  later  perioJ,  of  an  aged  servant  of  the 
king,  one  perfectly  qualified,  and  zealous,  to  teach  the  (Gre- 
cian form  of  idolatry.  He  named  the  temple  of  Jerusalem 
the  "temple  of  Jupiter  Olympus,"  and  laid  it  open  to  the  Gen- 
tiles, who  assembled  in  it  and  practised  all  the  polluting  and 
licentious  rites  common  in  Greece.  "  Neither  was  it  lawful 
for  a  man  to  keep  sabbath-days,  or  ancient  feasts,  or  to  profess 
himself  at  all  to  be  a  Jew.  And  in  the  day  of  the  king's 
birth,  every  month  they  were  brought  by  bitter  constraint  to 
eat  of  the  sacrifices;  and  when  the  feast  of  Bacchus  was  kept, 
the  Jews  were  compelled  to  go  in  procession  to  Bacchus,  car- 
rying ivy.  Moreover,  there  went  out  a  decree  to  the  neigh- 
bour cities  of  the  heathen,  by  the  suggestion  of  Ptolemee, 
against  the  Jews,  that  they  should  observe  the  same  fashions, 
and  be  partakers  of  their  sacrifices:  and  whoso  would  not 
conform  themselves  to  the  manners  of  the  Gentiles  should  be 
put  to  death.  Then  might  a  man  have  seen  the  present 
misery.  For  there  were  two  women  brought,  who  had  cir- 
cumcised their  children  ;  whom,  when  they  had  openly  led 
roimd  about  the  city,  the  babes  hanging  at  their  breasts,  they 
cast  them  down  headlong  from  the  wall.  And  others,  that  had 
run  together  into  caves  near  by,  to  keep  the  sabbath-day 
secretly,  being  discovered  to  Philip,  were  all  burnt  together, 
because  they  made  a  conscience  to  help  themselves  for  the 
honour  of  the  most  sacred  day.  Eleazar,  one  of  the  principal 
scribes,  an  aged  man,  and  of  a  well-favoured  countenance, 
was  constrained  to  open  his  mouth,  and  to  eat  swine's  flesh. 
But  he  choosing  rather  to  die  gloriously,  than  to  live  stained 
with  such  an  abomination,  spit  it  forth,  and  came  of  his  own 


^ 


1 


# 


250  REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANES. 

accord  to  the  torment,  as  it  behoved  them  to  come  that  are  re- 
solute \o  stand  out  against  such  things  as  are  not  lawful  for 
love  of  life  to  be  tasted.  But  they  that  had  the  charge  of  that 
vk'icked  feast,  for  the  old  acquaintance  they  had  w^ith  the  man, 
taking  him  aside,  besought  him  to  bring  flesh  of  his  own  pro- 
vision, such  as  was  lawful  for  him  to  use,  and  make  as  if  he 
did  eat  of  the  flesh  taken  from  the  sacrifice  commanded  by 
the  king ;  that  in  so  doing  he  might  be  delivered  from  death, 
and  for  the  old  friendship  with  them  find  favour.  But  he  be- 
gan to  consider  discreetly,  and  as  became  his  age,  and  the  ex- 
cellency of  his  ancient  years,  and  the  honour  of  his  gray 
head,  whereunto  he  was  come,  and  his  most  honest  education 
from  a  child,  or  rather  the  holy  law  made  and  given  by  God; 
therefore  he  answered  accordingly,  and  willed  them  straight- 
ways  to  send  him  to  the  grave.  For  it  becometh  not  our  age, 
said  he,  in  any  wise  to  dissemble,  whereby  many  young  per- 
sons might  think  that  Eleazar,  being  fourscore  years  old  and 
ten,  were  now  gone  to  a  strange  religion ;  and  so  they, 
through  mine  hypocrisy,  and  desire  to  live  a  little  time,  and 
a  moment  longer,  should  be  deceived  by  me,  and  1  get  a 
stain  to  mine  old  age,  and  make  it  abominable.  For  though 
for  the  present  time  I  should  be  delivered  from  the  punish- 
ment of  men,  yet  should  I  not  escape  the  hand  of  the  Al- 
mighty, neither  alive  nor  dead.  Wherefore  now,  manfully 
changing  this  life,  I  will  show  myself  «uch  an  one  as  mine 
age  requireth,  and  leave  a  notable  example  to  such  as  be 
young,  to  die  willingly  and  courageously  for  the  honourable 
and  holy  laws.  And  when  he  had  said  these  words,  imme- 
diately he  went  to  the  torment:  they  that  led  him,  changing 
the  good-will  they  bare  him  a  little  before  into  hatred,  because 
the  foresaid  speeches  proceeded,  as  they  thought,  from  a  des- 
perate mind.  But  when  he  was  ready  to  die  with  stripes, 
he  groaned,  and  said.  It  is  manifest  unto  the  Lord,  that  hath 
the  holy  knowledge,  that  whereas  I  might  have  been  delivered 
from  death,  I  now  endure  sore  pains  in  body,  by  being  beaten; 
b«t  in  soul  am  well  content  to  suffer  these  things,  because  I 
fear  him.  And  thus  this  man  died,  leaving  his  death  for  an 
e.xample  of  a  noble  courage,  and  a  memorial  of  virtue,  not 
only  unto  young  men,  but  unto  all  his  nation. 

"It  came  to  pass  also,  that  seven  brethren  with  their  mother 
were  taken,  and  compelled  by  the  king  against  the  law  to  taste 
swine's  flesh  and  were  tormented  with  scourges  and  whips. 
But  one  of  them  that  spake  first  said  thus.  What  wouldest 
tbou  ask  or  leara  of  us  1  we  ai  e  ready  to  die,  rather  than  to 


REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHU8    EPIPHANES.  251 

transgress  the  laws  of  our  fathers.  Then  the  king,  being  in 
a  rage,  commanded  pans  and  caldrons  to  be  made  hot. 
Which  forthwith  being  heated,  he  commanded  to  cut  out  the 
tongue  of  him  that  spake  first,  and  to  cut  off  the  utmost  parts 
of  his  body,  the  rest  of  his  brethren  and  his  mother  looking 
on.  Now,  when  he  was  thus  maimed  in  all  his  members,  he 
commanded  him,  being  yet  alive,  to  be  brought  to  the  fire, 
and  to  be  hied  in  the  pan :  and  as  the  vapour  of  the  pan  was 
for  a  good  space  dispersed,  they  exhorted  one  another,  with 
the  mother,  to  die  manfully,  saying  thus,  the  Lord  God  look- 
eth  upon  us,  and  in  truth  hath  comfort  in  us,  as  Moses  in  his 
song,  which  witnessed  to  their  faces,  declared  saying,  and  he 
shall  be  comforted  in  his  servants.  So  when  the  fust  was  dead 
after  this  manner,  they  brought  the  second  to  make  him  a  mock- 
ing-stock ;  and  when  they  had  pulled  off  the  skin  of  his  head 
with  the  hair,  they  asked  him.  Wilt  thou  eat,  before  thou  be 
punished  throughout  every  member  of  thy  body?  But  he  an- 
swered in  his  own  language,  and  said,  No.  Wherefore  he 
also  received  the  next  torment  in  order,  as  the  former  did. 
And  when  he  was  at  the  last  gasp,  he  said.  Thou,  like  a  fury, 
takest  us  out  of  this  present  life,  but  the  King  of  the  world 
shall  raise  us  up,  who  have  died  for  his  laws,  unto  everlasting 
life.  After  him  was  the  third  made  a  mocking-stock ;  and 
whtn  he  was  required,  he  put  out  his  ton^e,  and  that  right 
soon,  holdingforth  his  hands  manfully,  and  said  courageously, 
These  I  had  from  heaven,  and  for  his  laws  I  despise  them; 
and  from  him  I  hope  to  receive  them  again.  Insomuch,  that 
the  king,  and  they  that  were  with  him,  marvelled  at  the  young 
man's  courage,  for  that  ho  nothing  regarded  the  pains.  Now, 
when  this  man  was  dead  also,  they  tormented  and  mangled 
the  fourth  in  like  manner.  So,  when  he  was  ready  to  die,  he 
said  thus.  It  is  good,  being  put  to  death  by  man.  to  look  for 
hope  from  God,  to  be  raised  up  again  by  him:  as  for  thee, 
thou  shall  have  no  resurrection  to  life.  Afterward  they 
brought  the  fifth  also,  and  mangled  him.  Then  looked  he 
unto  the  king,  and  said.  Thou  hast  power  over  men,  thou  art 
corruptible,  thou  doest  what  thou  wilt ;  yet  think  not  that  our 
nation  is  forsaken  of  God ;  but  abide  a  while,  and  behold  his 
great  power,  how  he  will  torment  thee  and  thy  seed.  After 
him  also  they  brought  the  sixth,  who,  being  ready  to  die,  said, 
Be  not  deceived  without  cause  ;  for  we  suffer  these  things  for 
ourselves,  having  sinned  against  our  God:  therefore  marvel- 
lous things  are  done  unto  us.  But  think  not  thou,  that  takest 
m  hand  to  strive  against  God,  that  thou  shalt  escape  unpuo 


® 


252  REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANES. 

ished.  But  the  mother  was  marvellous  above  all,  and  \A^orthy 
of  honourable  memory :  for  when  she  saw  her  seven  sons  slain 
within  the  space  of  one  day,  she  bare  it  with  a  good  courage, 
because  of  the  hope  that  she  had  in  the  Lord.  Yea,  she  ex- 
horted every  one  of  them  in  her  own  language,  filled  with 
courageous  spirits:  and,  stirring  up  her  womanish  thoughts 
with  a  manly  stomach,  she  said  unto  them,  I  cannot  tell  how 
e  came  into  my  womb :  for  I  neither  gave  you  breath  nor 
ife,  neither  was  it  I  that  formed  the  members  of  every  one  of 
you ;  but  doubtless  the  Creator  of  the  world,  who  formed  the 
generation  of  man,  and  found  out  the  beginning  of  all  things, 
will  also,  of  his  own  mercy,  give  you  breath  and  life  again, 
as  ye  now  regard  not  your  own  selves  for  his  laws'  sake. 
Now  Antiochus  thinking  himself  despised,  and  suspecting  it 


I 


to  be  a  reproachful  speech,  whilst  the  youngest  was  yet  alive, 
did  not  only  exhort  him  by  words,  but  also  assured  hir 
oaths,  that  he  would  make  him  both  a  rich  and  a  happy  man, 


if  he  would  turn  from  the  laws  of  his  fathers ;  and  that  also 
he  would  take  him  for  his  friend,  and  trust  him  with  affairs. 
But  when  the  young  man  would  in  no  case  hearken  unto  him, 
the  king  called  his  mother,  and  exhorted  her  that  she  would 
counsel  the  young  man  to  save  his  life.  And  when  he  had 
exhorted  her  with  many  words,  she  promised  him  that  she 
would  counsel  her  son.  But  she,  bowing  herself  toward  him, 
laughing  the  cruel  tyrant  to  scorn,  spake  in  her  country  lan- 
guage on  this  manner:  O  my  son,  have  pity  upon  me  that 
bare  thee  nine  months  in  my  womb,  and  gave  thee  suck  three 
years,  and  nourished  thee,  and  brouglit  thee  up  unto  this  age,  and 
endured  the  troubles  of  education.  1  beseech  thee,  my  son,  look 
upon  the  heaven  and  the  earth,  and  all  that  is  therein,  and 
consider  that  God  made  them  of  things  that  were  not ;  and  so 
was  mankind  made  likewise.  Fear  not  this  tormentor  ;  but, 
being  worthy  of  thy  brethren,  take  thy  death,  that  I  may  re- 
ceive thee  again  in  mercy  with  thy  brethren.  While  she 
was  yet  speaking  these  words,  the  young  man  said,  Whom 
wait  ye  for?  I  will  not  obey  the  king's  commandment:  but  I 
will  obey  the  commandment  of  the  law  that  was  given  unto 
our  fathers  by  Moses.  And  thou,  that  hast  been  the  author 
of  all  mischief  against  the  Hebrews,  shah  not  escape  the  hands 
of  God:  for  we  suffer  because  of  our  sins.  And  though  the 
living  Lord  be  angry  with  us  a  little  while  for  our  chasten- 
ing and  correction,  yet  shall  he  be  at  one  again  with  his  ser- 
vants. But  thou,  O  godless  man,  and  of  all  other  most  wicked, 
be  not  lifted  un  without  a  cause,  nor  puffed  up  with  uncertain 


"=? 


^  m 


REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANE8.  253 

hopes,  lifting  up  thy  hand  against  the  servants  of  God :  for 
thou  hast  not  yet  escaped  the  judgment  of  Almighty  God,  who 
seeth  all  things.  For  our  brethren,  who  now  havesuflered  a 
short  pain,  arc  dead  under  God's  covenant  of  everlasting  life; 
but  thou,  through  the  judgment  of  God,  shalt  receive  just  pun- 
ishment for  thy  pride.  But  I,  as  my  brethren,  ofler  up  my 
body  and  life  for  the  laws  of  our  fathers,  beseeching  God  that 
he  would  speedily  be  merciful  unto  our  nation  ;  and  that  thou, 
by  torments  and  plagues,  mayest  confess  that  he  alone  is  God  ; 
and  thit  in  me,  and  my  brethren,  the  wrath  of  the  Almighty, 
which  is  justly  brought  upon  all  our  nation,  may  cease. 
Then  the  king,  being  in  a  rage,  handled  him  worse  then  all 
the  rest,  and  took  it  grievously  that  he  was  mocked.  So  this 
man  died  undefiled,  and  put  his  whole  tiust  in  the  Lord. 
Last  of  nil,  after  the  sons,  the  mother  died.  Let  this  be  enough 
now  to  have  spoken  concermng  the  idolatrous  feasts,  and  the 
extreme  tortures." 

It  is  generally  supposed  that  these  scenes  of  deliberate  mur- 
der, were  committed  under  the  immediate  eye  of  the  king, 
who  had  come  to  Jerusalem,  in  the  confidence  that  his  pre- 
sence would  strike  terror  into  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and 
compel  them  to  submit  to  his  tyrannical  edicts,  which  had 
only  roused  their  indignation,  when  proclaimed  by  his  mes- 
sengers ;  but  it  is  more  certain  that,  whoever  personally  con- 
ducted the  persecution  of  the  faithful  Jews,  their  sufferings 
had  roused  the  nation  to  contend,  as  one  man,  not  only  for  re- 
ligious liberty,  but  al^o  for  national  independence.  The  cause 
was  worthy  of  man  ;  and  no  people  ever  engaged  in  it  with 
more  ardour  of  spirit,  displayed  more  energy  and  persever- 
ance to  obtain  their  object,  or  discovered  more  intense  pleas- 
ure in  success.  The  heroism  of  some  other  nation,  put  forth 
in  a  more  ignoble  cause,  is  applauded  in  the  pages  of  history  ; 
but  the  more  the  efforts  of  the  Jews  at  this  time  are  contem- 
plated, the  higher  shall  they  be  raised  in  the  temple  of  fame, 
by  all  who  are  capable  of  estimating  supreme  preference  of 
moral  excellence,  and  unconquerable  valour  in  the  defence 
ofjustice  and  triith. 

Israel  had  been  accustomed  to  expect  deliverances.  Their  God 
never  failed  to  hear  their  cries  when  they  humbled  themselves 
before  him.  And  thus  it  was  at  this  time.  A  family  appa- 
rently little  known  beyond  their  own  city,  which  owed  all  its 
celebrity  to  their  future  pious  and  heroic  deeds,  rescued  the 
nation  from  thraldom,  and  exalted  it  once  more  among;  the 
mightiest  nations.     Modin  was  a  town  in  the  tribe  of  Dan, 

VOL.  I.  22 


%- 


f94  REIGN    OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANES. 

and  probably  chiefly  belonged  to  priests.  One  of  its  principal 
citizens,  at  least,  was  one  of  the  priests  who  constituted  the  first 
of  the  twenty  orders  or  courses  appointed  by  David  to  conduct 
the  services  of  the  temple.  Our  readers  would  not  thank  us 
to  record  the  deeds  of  this  holy  and  brave  man  in  any  othei 
language  than  that  of  his  historian.  Mattdthias  was  the  son 
of  Simeon,  a  priest  of  the  sons  of  Joarib;  "he  had  five  sons, 
Joannan,  called  Caddis ;  Simon,  called  Thassi ;  Judas,  who 
was  called  Maccabeus  ;  Eleazar,  called  Avaran ;  and  Jona- 
than, whose  surname  was  Apphus.  And  when  he  saw  the 
blasphemies  that  were  committed  in  Juda  and  Jerusalem,  he 
said.  Woe  is  me !  wherefore  was  I  born  to  see  this  misery  of 
my  people,  and  of  the  holy  city,  and  to  dwell  there,  when  it 
was  delivered  into  the  hand  of  the  enemy,  and  the  sanctuary 
into  the  hand  of  strangers?  Her  temple  is  become  as  a  man 
without  glory.  Her  glorious  vessels  are  carried  away  into 
captivity,  her  infants  are  shin  in  the  streets,  her  young  men 
with  the  sword  of  the  enemy.  What  nation  hath  not  had  a 
part  in  her  kingdom,  and  gotten  of  her  spoils?  All  her  or- 
naments are  taken  away  ;  of  a  free  woman  she  is  become  a 
bond  slave.  And,  behold,  our  sanctuary,  even  our  beauty 
and  our  glory,  is  laid  waste,  and  the  Gentiles  have  profaned 
it.  To  what  end  therefore  shall  we  live  any  longer?  Then 
Mattathias  and  his  sons  rent  their  clothes,  and  put  on  sack- 
cloth, and  mourned  very  sore.  In  the  mean  while  the  king's 
officers,  such  as  compelled  the  people  to  revolt,  came  into  the 
city  Modin,  to  make  them  sacrifice.  And  when  many  of  Is- 
rael came  unto  them,  Mattathias  also  and  his  sons  came  toge- 
ther. Then  answered  the  king's  officers,  and  said  to  Matta- 
thias on  this  wise,  thou  art  a  ruler,  and  an  honourable  and 
great  man  in  this  city,  and  strengthened  with  sons  and  bre- 
thren: Now,  therefore,  come  thou  first,  and  fulfil  the  king's 
commandment,  like  asall  the  heathen  have  done,  yea,  and 
the  men  of  Juda  also,  and  such  as  remain  at  Jerusalem  ;  so 
shalt  thou  and  thy  house  be  in  the  number  of  the  kingf's  friends, 
and  thou  and  thy  children  shall  be  honoured  with  silver  and 
gold, and  many  rewards.  Then  Mattathias  answered, and  spake 
with  a  loud  voice,  Though  all  the  nations  that  are  under  the 
king's  dominion  obey  him,  and  fall  away  every  one  from  the 
religion  oftheir  fathers,  and  give  consentto  his  commandments; 
yet  will  I,  and  my  sons,  and  my  brethren,  walk  in  the  covenant 
of  our  fathers.  Ood  forbid  that  we  should  forsake  the  law 
and  the  ordinances.  We  will  not  hearken  to  the  king's  words, 
to  go  from  our  religion,  either  on  the  right  hand  or  the  left. 


m—  # 


REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANES.  255 

Now,  when  he  had  left  speaking  these  words,  there  came 
one  of  the  Jews  in  the  sight  of  all  to  sacrifice  on  the  altar  which 
was  at  Modin,  according  to  the  king's  commandrrient:  which 
thing  when  Mattathias  saw,  he  was  inflamed  with  zeal,  and 
his  reins  trembled,  neither  could  he  forbear  to  show  his  anger 
according  to  judgment:  wherefore  he  ran  and  slew  him 
upon  the  altar.  Also  the  king's  commissioner,  who  com- 
pelled men  to  sacrifice,  he  killed  at  that  time,  and  the  altar  he 
pulled  down.  Thus  dealt  he  zealously  lor  the  law  of  God, 
like  as  Phinees  did  unto  Zarnbri  the  son  of  Salom.  And 
Mattathias  cried  throughout  the  city  with  a  loud  voice,  saying, 
Whosoever  is  zealous  of  the  law,  and  maintaineih  the  cove- 
nant, let  him  follow  me.  So  he  and  his  sons  fled  into  th^ 
mountains,  and  left  all  that  ever  they  had  in  the  city.  Then 
many  that  sought  after  justice  and  judgment,  went  down  in- 
to the  wilderness,  to  dwell  there:  both  they,  and  their  chil- 
dren, and  their  wives,  and  their  cattle;  because  afflictions  in- 
creased sore  upon  them.  Now,  when  it  was  told  the  king's 
servants,  and  the  host  that  was  at  Jerusalem,  in  the  city  of 
David,  that  certain  men,  who  had  broken  the  king's  com- 
mandment, were  gone  down  into  the  secret  places  in  the  wil- 
derness, they  pursued  after  them  a  grciit  number,  and,  hav- 
ing overtaken  them,  they  encamped  against  them,  and  made 
war  against  them  on  the  sabbath-day.  And  they  said  unto 
them,  Let  that  which  ye  have  done  hitherto  suffice;  come 
forth,  and  do  according  to  the  commandment  of  the  king,  and 
ye  shall  live.  But  they  said.  We  will  not  come  forth,  nei- 
ther will  we  do  the  kings  commandment,  to  profane  the  sab- 
bath-day. So  then  they  gave  them  the  battle  with  all  speed. 
Howbcit  they  answered  them  not,  neither  cast  they  a  stone  at 
them,  nor  stopped  the  places  where  they  lay  hid  ;  but  said, 
Let  us  die  all  in  our  innocency :  heaven  and  earth  shall  tes- 
tify for  us,  that  ye  put  us  to  death  wrongfully.  So  they  rose 
up  agiinst  them  in  b  ittle  on  the  sabbath,  anJ  they  slew  them, 
with  their  wives  and  children,  and  their  cattle,  to  the  number 
of  a  thousand  people.  Now,  when  Mattathias  and  his 
friends  imlerstooJ  hereof,  they  mourned  for  them  right  sore. 
And  one  of  them  siiJ  to  another,  if  we  all  do  as  our  brethren 
have  done,  and  fight  not  for  our  lives  and  laws  against  the 
heathen,  they  will  now  quickly  root  us  out  of  the  earth.  At 
that  time  therefore  they  decreed,  saying.  Whosoever  shall 
come  to  mike  battle  with  us  on  the  sabbath-day,  we  will  fight 
against  him  ;  neither  will  we  die  all.  as  our  brethren  that 
wore  murdered  in  the  secret  places.     Then  came  there  unto 


m 


«■ 


2G6  REIGN    OF    AN'TIOCIUJS    KIMPHANES. 

him  a  company  of  Assi Jeans,  who  were  mighty  men  of  Is- 
rael, even  all  such  as  were  voluntarily  devoted  unto  the  law. 
Also  they  that  fled  for  persecution  joined  themselves  unto 
them,  and  were  a  stiy  unto  them.  So  they  joined  their 
forces,  and  smote  sinful  men  in  their  anger,  and  wicked  men 
in  their  wrath;  but  the  rest  fled  to  the  heathen  for  succour. 
Then  Mattathias  and  his  friends  went  round  about,  and  pulled 
down  the  altars:  and  what  children  soever  they  found  within 
the  coast  of  Israel  uncircumcised,  those  they  circumcised  val- 
iantly. They  pursued  also  after  the  proud  men,  and  the 
work  prospered  in  their  hand.  So  they  recovered  the  law 
out  of  the  hand  of  the  Gentiles,  and  out  of  the  hand  of 
kings,  neither  suffered  they  the  sinner  to  triumph.  Now, 
when  the  time  drew  near  that  Mattathias  should  die,  he  said 
unto  his  sons,  Now  hath  pride  and  rebuke  gotten  strength, 
and  the  time  of  destruction,  and  the  wrath  of  indignation: 
now  therefore,  my  sons,  be  ye  zealous  for  the  law,  an  J  give 
your  lives  for  the  covenant  of  your  fathers.  Call  to  remem- 
brance what  acts  our  fathers  did  in  their  time ;  so  shall  ye 
receive  great  honour,  and  an  everlasting  name.  Was  not 
Abraham  found  faithful  in  temptation,  and  it  was  imputed 
unto  him  for  righteousness?  Joseph,  in  the  time  of  his  dis- 
tress, kept  the  commandment,  and  was  made  lord  of  Egypt. 
Phineas  our  father,  in  being  zealous  and  fervent,  obtained 
the  covenant  of  an  everlasting  priesthood.  Jesus,  for  fulfill- 
ing the  word  was  made  judge  in  Israel.  Caleb,  for  bearing 
witness  before  the  congregation,  received  the  heritage  of  the 
land.  David,  for  being  merciful,  possessed  the  throne  of  an 
everlasting  kingdom.  Elias,  for  being  zealous  and  fervent 
for  the  law,  was  taken  up  into  heaven.  Ananias,  Azarias, 
and  Misael,  by  believing,  were  saved  out  of  the  flame. 
Daniel,  for  his  innocency,  was  delivered  from  the  mouth  of 
lions.  And  thus  consider  ye,  throughout  all  ages,  that  none 
that  put  their  trust  in  him  shall  be  overcome.  Fear  not  then 
the  words  of  a  sinful  man ;  for  his  glory  shall  be  dung  and 
worms.  To-day  he  shall  be  lifted  up  and  to-morrow  he 
shall  not  be  found,  because  he  is  returned  into  his  dust,  and 
his  thought  is  come  to  nothing.  Wherefore,  ye  my  sons, 
be  valiant,  anJ  show  yourselves  men  in  the  behalf  of  the 
law  ;  for  by  it  shall  ye  obtain  glory.  And,  behold,  I  know 
that  your  brother  Simon  is  a  man  of  counsel,  give  ear  unto 
him  alway :  he  shall  be  a  father  unto  you.  As  for  Judas 
M.accabeus,  he  hath  been  mighty  and  strong,  even  from  his 
youth  up :  let  him  be  your  captain  and  fight  the  battle  of  the 


« 


RBION    OF   ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANES.  257 

people.  Take  also  unto  you  all  those  that  observe  the  law, 
anJ  avenge  ye  the  wrong  of  the  people.  Recompense  fully 
the  heathen,  and  take  heeJ  to  the  commandments  of  the  law. 
So  he  blessed  them,  and  was  gathered  to  his  fathers.  And 
he  died  in  the  hundred  forty  and  sixth  year,  and  his  sons 
buried  him  in  the  sepulchres  of  his  fathers  at  Modin,  and  all 
Israel  made  great  lamentation  for  him." 

Considering  the  fi.xed  purpose  and  great  power  of  the 
enemy,  the  successful  resistance  of  Mattathias  and  his  feeble 
band  seems  wonderful,  and  almost  incredible.  Several  cir- 
cumstances, however,  appear  to  have  been  favourable  to  his 
enterprise.  He  was  probably  regarded  with  contempt  by 
Antiorduis  and  his  ministers  'I'hey  doubtless  believed  that 
they  had  as  couipleteiy  crushed  the  power  of  the  Jews  as 
they  hid  stripped  them  of  wealth.  The  brutal  monarch 
looked  on  the  Jews  only  as  so  many  wretched  slaves,  des- 
tined for  ever  to  writhe  under  the  chains  by  which  he  had 
bound  them.  His  imagined  victory  over  them  may  have 
been  supposed  by  him  sufficient  reason  to  justify  him  in  ex« 
pressing  his  joy  after  the  manner  of  the  Roman  conquerors. 
He  accordingly  appointed  a  time  for  a  grand  display  of  the 
Grecian  games,  invited  an  innumerable  multitude  to  witness 
them,  and  expended  immense  sums  to  celebrate  them  with  the 
highest  degree  of  pomp.  It  was  on  this  occasion  that  he  truly 
discovered  his  utter  insignificance.  By  the  most  e.xtravagant 
actions  and  indecent  behaviour,  he  made  himself  the  laugh- 
ing-stock of  many,  and  excited  the  disgust  of  not  a  few  ;  so 
that  after  some  days,  all  who  respected  what  was  becoming 
or  modest,  declined  the  invitations  to  his  feasts.  Intoxicated 
by  these  mean  pleasures,  the  affairs  of  government  were  neg- 
lected, and  the  treasures  of  his  kingdom  thoughtlessly  scat- 
tered. What  .could  have  been  more  advantageous  to  the 
heroes  of  Judea?  The  sons  of  Mattathias  most  assi<luously 
improved  the  season  of  rest  enjoyed  by  their  miserable  coun- 
try. Judas  augmented  his  army,  fortified  the  cities,  built  new 
fortresses,  threw  into  them  strong  garrisons,  and  re-animated 
the  expiring  hopes  of  his  people.  His  conduct  perhaps  for 
some  time  was  viewed  rather  with  pleasure  than  alarm  by 
the  officers  of  the  king,  who  were  appointed  to  observe  the 
state  of  Judea  ;  for  they  knew  it  would  neither  procure  them 
honour  nor  reward  to  subdue  a  few  scattered  bands  of  insur- 
gents. And  similar  motives  may  account  for  the  fact  that  the 
governors  of  the  neighbouring  provinces  united  not  their 
forces  to  oppose  Judas,  till  he  appeared  to  all  a  most  formid- 

22* 


%  » 


« 


:>58  REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS    EP1PHANE8. 

able  antagonist.     Apollonius  knew  the  eagerness  of  the  Sama- 
jj  ritans  whom  he  governed  to  injure  the  Jews,  and  was  confi- 

Ij  dent  that  he  could  easily  overcome   Judas.     He  marched 

I  against  him,  and  was  defeated  with  great  slaughter.     Seron, 

a  Syrian  commander,  next  led  an  army  into  Judea,  and  his 
sanguine  expectation  of  revenging  the  dishonour  of  the  re- 
cent defeat  perished  with  himself  and  many  of  his  followers. 
••  When  news  was  brought  Antiochus  of  this  double  defeat, 
he  was  exasperated  to  fury.  Immediately  he  assembled  all 
his  troops,  which  formed  a  mighty  army,  and  determined  to 
destroy, the  whole  Jewish  nation,  and  to  settle  other  people  in 
their  country.  But  when  his  troops  were  to  be  paid,  he  had 
not  sufficient  sums  in  his  coffers,  having  exhausted  them  in 
the  foolish  expenses  he  had  lately  been  at.  For  want  of 
money  he  was  obliged  to  suspend  the  vengeance  he  meditated 
against  the  Jewish  nation,  and  all  the  plans  he  had  formed  for 
the  immediate  execution  of  that  design."  Other  events  con- 
tributed perhaps  still  more  to  the  deliverance  of  the  Jews 
than  even  the  temporary  deficiency  of  the  revenue  of  the  Sy- 
rian king.  Several  of  his  most  valued  provinces  had  cast  off 
his  tyrannical  yoke,  particularly  Armenia  and  Persia.  To 
reduce  these  was  indispensable  to  the  permanence  of  his 
power ;  and  he  therefore  resolved  to  conduct  thither  the 
strength  of  his  army.  Entrusting  his  son  and  heir,  who  was 
only  seven  years  of  age,  and  the  government  of  all  the  pro- 
vinces west  of  the  Euphrates,  to  Lysias,  a  distinguished  noble, 
he  advanced  into  Armenia,  and  defeated  the  army  of  Artaxias, 
its  king,  and  took  him  prisoner.  Thence  he  marched  into 
Persia,  and  entered  Elymais,  in  order  to  obtain  the  immense 
riches  which  he  understood  w^ere  deposited  in  one  of  the  tem- 
ples. The  inhabitants  having  penetrated  his  design,  indig- 
nantly flew  to  arms,  and  compelled  him  to  reljre  to  Ecbatana. 
Lysias  was  not  more  prosperous  in  his  government  of  the 
western  provinces  than  his  master  was  in  his  proceedings  in 
the  eastern.  Strongly  disposed  to  execute  the  orders  which 
he  had  received,  to  put  forth  all  his  energies  to  conquer  Judea, 
put  to  death  or  expel  every  Jew,  and  colonise  the  country 
with  inhabitants  from  other  nations,  he  sent  an  army  of  forty 
thousand  foot,  and  sevon  thousand  horse,  to  accomplish  this 
enterprise.  This  force  he  placed  under  the  command  of 
Ptolemy  Macron,  governor  of  Coelo-syria,  and  the  most  re- 
nowned general  of  the  Syrian  army.  He  appointed,  at  the 
same  time,  Nicator,  his  intimate  friend,  and  Gorgias,  a  vete- 
ran officer  of  consummate  experience,  and  Philip,  governor 


# 


REIGN    OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANES.  259 

of  Palestine,  to  assist  Ptolemy  Macron.  Confident  of  victory, 
a  proclamation  was  circulated  throughout  all  the  surrounding 
regions,  announcing  that  all  the  prisoners  should  be  sold  ai 
the  rate  of  ninety  for  a  talent.  The  price  being  low,  about  a 
thousand  merchants  assembled  near  the  invading  army,  anx 
iously  waiting  the  result  of  the  battle. 

The  unfeeling  oppressor  had  left  the  Jews  scarcely  any  one 
object  of  the  ambition  and  desires  common  to  mankind.  Their 
country  was  one  scene  of  ruin  :  their  beloved  city  "  Jerusalem 
lay  void  as  a  wilderness  ;  there  was  none  of  her  children  that 
went  in  or  out :  the  sanctuary  was  also  trodden  down,  and 
aliens  kept  the  strong  hold  ;  the  heathen  had  their  habitation 
in  that  place  ;  and  joy  was  taken  from  Jacob,  and  the  pipe 
with  the  harp  ceased."  But  this  desolation,  and  the  presence 
of  a  powerful  and  implacable  foe,  only  invigorated  the  zeal 
and  courage  of  Judas  Maccabeus  to  avenge  his  country's 
wrongs,  and  vindicate  the  just  government  of  the  supreme 
Sovereign  of  Israel.  He  summoned  his  brethren  to  arms, 
and  assembled  the  people  to  confess  their  sins,  and  implore 
the  favour  of  the  God  of  their  fathers.  And  though  the  num- 
ber of  his  soldiers  was  inferior  to  the  enemy,  in  conformity  to 
the  Divine  law,  he  commanded  all  to  return  home  who  were 
building  new  houses,  planting  new  vineyards,  or  who  had  be- 
trothed wives,  or  were  conscious  of  cowardice,  in  the  prospect 
of  fighting.  Thus  with  a  small  army,  every  one  of  whom 
was  bold  as  a  lion,  like  Gideon,  he  fearlessly  marched  to 
meet  the  enemy,  encamped  on  the  south  side  of  Emmaus. 
He  thus  acted,  on  learning  that  Gorgias  had  sent  five  thou- 
sand foot,  and  a  thousand  horse  to  Mizpah,  where  he  knew 
the  troops  of  Judea  had  collected,  with  the  design  of  destroy- 
ing them  by  a  sudden  and  unexpected  attack.  Judas  delayed 
not  to  combat  this  division  of  the  invading  army  before  the 
larger  body  under  Gorgias  could  rejoin  it.  He  sounded  the 
trumpets,  and  speedily  obtiiined  a  great  victory.  Having  pre- 
vailed on  his  troops  not  to  look  after  the  spoil,  he  instantly 
advanced  against  the  troops  led  on  by  Gorgias,  who  was  al- 
ready within  sight  of  the  field  of  battle.  'J'hese  no  sooner 
beheld-the  camp  on  fire,  than  terror  seized  them,  and  they  fled 
into  the  neighbouring  countries.  "  Then  Judas  returned  to 
spoil  the  tents,  where  they  got  much  gold  and  silver,  and  blue 
silk,  and  purple  of  the  sea,  and  great  riches.  After  this  they 
went  home,  and  sung  a  song  of  thanksgiving,  and  praised  the 
Lord  in  heaven  ;  because  it  is  good,  because  his  mercy  en- 
dureth  for  ever.     Thus   Israel  had  a  great  deliverance  that 


^ 


• ^ -» 


2t^0  REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANES. 

day.  Now,  all  the  strangers  that  had  escaped  came  and  told 
Lysias  what  had  happened :  who,  when  he  heard-  thereof, 
was  confounded  and  discouraged,  because  neither  such  things 
as  he  would  were  done  unto  Israel,  nor  silch  things  as  the 
king  commanded  him  were  come  to  pass.  The  next  year 
therefore  following,  Lysias  gathered  together  threescore  thou- 
sani  choice  men  of  foot,  and  five  thousand  horsemen,  that  he 
might  subdue  them.  So  they  came  into  Idumea,  and  pitched 
their  tents  at'Bethsura  ;  and  Judas  met  them  with  ten  thou- 
sand men.  And  when  he  saw  that  mighty  army,  he  prayed 
an  J  said,  Blessed  art  thou,  O  Saviour  of  Israel,  who  didst 
quell  the  violence  of  the  mighty  man  by  the  hand  of  thy  ser- 
vant David,  and  gavest  the  host  of  strangers  into  the  hands 
of  Jonathan  the  son  of  Saul,  and  his  armour-bearer ;  shut  up 
this  army  in  the  hand  of  thy  people  Israel,  and  let  them  be 
confounded  in  their  power  and  horsemen  :  make  them  to  be 
of  no  courage,  and  cause  the  boldness  of  their  strength  to  fall 
away,  and  let  them  quake  at  their  destruction  :  cast  them 
down  with  the  sword  of  them  that  love  thee,  and  let  all  those 
that  know  thy  name  praise  thee  with  thanksgiving.  So  they 
joined  battle  ;  and  there  were  slain  of  the  host  of  Lysias 
about  five  thousand  men,  even  before  them  were  they  slain. 

Now,  when  Lysias  saw  his  army  put  to  flight,  and  the 
manliness  of  Judas'  soldiers,  and  how  they  were  ready  either 
to  live  or  die  valiantly,  he  went  into  Anliochia,  and  gathered 
together  a  company  of  strangers;  and  having  made  his  army 
greater  than  it  was,  he  purposed  to  come  again  into  Judea. 
Then  said  Judas  and  his  brethren,  Behold,  our  enemies  are 
discomfited  :  let  us  go  up  to  cleanse  and  dedicate  the  sanctua- 
ry. Upon  this  all  the  host  assembled  themselves  together, 
and  went  up  into  mount  Sion.  And  when  they  saw  the  sanc- 
tuary desolate,  and  the  altar  profaned,  and  the  gates  burnt  up, 
and  shrubs  growing  in  the  courts  as  in  a  forest,  or  in  one  of 
the  mountains,  yea,  and  the  priests'  chambers  pulled  down, 
they  rent  their  clothes,  and  made  great  lamentation,  and  cast 
ashes  upon  their  heads,  and  fell  down  flat  to  the  ground  upon 
their  faces,  and  blew  an  alarm  with  the  trumpets,  and  cried 
toward  heaven.  Then  Judas  appointed  certain  men  to  fight 
against  those  that  were  in  the  fortress,  until  he  had  cleansed 
the  sanctuary.  So  he  chose  priests  of  blameless  conversation, 
such  as  had  pleasure  in  the  law,  who  cleansed  the  sanctuary, 
and  bare  out  the  defiled  stones  into  ar>  unclean  place.  And 
when  as  they  consulted  what  to  do  with  the  ahar  of  burnt- 
oflerings,  which  was  profaned,  they  thought  it  best  to  pull  it 


^M 


41 


REIGN   OF   ANTIOCHUS   EPIPHANES.  261 

down,  lest  it  should  be  a  reproach  to  them,  because  the  hea- 
then had  defiled  it;  wherefore  they  pulled  it  down,  and  laid 
up  the  stones  in  the  mountain  of  the  temple  in  a  convenient 
place,  until  there  should  come  a  prophet  to  show  what  should 
be  done  with  them.  Then  they  took  whole  stones  according 
to  the  law,  and  built  a  new  altar  according- to  the  former:  and 
made  up  the  sanctuary,  and  the  things  that  were  within  the 
temple,  and  hallowed  the  courts.  They  made  also  new  holy 
vessels  ;  and  into  the  temple  they  brought  the  candlestick,  and 
the  altar  of  burnt-offerings,  and  of  incense,  and  the  table. 
And  upon  the  altar  they  burnt  incense,  and  the  lamps  that 
were  upon  the  candlestick  they  lighted,  that  they  might  give 
light  in  the  temple.  Furthermore,  they  set  the  loaves  upon 
the  table,  and  spread  out  the  veils,  and  finished  all  the  works 
which  they  had  begun  to  make.  Now,  on  the  five  and  twentieth 
day  of  the  ninth,  month  which  is  called  the  month  of  Casleu, 
in  the  hundred  forty  and  eighth  year,  they  rose  up  betimes  in 
the  morning,  and  offered  sacrifice,  accordmg  to  the  law,  upon 
the  new  altar  of  burnt-offerings  which  they  had  made.  Look, 
at  what  time,  and  what  day,  the  heathen  had  profaned  it,  even 
in  that  was  it  dedicated  with  songs,  and  citherns,  and  harps, 
and  cymbals.  Then  all  the  people  fell  upon  their  faces,  wor- 
shipping and  praising  the  God  of  heaven,  who  had  given 
them  good  success.  And  so  they  kept  the  dedication  of  the 
altar  eight  days,  and  offered  burnt-offerings  with  gladness, 
and  sacrificed  the  sacrifice  of  deliverance  and  praise.  They 
decked  also  the  forefront  of  the  temple  with  crowns  of  gold, 
and  with  shields ;  and  the  gates  and  the  chambers  they  re- 
newed, and  hanged  doors  upon  them.  Thus  was  there  very 
great  gladness  among  the  people,  for  that  the  reproach  of  the 
heathen  was  put  away.  Moreover,  Judas  and  his  brethren, 
with  the  whole  congregation  of  Israel,  ordained  that  the  days 
of  the  dedication  of  the  altar  should  be  kept  in  their  season 
from  year  to  year,  by  the  space  of  eight  days,  from  the  five 
and  twentieth  day  of  the  month  Casleu,  with  joy  and  glad- 
ness. At  that  time  also  they  builded  up  the  mount  Sion  with 
high  walls  and  strong  towers  round  about,  les^  the  Gentiles 
should  come  and  tread  it  down,  as  they  had  done  before. 
And  they  set  there  a  garrison  to  keep  it,  and  fortified  Beth- 
sura  to  preserve  it,  that  the  people  might  have  a  defence 
against  Idumea." 

The  news  of  these  events  inflamed  the  wrath  which  burned 
m  the  heart  of  Antiochus.  When  he  heard  of  the  first  great 
defeaVs  of  his  generals,  he  hastily  left  Ecbatana,  breathing 


• 


262  REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANE8. 

complete  destruction  on  the  Jews.  "Advancing  in  this  dis- 
position towards  Babylonia,  which  was  in  his  way,  fresh  ex- 
presses came  to  him,  with  advice  of  Lysias'  defeat ;  and  also, 
that  the  Jews  had  retaken  the  temple,  thrown  down  the  altars 
and  idols  which  he  had  set  up,  and  reestablished  their  ancient 
worship.  At  this  news  his  fury  increased.  Immediately  he 
commands  his  charioteer  to  drive  with  the  utmost  speed,  in 
order  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  to  satiate  fully  his 
vengeance;  threatening  to  make  Jerusalem  the  burying 
place  of  the  whole  Jewish  nation,  and  not  to  leave  one  single 
inhabitant  in  it.  He  had  scarce  uttered  that  blasphemous  ex- 
pression, but  he  was  struck  by  the  hand  of  God.  He  was 
seized  with  incredible  pains  in  his  bowels,  and  the  most  ex- 
cessive pangs  of  the  cholic.  '  Thus  the  murderer  and  bias, 
phemer,'  says  the  author  of  the  Maccabees,  '  having  suffered 
most  grievously,  as  he  treated  other  men,  so  died  he  a  miser- 
able death,  in  a  strange  country  in  the  mountains.'  But  still 
his  pride  was  not  abated  by  this  first  shock ;  so  far  from  it, 
that,  suffering  himself  to  be  hurried  away  by  the  wild  trans- 
ports of  his  fury,  and  breathing  nothing  but  vengeance  against 
the  Jews,  he  gave  orders  for  proceeding  with  all  possible  speed  in 
the  journey.  But  as  his  horses  were  running  forwards  im- 
petuously, he  fell  from  his  chariot,  and  thereby  bruised,  in  a 
grievous  manner,  every  part  of  his  body ;  so  that  his  attendants 
were  forced  to  put  him  into  a  litter,  where  he  suffered  inex- 
pressible torments.  Worms  crawled  from  every  part  of  him  ; 
his  flesh  fell  away  piecemeal,  and  the  stench  was  so  great, 
that  it  became  intolerable  to  the  whole  army.  Being  himself 
unable  to  bear  it,  '  It  is  meet,'  says  he,  '  to  be  subject  unto 
God ;  and  man  who  is  mortal  should  not  think  of  himself  as 
if  he  were  a  god.'  Acknowledging  it  was  the  hand  of  the 
Lord  of  Israel  which  struck  him,  because  of  the  calamities  he 
had  brought  upon  Jerusalem,  he  promises  to  exert  his  utmost 
liberality  towards  his  chosen  people ;  to  enrich,  with  precious 
gifts,  the  holy  temple  of  Jerusalem,  which  he  had  plundered  ; 
to  furnish,  from  his  revenues,  the  sums  necessary  for  defray- 
ing the  expense  of  the  sacrifices  ;  to  turn  Jew  himself;  and  to 
travel  into  every  part  of  the  world,  in  order  to  publish  the 
power  of  the  Almighty.  He  hoped  he  should  calm  his  wrath 
by  these  mighty  promises,  which  the  violence  of  his  present 
^  affliction,  and  the  fear  of  future  torments,  extorted  from  his 

mouth,  but  not  from  his  heart.  '  But,'  adds  the  author  quoted, 
'this  wicked  person  vowed  unto  the  Lord,  who  now  no  more 
would  have  mercy  upon  him.'     And  indeed  this  murderer 


REIGN    OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANES.  263 

and  b  asphemer,  (these  are  the  names  which  the  writer  of  the 
Maccabees  substituted  in  the  place  of  illustrious,  which  men 
had  bestowed  on  that  prince,)  being  struck  in  a  dreadful  man- 
ner, and  treated  as  he  treated  others,  finished  an  impious  life 
by  a  miserable  death.  Before  he  expired,  he  sent  for  Philip. 
who  had  been  brought  up  with  him  from  his  infancy,  w;js 
his  favourite,  and  had  bestowed  on  him  the  regency  of  Syria 
during  the  minority  of  his  son,  then  nine  years  of  age.  He 
put  into  his  hands  the  diadem,  the  seal  of  the  empire,  and  ail 
the  other  ensigns  of  royalty  ;  exhorting  him,  especially,  to 
employ  his  utmost  endeavours  to  give  him  such  an  education 
as  would  best  teach  him  the  art  of  reigning,  and  how  to  gov- 
ern his  subjects  with  justice  and  moderation.  Few  princes 
give  such  instructions  to  their  children  till  they  are  near  their 
end,  and  that  after  having  set  them  a  quite  different  example 
during  their  whole  lives.  Philip  caused  the  king's  body  to  be 
conveyed  to  Antioch.  This  prince  had  sat  eleven  years  on 
the  throne." 

The  actions  of  Antiochus,  thus  briefly  recorded,  demon- 
strate at  once  the  accuracy  and  truth  of  Daniel's  prediction 
of  the  vile  king  of  the  North.  Let  any  enlightened  and  un- 
prejudiced man  carefully  compare  the  former  with  the  latter, 
and  he  will  not  hesitate  to  adopt  as  his  own  the  reflections  of 
Rollin  on  this  subject.  No  prophecy  could  be  more  clearly, 
fully,  and  decidedly  fulfilled.  "  Porphyry,  the  professed 
enemy  of  the  Christian  religion,  as  well  as  of  the  Old  and 
New  Testament,  being  infinitely  perplexed  in  finding  so 
great  a  conformity  between  the  events  foretold  by  Daniel,  and 
the  relation  given  by  the  best  historians,  did  not  pretend  to 
deny  this  conformity,  for  that  would  have  been  repugnant  to 
sense,  and  denying  the  shining  of  the  sun  at  noon-day.  How- 
ever, he  took  another  course,  in  order  to  undermine  the 
authority  of  the  Scriptures.  He  himself  laboured,  by  citing 
all  the  historians  extant  at  that  time,  and  which  are  since  lost, 
to  show,  in  a  very  extensive  manner,  that  whatever  is  written 
in  the  eleventh  chapter  of  Daniel,  happened  exactly  as  fore- 
told by  that  prophet ;  and  he  concluded  from  this  perfect  uni- 
formity, that  so  exact  a  detail  of  so  great  a  number  of  events 
could  not  possibly  have  been  written  by  Daniel  so  many 
years  before  they  happened  ;  and  that  this  work  must  cer- 
tainly have  been  wrote  by  some  person  who  lived  after  An- 
tiochus Epiphanes,  and  borrowed  Daniel's  name.  In  this 
contest  between  the  Christians  and  the  heathens,  the  formei 
would  indisputably  carry  their  cause,  could  they  be  able  to 


#= 


=^s 


264 


REIGN   OF    ANTIOCHUS    EPIPHANES. 


demonstrate,  by  good  proofs,  that  Daniel's  prophecies  were 
really  written  by  him.  Now  this  they  proved  unanswerably, 
by  citing  the  testimony  of  the  whole  people,  I  mean  the  Jews, 
whose  evidence  could  not  be  suspected  or  disallowed,  as  they 
were  still  greater  enemies  to  the  Christian  religion  than  the 
heathens  themselves.  The  reverence  they  had  lor  the  sacred 
writings,  of  which  Providence  has  appointed  them  the  depos- 
itaries and  guardians,  was  so  prodigious,  that  they  would 
have  thought  him  a  criminal  and  sacrilegious  wretch,  who 
should  have  attempted  only  to  transpose  a  single  word,  or 
change  one  letter  in  it ;  what  idea,  then,  would  they  have  en- 
tertained of  that  man  who  should  pretend  to  introduce  any 
supposititious  books  in  them  ?  Such  are  the  witnesses  who 
atttsted  the  reality  of  Daniel's  prophecies.  And  were  ever 
proofs  so  convincing,  or  cause  so  victorious !  '  Thy  testimo 
liiea  are  very  sure,  O  Lord,  for  ever.'  " 


3 


9i  » 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 


REIGN  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  CHIEFS. 

Wr  have  seen,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  the  rise  and  pro* 
gross  to  supreme  power  in  Judea,  of  the  truly  patriotic  family 
of  M  ittathias.  His  sons  and  their  adherents  are  distinguished 
in  history  by  the  appellation  Maccabeex,  which  is  supposed  to 
have  been  borrowed  from  the  inscription  on  their  ensigns  or 
bucklers.  It  consisted  of  four  Hebrew  letters,  each  of  nhich 
begins  one  of  the  four  words  in  the  eleventh  verse  of  the 
fifteenth  chapter  of  Exodus,  rendered  in  our  version,  "Who 
is  like  unto  thee,  O  Lord,  among  the  gods  ?"  How  sincerely 
they  believed  and  loved  the  great,  infinitely  important,  and 
eternal  truth  which  these  words  express  may  be  learned  from 
the  narratives  preserved  of  the  lives  of  this  illustrious  race  of 
patriots  ;  and,  we  may  observe,  that  Josephus  and  the  author 
of  the  First  Book  of  the  Maccabees,  to  whom  we  are  chiefly 
indebted  for  these  narratives,  are  universally  acknowledged, 
as  deserving  equal  credit  with  the  most  enlightened  and  hon- 
ourable historians  of  past  ages.  If  we  therefore  justly  con- 
clude, from  the  statements  of  the  latter  concerning  the  reli- 
gious conduct  of  the  Persians,  Greeks,  and  Romans,  that 
these  nations  worshipped  idols,  we  cannot  doubt,  from  similar 
evidence,  that  Mattathias  and  liis  sons,  and  their  followers, 
adored  Jehovah  alone,  and  utterly  abhorred  idols. 

In  them  we  have  an  example  scarcely  less  remarkable  of 
what,  in  our  age,  is  denominated  a  '•  religious  revival,"  than 
we  have  in  Samuel,  David,  Jehoshaphat,  Hezekiah,  Ezra, 
and  Nehemiah,  and  their  followers.  And  indeed  it  is  mani- 
fest that  they  looked  on  these  holy  and  faithful  men  as  the 
patterns  which  they  were  resolutely  determined  to  imitate. 
Nor  did  they  on  almost  any  occasion  show  themselves  un- 
worthy to  be  associated  with  them  in  the  annals  of  hallowed 
fame.  Consequently  any  instances  indicating  that  they  were 
indebted  for  success  in  their  enterprise  to  supernatural  or 
miraculous  influence  must  be  regarded  most  probable,  we 

VOL.  I  23 


96= 


« 


266  REION   OF   THE    MACCABEAN   CHIEFS. 

will  not  say  absolutely  certain,  because  these  historians  have 
no  claim  to  inspiration,  and  were  not  secure  against  error  or 
delusion.  But  to  Israel  still  belonged  "  the  covenants  and  the 
promises,"  they  had  all  the  assurance  that  the  word  of  Him 
who  cannot  lie  could  afford,  of  his  immediate  superintendence 
and  interposition  to  deliver  them,  when  they  confidently 
trusted  in  him,  faithfully  served  him,  and  fervently  and  per- 
severingly  supplicated  his  compassion  and  power.  They 
were  distinguished  from  all  the  Jews  who  declined  to  join 
them,  as  well  as  from  all  the  heathen, — 

1.  By  supreme  love  for  the  God  of  their  fathers,  and  re- 
gard for  his  favour.  They  willingly  left  their  possessions 
and  families,  and  hazarded  their  lives  rather  than  expose 
themselves  to  the  invisible,  future,  and  eternal  displeasure  of 
their  God.  Previously  to  the  period  of  their  triumphs,  doubt- 
less all  avoided  them  who  were  not  prepared  for  death  or 
martyrdom. 

2.  They  cordially  loved  the  covenant  made  with  their 
forefathers,  and  faithfully  adhered  to  it.  They  believed  that 
great  promise  contained  in  it,  that  a  faithful  prophet,  who  was 
to  be  at  once  their  deliverer  and  sovereign,  should  arise  in  a 
future  age.  Hence  they  declared  their  willingness  to  submit 
to  the  government  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Maccabees,  till  the  great 
Teacher  appeared;  1  Mac.  xiv.  41.  "Also  that  the  Jews 
and  priests  were  well  pleased  that  Simon  should  be  their  gov-, 
ernor  and  high-priest  for  ever,  until  there  should  arise  a  faith- 
ful prophet."'  Their  immediate  exertions,  and  avowedly  fu- 
ture intentions,  had  for  their  object  the  observance  of  every 
institute  enjoined  in  the  covenant,  and  the  extirpation  of  what- 
ever was  opposed  to  its  nature. 

3.  They  were  regulated  in  their  religious  observances  and 
general  conduct  exclusively  by  the  law  of  Divine  revelation. 
Thus  in  their  religious  assemblies  they  laid  open  the  book  of 
the  law  to  learn  the  will  of  their  God  ;  1  Mac.  iii.  48.  "  And 
laid  open  the  book  of  the  law,  wherein  the  heathen  had  sought 
to  paint  the  likeness  of  their  images."  And  they  ventured  to 
perform  not  the  least  act  or  ceremony  of  a  religious  character, 
concerning  which  the  law  gave  no  instruction  ;  and  preferred 
waiting  for  the  promised  prophet  to  the  following  of  any  sug- 
gestion of  human  wisdom  ;  I  Mac.  iv.  46.  "  And  laid  up  the 
stones  in  the  mountain  of  the  temple  in  a  convenient  place, 
until  there  should  come  a  prophet  to  show  what  should  be 
done  with  them." 

4.  On  all  occasions  of  much  danger,  and  before  engagmg 


# 


REIGN    OF    THE    MACCABEAN    CHmfS.  267 

in  any  great  work,  they  united  in  solemn  prayer  and  fasting, 
in  some  place  which  had  been  consecrated  to  the  worship 
of  God,  in  the  best  ages  of  their  nation ;  1  Mac.  iii.  46. 
*'  Wherefore  the  Israelites  assembled  themselves  together,  and 
came  to  Maspha,  (Mispah,)  over  against  Jerusalem :  for  in 
Maspha  was  the  place  where  they  prayed  aforetime  in  Israel." 

5.  They  discovered  extensive  knowledge  of  the  law,  and 
not  less  prudent  than  fervent  zeal  to  observe  it  in  all  things. 
Thus  they  strictly  followed  the  minutest  directions  respecting 
public  worship,  and  the  injunctions  which  indifference  or 
selfishness  were  most  likely  to  induce  them  to  neglect.  Not- 
withstariding  the  severity  and  number  of  their  sufferings,  we 
find  that  in  their  time  the  land  had  rest  every  seventh  year ; 
and  even  when  most  prosperous  in  battle,  they  never  made 
aggressions  on  neighbouring  nations  or  cities,  whose  inhabi- 
tants were  disposed  to  live  with  them  in  terms  of  amity,  or 
who  did  not  avowedly  seek  their  destruction  ;  1  Mac,  v.  And 
while  in  all  circumstances  they  confessed  that  in  Jehovah 
alone  was  their  strength,  we  uniformly  observe  that  they  neg- 
lected not  to  employ  any  means  which  they  discerned  and 
judged  proper  to  accomplish  the  work  which  providence 
called  them  to  perform.  Carefully  did  they  study  the  will  of 
God,  and  to  discriminate  between  his  precepts  and  traditionary 
and  superstitious  observances.  This  was  manifest  by  their 
resolution  to  fight  on  the  Sabbath,  when  necessary  for  their 
preservation  and  the  deliverance  of  their  people.  For  they 
knew  that  the  Sabbath  was  made  for  man,  and  that  it  was 
lawful  to  do  good  on  the  Sabbath-day. 

6.  Finally,  they  were  accustomed  to  unite  in  public  tl;ianks- 
giving  and  praise,  whenever  it  pleased  God  to  grant  them 
victory  over  their  enemies,  or  signal  expressions  of  his  favour. 

The  family  of  Mattathias  appear  to  have  been  supported  at 
first,  in  their  noble  stand  for  the  cause  of  truth  and  righteous- 
ness, only  by  their  private  pious  friends.  But  they  were  soon 
joined  by  two  other  parties  of  their  countrymen, — the  Assi- 
deans,  and  those  who  had  fled  from  the  persecution.  The 
former  were  bold  and  courageous  men,  who  had  voluntarily 
devoted  themselves  to  the  defence  of  the  law  of  their  country. 
They  were  evidently  a  party  equally  distinct  from  the  Phari- 
sees, who  were  more  zealous  for  religious  traditions  than  for 
Divine  revelation,  and  from  the  Sadducees,  who  alike  con- 
temned the  law  of  Moses,  the  writings  of  the  prophets,  and 
the  authority  and  memory  of  the  elders.  The  Assideans, 
however,  were  more  eminent  for  their  religious  zeal  and  forti- 


» 


263  REIGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN    CHIEFS. 

tude  than  for  their  knowledge  and  prudence.  Accordingly, 
when  the  unprincipled  Alcimus  assumed  the  cilices  of  chief 
capljin  and  high-priest,  they  deserted  the  faithful  Maccabees, 
and  placed  themselves  under  him:  "  For,"  said  they,  "one 
that  is  a  priest  of  the  seed  of  Aaron  is  come  with  this  army, 
anl  he  will  do  us  no  wrong."  'I'heir  connexion  with  him 
was,  however,  quickly  dissolved  ;  for  he  knew  that  they  were 
not  proper  instrurnents  to  perform  unholy  deeds.  Hence, 
though  he  pretended  to  be  their  friend,  yet  he  treacherously 
slew  sixty  of  them  in  one  day.  They  were  evidently  a  sim- 
ple, disinterested,  and  holy  race.  They  derived  their  name 
from  the  Hebrew  term,  rhasdlmj  which  signifies  pious  or 
merciful.  Some  writers  imigine  that  they  were  the  same 
sect  called  by  Josephus  and  Philo,  Essenes.  If  this  opinion 
be  correct,  the  sect  must  have  lost  much  of  their  public  spirit, 
and  decreased  much  in  later  times.  Besides,  the  Assideans 
attended  public  worship  with  the  congrejration  of  Israel,  while 
the  Essenes  neglected  it,  and  showed  no  other  respect  for  the 
temple  service  than  by  sending  their  offerings.  They  were, 
nevertheless,  a  singular  race,  much  admired  for  their  devo- 
tional and  ascetic  habits,  and  strictly  moral  conduct.  Indeed, 
the  description  given  of  them  by  the  Jewish  historian  corres- 
ponds generally  with  the  life,  conduct,  and  manners  of  the 
first  Christians,  in  so  much  that  a  writer  in  one  of  our  peri- 
odicals strongly  urges  the  opinion  that  Josephus  designedly 
delineates  the  first  Christians  under  the  name  Essenes.  But 
this  opinion  is  scarcely  credible,  if  Philo  is  correct  in  his  as- 
sertion, that  there  were  only  about  four  thousand  of  this  party 
in  Palestine  and  Syria  at  the  time  he  wrote,  which  was  pro- 
bably about  the  time  when  the  Christians  were  most  numer- 
ous in  these  countries.  The  fact  that  the  Essenes  are  never 
mentioned  in  the  New  Testament  is  no  decided  proof  that 
they  did  not  exist  as  a  Jewish  sect  in  the  age  of  Christ  and 
his  Apostles ;  for  if  they  were  few,  and  lived  secluded  from 
society,  it  is  not  surprising  that  we  have  no  account  of  them 
in  the  Gospels  or  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  which  chiefly  re- 
cord the  public  events  which  concern  the  kingdom  of  Christ. 
The  proper  descendants  of  the  Assideans  and  Essenes  are 
most  probably  the  Karaites,  a  comparatively  small  Jewish 
sect,  who  still  continue  to  adhere  to  the  laws  of  Moses,  and 
despise  the  traditions  of  the  rabbins. 

We  have  seen,  in  the  preceding  chapter,  that  the  holv  and 
exalted  spirit  of  Mattathias,  powerfully  animated  his  son  Judah 
who  was  sui  named  Maccabeus,  an  appellation  afterwards  ap- 


I 


m= 


REIGS    OF    THE    MACCABKAN    CHIEFS.       *  269 

pioprijtel  to  his  successors  unci  all  their  followers.  The  re- 
flecting reader  will  perhaps  wonder  that,  after  his  gre.it  vic- 
tory over  Lysias,  he  should  have  been  permitted  by  the 
Syrians  to  employ  uninterruptedly  his  army  to  purify  the 
temple,  restore  public  worship,  observe  a  long  festival,  build 
and  fo.tify  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  and  Bethsura,  supposed  to 
be  Bjthzur,  a  strong  city  in  the  south  of  Judea,  noticed  in 
Joshua  XV.  5S ;  2  Chron.  .\i.  7.  His  conduct  is  accounted 
for  by  the  remarkable  fact  noticed,  as  it  were  accidentally,  by 
the  historian,  that  Ptolemy  Macron,  chief  governor  of  (.'obIo- 
Syria  and  Phenicia,  whose  power  he  had  most  reason  to 
dread,  had  unexpectedly,  if  not  suddenly,  become  the  fiiend 
of  the  Jews.  This  statesman  and  general  had  strenuously 
opposed  them,  but  having  discerned  the  folly,  and  pei  haps  the 
injustice  of  the  avowed  determination  of  his  couit  to  drstroy 
them,  he  not  only  ceased  to  interfere  with  their  internal  afiiiiis, 
but  also  openly  exerted  himself  to  procure  for  them  peace. 
He  had  formerly  deserted  the  service  of  Egypt  for  that  of 
Syria.  This  circumstance  inclined  the  Syrian  court  to  listen 
the  more  readily  to  those  who  now  ascribed  his  fiiendly  be- 
haviour to  the  Jews,  to  treacherous  designs.  That  he  must 
have  felt  deeply  interested  in  their  welfare  is  manifest,  for. 
rather  than  continue  to  injure  them,  he  preferred  to  take  his 
own  life  by  poison,  after  the  example  of  some  of  the  greatest 
men  of  ancient  Greece  and  Rome. 

Probably  the  state  of  the  court  of  Syria  about  this  time  was 
also  fivourable  to  the  patiiotic  labours  of  Judas.  Lysias. 
having  received  ceitain  information  of  the  death  of  his  sove- 
reign, instantly  proclaimed  the  young  prince  kinjr,  under  the 
name  of  Antiochus  Eupator,  and  took  on  himself  the  entire 
government  of  the  kingdom.  This  office  had  been  intrusted 
by  the  late  monarch  to  Philip  ;  but  Lysias  prepared  to  pre- 
vent him  from  enforcing  his  claims;  and  in  this  he  was 
so  successful,  that  Philip,  on  arriving  at  Antioch,  saw  it  ex- 
pedient for  his  personal  safety  to  seek  an  asylum  in  Egypt, 
where  ho  hoped  to  procure  assistance  to  expel  the  usurper, 
and  acquire  possession  of  the  right  conferred  on  him  by  his 
dying  prince. 

Judas,  however,  was  not  long  suffered  to  pursue  the  art5 
of  peace,  and  e.xecute  the  plans  necessary  to  reestablish  the 
religion  of  his  nation.  The  astonishing  success  of  his  arms, 
and  the  rising  prosperity  of  his  people,  roused  the  envy  and 
malice  of  their  hereditary  enemies,  who  appear  to  have  pre- 
vailed on  almost  every  race  in  the  adjacent  territories  to  enter 
23* 


^-  h 


s  --^^-^  -^ 


270  REIGN    OF    THE    MACCABEAN    CHIEFS. 

into  an  alliance,  the  avowed  object  of  which  was  to  destroy 
the  Jews  sojourning  among  them,  and  to  invade  Judea,  anc 
extirpate  the  name  of  Israel.  Thus  Judas  was  placed  in  ? 
situation  similar  to  that  of  the  ancient  heroes  of  his  race,  ano 
he  rejoiced  to  tread  in  their  steps. 

The  Edomites  or  Idumeans  seem  to  have  taken  the  lead  in 
the  great  confederacy  against  Israel :  next  to  them  were  the 
Ammonites  and  the  Phenicians.  A  principal  branch  of  the 
commerce  of  the  last  was  the  buying  and  selling  of  the  pris- 
oners taken  in  battle  ;  and  the  greater  number  of  these  were 
Jews.  Those  of  the  two  former  nations  who  had  not  been 
carried  captive  into  Babylon,  or  who  had  returned  to  their 
respective  countries,  had  enriched  themselves  by  taking  pos- 
session of  the  Holy  Land,  during  the  period  in  which  the 
proprietors  were  in  exile,  or  too  feeble  to  defend  themselves. 
The  Idumeans,  especially,  had  seized  the  rich  district  of  the 
south  of  Judea  ;  its  ancient  capital  Hebron  was  occupied  by 
them.  Though,  therefore,  Judas  cherished  not  the  ambition 
of  a  conqueror,  yet,  as  the  patriot  of  his  country,  he  must  have 
earnestly  desired  to  vindicate  its  rights.  Critical  was  his  po- 
sition, for  besides  the  nations  named,  the  muhitudes  of  the 
heathen  who  filled  all  the  regions  of  Galilee  and  Gilead  had 
joined  the  league  formed  against  him.  Indeed,  not  one  of  the 
races  surrounding  Judea  seem  to  have  been  his  friends,  except 
the  Nabatheans,  whose  capital  was  Petra.  It  is  probable 
that  these  and  their  brethren,  the  nomade  Arabs,  were  the 
only  people  who  maintained  their  national  independence. 
The  Idumeans  were,  we  know,  under  the  able  direction  of 
Gorgias,  and  the  Ammonites  and  the  other  races  in  their 
vicinity  were  governed  by  a  not  less  warlike  Syrian  general, 
named  Timotheus. 

The  minds  of  Judas  and  his  army  were  nerved  to  meet 
the  dreadful  tempest  which  threatened  to  overwhelm  their  be- 
loved land.  Confident  in  the  favour  and  power  of  their  God, 
they  were  prepared  to  surrender  their  lives  in  defence  of  the 
holy  cause.  Nor  were  their  hopes  disappointed.  Proceed- 
ing to  Acrabatine,  a  frontier  district  of  Idumea,  toward  the 
southern  extremity  of  the  Dead  Sea,  they  encountered  the 
enemy,  who  sustained  a  total  defeat,  and  left  twenty  thousand 
dead  on  the  field  of  battle.  They  next  laid  siege  to  two 
fortresses,  garrisoned  by  an  independent  tribe  of  Idumeans, 
called,  from  their  ancestor  or  leader,  "  the  children  of  Bean." 
When  Judas  learned  that  the  garrisons  were  strong  and 
fully  prepared  to  endure  a  long  siege,  he  divided  his  troops. 


REIGN   OF    THE    MACCABEAN    CHIEFS. 


271 


He  left,  under  three  of  his  brethren,  a  force  sufficient  to  re- 
duce the  fortresses,  and  led  the  principal  part  of  the  army 
into  the  land  of  Ammon.  Timotheus  had  already  assembled 
there  a  large  army,  consisting  of  the  Ammonites  and  many 
other  heathens  belonging  to  Asia.  The  Ammonites  were 
first  subdued  with  great  slaughter,  and  Jazar,  one  of  their 
chief  cities,  captured.  It  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Gad,  and 
was  seated  near  the  mountains  of  Gilead.  The  main  army, 
under  Timotheus,  was  defeated  apparently  near  Gazara,  called 
also,  it  is  supposed,  Gadara,  the  capital  of  Peraea,  a  fine  pro- 
vince east  of  the  Jordan.  More  than  twenty  thousand  of  the 
enemy  fell  in  battle ;  and  the  general  and  officers,  who  es- 
caped, fled  to  the  city.  It,  however,  soon  fell  before  Judas, 
and  Timotheus  and  Apolophanes,  another  Syrian  commander, 
were  put  to  death.  These  events  inflamed  the  wrath  of  the 
heathen ;  and,  in  several  of  their  strong  cities,  they  rose 
against  the  Jews  who  dwelt  among  them.  A  thousand  were 
murdered  in  Tob,  a  district  of  the  tribe  of  Manasseh,  east  of 
the  Jordan.  Many  fled  for  safety  to  Dametha,  a  strong  town 
in  Gilead,  and  sent  letters  to  Judas,  imploring  his  aid.  Their 
case  was  distressing,  for  the  place  was  invested  by  Timotheus, 
conjectured  to  be  a  son  of  the  general  of  the  same  name,  put 
to  death  in  Gazara,  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  army,  which 
had  been  raised  by  the  cities  of  Phenicia.  Judas  had  scarcely 
read  the  letter  communicating  this  melancholy  intelligence, 
before  he  received  others  of  similar  import  from  the  Jews  in 
Galilee.  Calling  a  council  of  his  officers,  it  was  resolved 
that  his  brother  Simon  should  instantly  proceed  to  Galilee, 
with  about  three  thousand  men,  and  that  his  brethren,  Joseph 
and  Azarias,  should  march  with  a  company  to  defend  Jeru- 
salem, while  Judas  and  his  brother  Jonathan  advanced  with 
eight  thousand  to  Gilead.  Besides  Dametha,  they  found  in 
this  district  several  other  cities  containing  many  Jews,  closely 
shut  up  by  the  enemy.  He  captured  Besora  without  much 
difficulty,  and  slew  all  the  males  who  were  idolaters ;  and, 
hasting  on  to  Dametha,  where  the  main  body  of  the  enemy 
were  encamped,  he  fell  on  them  unexpectedly,  and  routed 
them,  with  the  loss  of  eight  thousand.  He  then  successively 
captured  the  other  cities,  and  treated  them  as  he  had  done 
Besora.  Having  obtained  rich  and  great  spoil,  he  returned 
to  Jerusalem.  The  arms  of  Simon  were  equally  victorious 
in  Galilee ;  but  the  other  division  of  the  army  were  less  for- 
tunate. Having  no  enemy  to  oppose  at  Jerusalem,  Joseph 
and  AzariaF,  in  violation  of  the  orders  of  their  wiser  brother 


m 


i 


m  .  » 


272  REIGN  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  CHIEFS. 

led  their  little  bnnd  against  Jamnia,  which  was  then  a  fine 
seaport,  between  Joppa  and  Azotus.  On  appro:iching  it,  they 
were  attacked,  an  I  defeated  iDy  Georgias,  who  occupied  it 
with  a  number  of  soldiers.  The  brothers  lost  about  two 
thousand  men,  who  constituted,  perhaps,  nearly  the  whole  of 
their  compiny. 

Juj.js  remained  only  a  short  period  in  Jerusalem.  He 
marched  towards  Idumea,  laid  Hebron  in  ruins,  advanced  as  a 
conqueror  through  the  country  of  the  Philistines,  and  de- 
stroyed everywhere  every  vestige  of  idolatry.  He  next  over- 
ran Samiria,  striking  terror  into  the  hearts  of  Israel's  pnemj*-, 
and  returned  with  considerable  treasure  to  the  holy  city. 

The  report  of  these  victories  at  length  alarmed  Lysias. 
He  speedily  made  great  exertions  to  raise  an  army,  which  he 
was  confident  woulJ  prove  sufficient  to  conquer  Judea,  from 
which  he  purposed  to  banish  every  Jew,  and  supply  theii 
place  by  idolaters.  His  army  amounted  to  eighty-four  thoU' 
'sand  foot,  as  many  horsemen  as  he  could  command,  and  eighty 
elephants.  Then  he  marched  to  Bethsura.  "Judas  Macca- 
beus, anJ  the  whole  people,  beseeched  the  Lord,  with  tears 
in  their  eyes,  to  send  his  angel  for  the  preservation  of  Israel. 
Full  of  confidence  in  God,  they  took  the  field.  When  they 
marched  all  together,  with  assured  courage,  out  of  Jerusalem, 
there  appeared  a  horseman  marching  before  them.  His 
habit  was  white,  with  arms  of  gold,  and  he  held  a  lance  in  his 
hand.  That  sight  filled  them  with  new  ardour.  They  threw 
themselves  upon  the  enemy  like  lions,  killed  twelve  thousand 
si.x  hundred  men,  and  obliged  the  rest  to  fly,  most  of  them 
wounJed  and  without  arms." 

This  unexpected  overthrow  produced  a  complete  change 
in  the  conduct  of  Lysias.  He  most  probably  felt  that  his 
authority  and  power  were  too  much  in  danger  from  the  in- 
trigues and  power  of  Philip  to  justify  him  carrying  on  a  con- 
test with  the  able  leaders  of  the  Jews,  and  that  it  was  now 
plain  that  Judea  could  neither  be  easily  nor  speedily  subju- 
gated. He  accordingly  proposed  to  Judas  the  most  favour- 
able terrfiS  of  peace.  The  historian  ascribes  his  pacific  meas- 
ures to  the  conviction  '•  that  the  Hebrews  could  not  be  over- 
come, because  the  Almighty  God  helped  them."  The  follow- 
ing letters,  dated  n.  c.  163,  from  the  king  explicitly  state  the 
terms,  which  appear  to  have  been  sent  to  Antioch  for  his  ap- 
probation :  "  King  Antiochus  unto  his  brother  Lj'sias,  send- 
cth  greetmg:  since  our  father  i3  translated  unto  the  gods,  our 
will  IS,  that  they  that  are  in  ou  realm  live  quietly,  that  every 


m 


♦•H.  A 


m- 


REIGN    OF    THE    MACCABEAN    CHIEFS.  273 

one  may  attend  upon  his  own  affairs.  We  understand  also 
that  the  Jews  would  not  consent  to  our  father,  for  to  be 
brought  unto  the  custom  of  the  Gentiles,  but  had  rather  keep 
their  own  manner  of  living  ;  for  the  which  cause  they  require 
of  us  that  we  should  suffer  them  to  live  after  their  own  laws. 
Wherefore  our  mind  is,  that  this  nation  shall  be  in  rest ;  and 
we  have  determined  to  restore  them  tiieir  temple,  that  they 
may  live  according  to  the  customs  of  their  forefathers.  Thou 
shalt  do  well  therefore  to  send  unto  them,  and  grant  them 
peace,  that  when  they  are  certified  of  our  mind,  they  may  be 
of  good  comfort,  and  ever  go  cheerfully  about  their  own  af* 
fairs."  And  the  letter  of  the  king  unto  the  nation  of  the  Jews 
was  after  this  manner:  "King  Antiochus  sendeth  greeting 
unto  the  council,  and  the  rest  of  the  Jews :  if  ye  fare  well,  we 
have  our  desire  ;  we  are  also  in  good  health.  Menelaus  de- 
clared unto  us,  that  your  desire  was  to  return  home,  and  to  fol 
low  your  own  business:  wherefore  they  that  will  depart  shall 
have  safe  conduct  till  the  thirtieth  day  of  Xanthicus  with  se- 
curity. And  the  Jews  shall  use  their  ov/n  kind  of  meats  and 
Jaws  as  before ;  and  none  of  them  in  any  manner  of  ways 
shall  be  molested  for  things  ignorantly  done.  I  have  sent 
also  Menelaus,  that  he  may  comfort  you.  Fare  ye  well."' 
This  peace  caused  great  joy  among  the  Jews.  It  is  a  remark- 
able fact  that  the  letters  of  the  Syrian  king  were  accompanied 
by  one  from  the  Roman  ambassadors  at  the  Syrian  court. 
They  addressed  the  Jews  in  language  strongly  expressive  of 
friendship:  " Q,uintus  Memmius  and  Titus  Manlius,  ambas- 
sadors of  the  Romans,  send  greeting  unto  the  people  bf  the 
Jews ;  whatsoever  Lysias  the  king's  cousin  hath  granted,  there- 
with we  also  are  well  pleased.  But  touching  such  things  as 
he  judged  to  be  referred  to  the  king,  after  ye  have  advised 
thereof,  send  one  forthwith,  that  we  may  declare  as  it  is  con- 
venient for  you :  for  we  are  now  going  to  Antioch.  There- 
fore send  some  with  speed,  that  we  may  know  what  is  your 
mind.     Farewell." 

This  letter  most  probably  commenced  the  intercourse  of 
the  Jewish  nation  with  the  Romans :  and  it  was  quite  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  policy  of  that  celebrated  people,  previously 
to  their  acquisition  of  universal  empire.  They  had  scarcely 
established  the  independence  of  their  own  small  kingdom  or 
republic,  when  they  improved  every  opportunity  to  proclaim 
themselves  the  vindicators  of  the  wrongs,  and  the  emancipa- 
tors of  the  enslaved  of  all  tribes  and  nations.  The  liberty  of 
the  human  race  was  alone,  if  they  might  be  believed,  the  great 


m- 


i 


274  REIGN   Of   THE   MACCABEAN   CHIEFS, 

and  splendid  object  of  their  ambition.  The  desire  or  pursuit 
of  any  thing  inferior  to  this,  they  everywhere  declared,  with 
all  the  solemnity  of  an  oath,  was  utterly  unworthy  of  a  Ro- 
man. And  their  practice  was  in  general  long  consistent  with 
their  lofty  pretensions ;  and,  being  the  very  opposite  of  that 
exhibited  by  former  conquerors,  largely  contributed  to  the 
rapid  advancement  of  their  power,  especially  among  oppressed 
nations.  This  is  obvious  in  the  history  of  their  introduction 
into  Egypt,  Greece,  and  Asia,  anl  in  the  methods  by  which 
they  obtained  the  ascendancy  in  tne  governments  of  these  coun- 
tries. Thus,  apparently  clothed  m  the  noble  robe  of  justice 
and  mercy,  they  insidiously  approached  the  Jews,  whose  he- 
roism and  patriotism  they  very  possibly  admired ;  and  their  suc- 
cess, doubtless,  strengthened  their  confidence  in  the  capability 
of  their  political  wisdom  to  overreach  all  nations. 

The  Jews  were  fascinated  and  caught  in  the  snare,  from 
which  few  or  none  of  the  races  under  the  Grecian  empire  es- 
caped ;  but  their  conduct  was  far  more  inexcusable  than  that 
of  any  other  people  ;  and  they  had  not  only  to  regret  their 
folly,  but  also  to  acknowledge  their  guilt  and  bewail  their  suf- 
ferings. The  constitution  of  their  government,  divine  in  its 
origin,  secured  them  against  the  policy  and  power  of  every 
nation,  while  they  faithfully  adhered  to  it ;  but  this  adherence 
involved  inconquerable  perseverance  in  maintaining  their  po- 
litical, as  well  as  their  religious  separation  from  all  idolatrous 
nations.  They  were  not,  as  we  have  remarked  in  a  former 
page,  restrained  from  commercial  alliances  with  any  people  ; 
but  a  union  or  a  league  of  a  more  fiiendly  or  intimate  nature 
with  idolaters  was  incompatible  with  their  allegiance  to  Jeho- 
vah, as  their  supreme  Sovereign,  and  was  a  public  confession 
that  they  had  not  entire  confidence  in  his  wisdom,  faithfulness, 
and  power,  to  aflTord  them  desirable  and  necessary  protection. 
That  Judas  accepted  the  spontaneous  offer  of  the  friendship 
of  Rome,  is  strongly  to  be  suspected  ;  for  in  the  following 
year  he  formally  solicited  their  alliance.  This  being  an  open 
violation  of  the  fundamentallaws  of  the  chosen  people,  was 
a  capital  crime ;  and  from  this  hour  his  days  were  numbered. 
The  sentence  of  degradation  from  his  high  office  was  passed ; 
and  though  he  continued  the  object  of  the  people's  confidence 
and  admiration,  yet  he  owed  the  future  short  possession  of 
his  dignity  wholly  to  the  compassion  and  long-suffering  of  his 
supreme  and  invisible  King.  This  appears  not  to  have  been 
the  only  public  '.rime  worthy  of  disgrace  and  death  which  he 
had  ignorantly,  rashly,  or  inadvertently  committed.     He  had 


I 


#- 


REIGN   OF    THE   MACCABEAN   CHIEFS.  275 

deposed  the  deceitful  and  unjust  Menelaus  from  the  office  of 
high-priest ;  for  that  person,  we  find,  had  retired,  perhaps  for 
personal  safety,  to  Antioch.  But  instead  of  raising  the  near- 
est heir  of  Aaron  to  the  dignity  which  exclusively  belonged 
to  him,  it  seems  almost  certain  that  Judas  had  either  taken 
this  office  on  himself,  or  accepted  it,  as  his  successors  did, 
from  the  people,  who  had  no  right  to  dispose  of  it.  The  su- 
preme sovereign  of  Israel  had  fixed  this  high  office  in  Aaron's 
family,  and  it  was  treason  for  any  one  else  to  aspire  to  it,  un- 
less immediately  "called  of  God,  as  was  Aaron." 

The  most  mighty  monarch  on  earth  was  a  mean  personage, 
compared  to  the  chief  ruler  in  Israel.  The  former  was  in- 
deed exalted  according  to  the  sovereign  pleasure  of  Jehovah, 
by  whom  alone  kings  reign  and  princes  decree  justice ;  but 
the  latter  was  his  vicegerent,  his  only  deputy  or  representa- 
tive to  his  chosen  people.  By  consequence,  his  public  acts 
were  to  be  viewed  in  a  peculiar  light,  altogether  different  from 
any  thing  on  earth.  They  appeared  as  the  acts  of  Jehovah, 
whose  place  he  filled.  Hence  the  strong  expressions  of  the 
Divine  approbation  given  to  the  kings  of  Israel,  in  all  their 
public  administrations,  when  in  their  official  acts  they  showed 
that  they  were  men  according  to  God's  own  heart,  the  ever- 
living  King  of  Jacob's  race.  And  from  the  same  cause  pro- 
ceeded the  signal  tokens  of  Divine  displeasure,  witnessed  and 
felt  by  all  Israel,  when  their  rulers  publicly  acted  unbecom- 
ing their  e.xahed  and  holy  office.  The  punishment  was  in- 
flicted on  the  whole  community,  and  that  with  Divine  pro- 
priety;  because,  first,  the  reward  of  official  fidelity  was  con- 
ferred on  them  all ;  and  second,  they  were  authorised  to  de- 
throne any  ruler  who  presumed  to  violate  the  laws  of  the 
kingdom.  These  sentiments  are  amply  established  in  the 
history  of  Israel.  Prosperity  rested  on  the  nation  in  the  reign 
of  every  king  whose  administration  was  sacredly  conducted 
according  to  the  book  of  the  law,  which  prescribed  his  duty, 
and  prohibited  him  from  ruling  according  to  his  own  wis- 
dom or  pleasure.  On  the  other  hand;  the  nation  suffered  the 
most  grievous  calamities  on  account  of  the  public  offences  of 
some  of  their  kings.  Thus  the  sins  of  Manasseh  are  assigned 
as  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  captivity  which  the  peo- 
ple endured  a  considerable  time  after  his  death;  and  David's 
political  sin  in  numbering  the  people  occasioned  the  fearful 
plague,  which  threatened  the  entire  desolation  of  the  Holy 

When  Judas,  therefore,  proved  unworthy  of  his  trust,  w» 


276  aEIGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN    CHIEFS. 

cease  to  wonder  that  his  glory  was  quickly  eclipsed,  and  that 
famine  exhausted  the  strength  of  his  followers,  and  forced  him 
to  succumb  to  his  enemies.  The  hereditary  foes  of  Israel 
showed  no  respect  for  the  covenant  of  peace  confirmed  by  An- 
tiochus  Eupator,  nor  did  the  Syrian  governors  of  the  neigh- 
bouring provinces  regulate  their  conduct  by  it.  Timotheus 
was  conspicuous  by  his  activity  in  continuing  the  war.  He 
assembled  in  Gilead  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  thousand 
foot,  and  five  hundred  horse.  In  advancing  to  meet  him,  Judas 
encountered  and  overthrew  a  considerable  army  of  nomade 
Arabs.  He  had,  however,  the  higher  gratification  of  defeat- 
ing the  Syrian  army  led  by  Timotheus,  who,  besides  leaving 
thousands  dead,  narrowly  escaped  from  the  field  of  battle. 
The  most  unjust  proceedings  of  the  Syrian  generals,  most  pro- 
bably, were  secretly  approved  by  the  court,  for  the  triumphant 
career  of  Judas  determined  the  king  and  his  protector  to  march 
against  him. 

The  king  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  hundred  thousand 
foot,  twenty  thousand  horse,  three  hundred  chariots  of  war, 
and  thirty-two  elephants.  Judas  courageously  marched  his 
army  to  Bethsura,  where  the  enemy  had  encamped,  and  which 
they  resolved  to  conquer,  because  it  was,  next  to  Jerusalem, 
the  most  important  fortress  of  Palestine.  With  the  bravest 
of  his  troops,  he  suddenly,  in  the  night,  entered  the  enemy's 
camp,  killed  four  thousand,  and  diffused  terror  into  the  hearts 
of  all.  The  king,  however,  was  unmoved  in  his  purpose  to 
try  the  fortune  of  a  general  battle.  The  Jews  displayed  their 
usual  fortitude ;  but  the  resuk  was  favourable  to  the  Syrians, 
for  Judas  left  them  in  possession  of  the  field,  and  retired  with 
his  army  to  Jerusalem.  The  garrison  of  Bethsura,  from  the 
want  of  provisions,  was  soon  forced  to  surrender.  The  Syri- 
ans immediately  advanced  on  Jerusalem,  took  possession  of 
the  city,  and  laid  siege  to  the  temple.  It  was  nobly  defended, 
but  there  was  not  food  suflicient  to  sustain  a  large  garrison, 
and  many  fled  to  avoid  death  from  famine.  This  dreadful 
evil  prevailed,  for  the  past  year's  produce  was  consumed  ;  and 
the  passing  one  was  the  seventh  year,  the  year  of  rest,  when 
the  land  lay  fallow.  These  were  the  desperate  circumstances 
of  the  Jews.  Nothing  seemed  to  avail  them,  but  abject  sub- 
mission to  an  invincible  foe,  when  Jehovah  interposed  to  de- 
liver them.  While  Antiochus  and  Lysias  were  exulting  in 
the  confidence  that  the  besieged  must  yield,  they  received  the 
most  alarming  and  unexpected  news,  that  Philip  had  raised 
an  army  in  the  East,  and  was  hastily  marching  to  take  pos- 


#= 


REIGN  OF  THE  MACCABEAN  CHIEFS.  277 

session  of  Antioch.  the  metropolis  of  the  kingdom.  Conceal- 
ing this  information  from  their  own  army  and  the  Jews,  they 
instantly  sent  to  the  latter  proposals  of  peace,  which  were 
most  acceptable  to  the  Jews,  for  their  religious  liberty  was  con- 
ceded, and  Judas  was  appointed  governor  of  the  country, 
from  Ptolemais  to  the  Gerrhenians.  Thus,  in  the  language 
of  the  author  of  the  Second  Book  of  the  Maccabees,  "  Antio- 
chus  entreated  the  Jews,  submitted  himself,  and  swore  to  all 
equal  conditions,  agreed  with  them,  and  offered  sacrifices, 
honoured  the  temple,  and  dealt  kindly  with  the  place."  He, 
however,  according  to  Josephus,  having  surveyed  the  city, 
violated  his  oath,  and  ordered  his  soldiers  to  destroy  its  walls. 
But  the  policy  of  Lysias  subjected  the  Jews  to  a  still  greater 
calamity.  He  persuaded  the  king  that  Menelaus  had  been 
the  author  of  all  the  rebellious  acts  of  the  Jews,  and  therefore 
ought  to  be  put  to  death.  This  man,  who  had  disgraced  the 
office  of  high-priest,  was  no  sooner  killed,  then  Lysias  raised  to 
the  office  Alcimus,  with  the  view  of  controlling  the  power  of 
Judas  ;  for  the  former  was  destitute  of  religious  principles,  and 
fully  disposed  to  sacrifice  the  welfare  of  his  people  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  his  own  interest  and  honour.  He  had  no  legit- 
imate claims  to  the  office,  for  he  belonged  not,  as  he  pre- 
tended, to  the  family  of  Aaron.  The  proper  heir  to  the  high- 
priest's  office  was  Onias,  the  son  of  Onias  III.  On  the  exal- 
tation of  Alcimus,  Onias  went  into  Egypt,  procured  an  intro- 
duction to  the  king,  rose  into  favour,  and  succeeded  in  rais- 
ing a  temple,  on  the  site  of  i\  heathen  temple  of  Leontopolis, 
situated  in  the  district  of  Heliopolis.  Here  he  became  the 
high-priest,  established  a  form  of  worship  in  all  respects  re- 
sembling that  observed  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem.  The  min- 
isters selected  were  all  of  the  tribe  of  Levi.  Onias  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  the  approbation  of  his  countrymen  in 
Egypt,  by  persuading  them  that,  by  uniting  under  him  to 
worship  their  God,  they  would  accomplish  a  prediction  in 
Isaiah  xix.  18 — 25.  He  is  not  the  last  wise  man  who  has  mis- 
interpreted the  Scriptures,  and  particularly  the  prophetic  di- 
vision, to  support  a  religious  system  altogether  subversive  of 
the  explicit  instruction  which  they  contain.  God  had  plainly 
declared  that  the  only  place  in  which  he  would  meet  witn 
his  people,  to  accept  their  sacrifices,  was  in  the  temple  at  Je- 
rusalem. And  no  one  who  knew  this  and  reverenced  his 
will,  would  have  presumptuously  taught  or  believed  that  it 
was  lawful  to  erect  a  rival  temple  for  the  observance  of  the 
laws  of  Moses.     That  Isaiah  spoke  nothing  of  such  a  temple 

VOL.   L  24 


278  REIGN    OF   THE    MACCABEAN    CHIEFS. 

is  manifest ;  for  his  altar  was  to  be  constructed,  not  for  the 
worship  of  the  Jews,  but  for  that  of  the  Egyptians  and  Assy- 
rians, who  adopted  the  language  of  his  people,  and  consecrated 
themselves  to  seek  his  honour  in  the  earth.  The  prediction 
obviously  refers  to  the  period  when  among  his  people  national 
alienations  and  prejudices  would  completely  disappear. 

Though  Antiochus  had  rather  augmented  than  diminished 
the  visible  dignity  of  Judas,  he  had  almost  deprived  him  of 
power  to  promote  the  good  of  Israel.  Alcimus  was  a  thorn 
m  his  side.  To  secure  the  support  of  the  Syrian  court,  he 
patronised  Grecian  customs,  and  gathered  around  him  all  the 
Jevvs,  who  were  disinclined  to  obey  the  laws,  or  who  had  ac- 
tually apostatised.  Judas  appealed  to  the  people,  and  the 
traitor  of  his  country  was  not  permitted  to  officiate  as  high- 
priest.  He  fled  to  Antioch.  The  throne  of  Syria  had  passed 
from  Antiochus.  On  his  return  from  Jerusalem,  he  found  it 
seized  by  Philip,  but  he  speedily  displaced  him,  and  put  him 
to  death.  This  was  scarcely  effected,  when  he  had  to  contend 
against  a  more  powerful  rival. 

Demetrius,  son  of  Seleucus  Philopater,  had  been  detained 
as  a  hostage  at  Rome.  He  asserted  that,  on  the  death  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  the  crown  belonged  to  him  rather  than 
to  the  child  of  that  prince.  The  Romans,  however,  judged 
otherwise  ;  and  it  was  only  by  stealth  that  he  escaped  from 
Rome,  and  was  conveyed  in  a  'I'yrian  vessel  to  Tripoli,  in 
Syria.  On  landing  he  employed  means  to  spread  the  report 
that  the  Roman  senate  had  sent  him  to  ascend  the  throne  of 
his  ancestors.  All  ranks  received  him  as  their  sovereign 
Lysias  and  Antiochus  Eupatar  were  delivered  up  to  him  by 
the  troops.  He  instantly  put  them  to  death,  and  auspiciously 
entered  on  his  reign.  A  Grecian  by  descent,  and  a  Roman 
by  education,  he  was  in  taste  and  habits  the  votary  of  pagan- 
ism ;  and  deemed  human  happiness  to  consist  in  the  gratifica- 
tion of  the  appetites  and  passions.  His  talents  were  respect- 
able, and  ambition,  for  a  time,  was  more  powerful  in  him 
than  the  love  of  pleasure. 

Such  a  prince  was  ill  qualified  to  discover  or  estimate  the 
character  of  consistent  worshippers  of  the  True  God.  Ac- 
cordingly, he  believed  without  inquiry,  the  false  report  of 
Alcimus  concerning  the  state  of  Judea,  and  immediately 
ordered  Bacchides,  governor  of  Mesopotamia,  to  leadtin  army 
into  that  province,  remove  Judas  from  the  government,  and 
commit  the  high  priest's  office  to  Alcimus.  Bacchides  suc- 
ceeded, partly  by  pretended  friendship,  and  partly  by  acts  of 


I 


-m 


REIGN   OF    THE    MACCABEAN   CHIEFS.  279 

severity,  to  prevail  on  many  of  the  Jews  to  accept  Alcimus  for 
their  ruler.  The  usurper,  however,  found  himself  powerless 
as  soon  as  the  Syrian  army  had  retired,  and  applied  a  second 
time  to  Demetrius.  The  result  was,  that  Nicanor,  one  of  the 
king's  favourites,  was  sent  with  a  large  army,  considered  suf- 
ficient to  inflict  signal  punishment,  on  what  was  denominated 
the  obstinate  and  rebellious  nation.  "  So  Nicanor  came  to 
Jerusalem  with  a  great  force ;  and  sent  unto  Judas  and  his 
brethren  deceitfully,  with  friendly  words,  saying.  Let  there  be 
no  battle  between  me  and  you ;  I  will  come  with  a  few  men, 
that  I  may  see  you  in  peace.  He  came  therefore  to  Judas, 
and  they  saluted  one  another  peaceably.  Howbeit  the  ene- 
mies were  prepared  to  take  away  Judas  by  violence.  Which 
thing  after  it  was  known  to  Judas,  to  wit,  that  he  came  unto 
him  with  deceit,  he  was  sore  afraid  of  him,  and  would  see  his 
face  no  more.  Nicanor  also,  when  he  saw  that  his  counsel 
was  discovered,  went  out  to  fight  against  Judas  beside  Caphar- 
salama ;  where  they  were  slain  of  Nicanor's  side  about  five 
thousand  men,  and  the  rest  fled  into  the  city  of  David.  After 
this  went  Nicanor  up  to  mount  Sion,  and  there  came  out  of  the 
sanctuary  certain  of  the  priests,  and  certain  of  the  elders  of 
the  people,  to  salute  him  peaceably,  and  to  show  him  the 
burnt  sacrifice  that  was  offered  for  the  king.  But  he  mocked 
them,  and  laughed  at  them,  and  abused  them  shamefully,  and 
spoke  proudly;  and  sware  in  his  wrath,  saying,  Unless  Judas 
and  his  host  be  now  delivered  into  my  hands,  if  ever  I  come 
again  in  safety,  I  will  burn  up  this  house :  and  with  that  he 
went  out  in  a  great  rage.  Then  the  priests  entered  in,  and 
stood  before  the  altar  and  the  temple,  weeping,  and  saying, 
Thou,  O  Lord,  didst  choose  this  house  to  be  called  by  thy 
name,  and  to  be  a  house  of  prayer  and  petition  for  thy  people : 
be  avenged  of  this  man  and  his  host,  and  let  them  fall  by  the 
sword  :  remember  their  blasphemie's,  and  sufl^er  them  not  to 
continue  any  longer.  So  Nicanor  went  out  of  Jerusalem,  and 
pitched  his  tents  in  Bethhoron,  where  an  host  out  of  Syria 
met  him.  But  Judas  pitched  in  Adasa  with  three  thousand 
men,  and  there  he  prayed,  saying,  O  Lord,  when  they  that 
were  sent  from  the  king  of  the  Assyrians  blasphemed,  thine 
angel  went  out  and  smote  an  hundred  fourscore  and  five  thou- 
sand of  them :  even  so  destroy  thou  this  host  before  us  this 
day,  that  the  rest  may  know  that  he  hath  spoken  blasphem- 
ously ag-ainst  thy  sanctuary,  and  judge  thou  him  according 
to  his  wickedness.  So  the  thirteenth  day  of  the  month  Adar 
the  hosts  joined  battle :  but  Nicanor's  host  was  discomfited, 


9 


280  &BIQN  OF   THE   MACCABEAN   CHIEFS. 

and  he  himself  was  first  slain  in  the  battle.  Now,  when  Ni- 
canor's  host  saw  that  he  was  slain,  they  cast  away  their  wea- 
pons, and  fled.  Then  they  pursued  after  them  a  day's  jour- 
ney, from  Adasa  unto  Gazara,  sounding  an  alarm  after  them 
with  their  trumpets.  Whereupon  they  came  forth  out  of  all 
the  towns  of  Judea  round  about,  and  closed  them  in  ;  so  that 
they,  turning  back  upon  them  that  pursued  them,  were  all 
slain  with  the  sword,  and  not  one  of  them  was  left.  After- 
wards they  took  the  spoils  and  the  prey,  and  smote  off  Nica- 
nor's  head,  and  his  right  hand,  which  he  stretched  out  so 
proudly,  and  brought  them  away,  and  hanged  them  up  toward 
Jerusalem.  For  this  cause  the  people  rejoiced  greatly,  and 
they  kept  that  day  a  day  of  great  gladness.  Moreover,  they 
ordained  to  keep  yearly  this  day,  being  the  thirteenth  of  Adar 
Thus  the  land  of  Juda  was  in  rest  a  little  while." 

The  small  army  of  Judas  distinctly  shows  that  his  influence 
had  been,  from  some  unrecorded  cause,  greatly  weakened,  or 
what  seems  more  probable,  the  number  and  power  of  apos- 
tates had  increased.  This  proved  a  trial  more  than  he  was 
able  to  bear.  He  lost  confidence  in  his  God,  and  looked  to 
the  arm  of  flesh.  He  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome,  imploring 
her  protection.  The  senate  cordially  received  them,  and 
made  with  them  a  defensive  alliance.  A  letter  from  the  sen- 
ate was  also  sent  to  Demetrius,  enjoining  him  to  refrain  from 
oppressing  the  Jews.  Before,  however,  the  ambassadors  re- 
turned, Judas  was  no  more.  A  third  and  more  powerful 
army  than  the  former  had  been  led  against  him  by  Bacchides 
and  Alcimus.  He  had  only  three  thousand  men  to  oppose 
them.  "  And,  on  approaching  the  enemy,  they  were  struck 
with  such  a  panic,  that  they  all  abandoned  him,  except  eight 
hundred  men.  Judas  with  that  small  number,  through  an 
excess  of  valour  and  confidence,  had  the  boldness  to  hazard 
a  .battle  with  so  numerous  an  army,  in  which  he  perished, 
overpowered  by  multitudes.  His  loss  was  deplored  through- 
out all  Judea  and  at  Jerusalem  with  all  the  marks  of  the  most 
lively  aflliction.  and  the  government  put  into  the  hands  of 
Jonathan  his  brother ;"  for  the  tyranny  of  Syria  became  in- 
tolerable to  the  people.  "  In  those  days  also  was  there  a  very 
great  famine,  by  reason  whereof  the  country  revolted,  and 
went  with  them.  Then  Bacchides  chose  the  wicked  men, 
and  made  them  lords  of  the  country.  And  they  made  inquiry 
and  search  for  Judas'  friends,  and  brought  them  unto  Bac- 
chides, who  took  vengeance  of  them,  and  used  them  despite- 
fully.     So  was  there  a  grfeat  affliction  in  Israel,  the  like 


m 


REIGN    OF  THE    MACCABEAN    CHIEPS. 


Wl 


whereof  was  not  since  the  time  that  a  prophet  was  not  seen 
among  them.  For  this  cause  all  Judas'  friends  came  together, 
and  said  unto  Jonathan,  since  thy  brother  Judas  died,  we  have 
no  man  like  him  to  go  forth  against  our  enemies,  and  Bac- 
chides,  and  against  them  of  our  nation  that  are  adversaries  to 
us:  now  therefore  we  have  chosen  thee  this  day  to  be  our 
prince  and  captain  in  his  steaJ,  that  thou  mayest  fight  our 
battles.  Upon  this  Jonathan  took  the  governance  upon  him  at 
that  time,  and  rose  up  instead  of  his  brother  Judas.  But 
when  Bacchides  gat  knowledge  thereof,  he  sought  for  to  slay 
him.  Then  Jonathan,  and  Simon  his  brother,  and  all  that 
were  with  him,  perceiving  that,  fled  into  the  wilderness  of 
Thecoe,  and  pitched  their  tents  by  the  water  of  the  pool 
Asphar."  The  patriots  carried  on  for  some  time  a  kind  of 
guerilla  warfare,  while  Bacchides  repaired  the  strong  places 
of  the  Holy  Land.  His  troops  sustained  severe  reverses;  and 
"  his  counsel  and  travail  was  in  vain.  Wherefore  he  was 
very  wroth  at  the  wicked  men  that  gave  him  counsel  to  come 
into  the  country,  insomuch  as  he  slew  many  of  them,  and  pur- 
posed to  return  into  his  own  country.  Whereof  when  Jona- 
than had  knowledge,  he  sent  ambassadors  unto  him  to  the  end 
he  should  make  peace  with  him,  and  deliver  them  the  prison- 
ers. Which  thing  he  accepted,  and  did  according  to  his  de- 
mands, and  svvare  unto  him  that  he  would  never  do  him 
harm  all  the  days  of  his  life.  When  therefore  he  had  restored 
unto  him  the  prisoners  that  he  had  taken  aforetime  out  of 
the  land  of  Judea,  he  returned  and  went  his  way  into  his  own 
land,  neither  came  he  any  more  into  their  borders.  Thus  the 
sword  ceased  from  Israel :  but  Jonathan  dwelt  at  Machmas, 
and  began  to  govern  the  people ;  and  he  destroyed  the  un- 
godly men  out  of  Israel."  And  he  was  able  to  do  this  the 
more  efl^ectually  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  Alcimus,  the 
most  active  and  enterprising  enemy  of  the  Jews.  While  the 
apostate  was  employed  in  removing  the  wall  of  the  temple 
which  separated  the  sacred  divisions  from  the  outer  courts, 
that  the  whole  might  be  open  to  the  heathen,  he  was  struck 
with  a  fatal  disease,  and  died  in  great  torment. 

The  Jews  for  some  time  prospered  under  the  administra- 
tion of  Jonathan.  Perhaps  nothing  was  more  favourable  to 
this  than  the  circumstances  of  the  Syrian  court.  Demetrius 
dared  not  openly  injure  the  Jews,  from  the  time  that  the  Ro- 
wtAns  recognised  them  as  their  allies  ;  nor  could  he  pursue 
any  scheme  of  ambition,  lest  he  should  provoke  them  to  strip 
him  wholly  of  power.  Thus  humbled,  he  gave  himself  up 
24* 


M 


282  REIGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN   CHIEFS. 

to  indolence  and  intemperance,  and  became  an  object  of  indif- 
ference or  contempt  to  all  his  subjects.  A  conspiracy  being 
formed  to  depose  him  by  some  of  his  servants,  they  were  se- 
cretly encouraged  by  several  foreign  powers.  He  had  pun- 
ished with  death  Timarchus,  governor  of  Babylon,  to  please 
the  citizens,  vi-'ho  groaned  under  his  tyrannical  government. 
His  brother,  Heraclides,  treasurer  of  the  province,  narrowly 
escaped  similar  punishment.  Thirsting  for  revenge,  he  se- 
lected a  talented  young  man,  but  of  mean  descent,  to  claim 
the  throne  as  a  son  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Though  gen- 
erally regarded  an  imposter,  yet  it  is  probable  that  he  was  not, 
from  the  fact  that  the  Jews  denied  not  his  pretensions  to  roy- 
alty, and  the  king  of  Egypt  gave  him  his  daughter  in  mar- 
riage. Be  this  as  it  may,  several  kings,  and  the  senate  of 
Rome,  acknowledged  the  justice  of  his  claims.  He  is  known 
in  history  under  the  name  of  Alexander  Balas.  He  seized 
on  Ptolemais,  and  prepared  to  advance  to  Antioch.  The 
assistance  of  Jonathan,  whose  valour  was  universally  known, 
was  eagerly  sought  by  both  parties.  Demetrius  first  propi- 
tiated his  favour,  by  appointing  him  general  of  his  troops  in 
Judea.  But  Alexander's  proposal  to  constitute  him  at  once 
governor  and  high-priest,  with  the  title  of  "  Friend  of  the. 
King,"  was  more  acceptable  to  Jonathan,  to  whom  he  also 
sent  a  purple  robe  and  crown,  marks  of  the  highest  dignity, 
which  were  exclusively  appropriated  to  princes  and  nobles  of 
the  highest  rank.  "  Demetrius,  who  had  received  advice  of 
this,  still  out-bid  him,  to  secure  to  himself  an  ally  of  such  im- 
portance. But  after  the  injuries  he  had  done  to  all  those  who 
nad  the  true  interest  of  the  Jews  at  heart,  and  the  whole  na- 
tion in  general,  they  dared  not  confide  in  him,  and  resolved  to 
treat  rather  with  Alexander.  Jonathan  therefore  accepted  the 
high  priesthood  from  him  ;  and  with  the  consent  of  the  whole 
people,  at  the  feast  of  the  tabernacles  which  happened  soon 
after,  he  put  on  the  pontificial  vestments,  and  officiated  as 
high-priest." 

The  contest  for  the  crown  of  Syria  was  not  of  long  dura- 
tion. Demetrius  displayed  much  bravery  in  the  great  battle 
which  terminated  his  life,  and  the  total  defeat  of  his  troops. 
Alexander  Balas  ascended  the  throne  of  Syria,  b.  c.  150. 
He  soon  after  sent  ambassadors  to  demand  Cleopatra,  the 
daughter  of  Ptolemy  king  of  Egypt,  in  marriage.  She  was. 
granted  him;  and  her  father  conducted  her  in  person  to  Pto- 
lemais, where  the  nuptials  were  celebrated.     Jonathan  was  ia- 


^ 


REIGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN    CHIEFS.  283 

vited  to  that  feast,  and  went  thither,  where  he  was  received 
by  tlie  two  kings  with  all  possible  marks  of  honour. 

As  a  statesman  and  warrior,  Jonathan  was  probably  inferi- 
or to  his  brother  Judas ;  but  he  had  the  honour  and  happiness 
of  raising  his  people  to  a  higher  rank  among  the  nations  than 
they  had  occupied  from  the  time  of  their  restoration.  This,  how- 
ever, was  perhaps  as  much  the  result  of  the  distracted  and  en- 
feebled state  of  Syria,  as  of  his  talents  and  labours.  Alexan- 
der Balas  very  early  justly  forfeited  the  esteem  of  his  subjects. 
Abandoning  himself  to  sensual  pleasures,  he  left  the  care  of 
publi:  affairs  to  his  favourite  Ammonius,  who  rendered  him- 
self hateful  to  all  by  cruelty  and  effeminacy.  He  shed  the 
blood  of  every  one  whom  he  could  find  belonging  to  the  race 
of  the  Seleucidae.  These  things  were  made  known  to  the 
sons  of  the  late  king,  who  had  been  sent  for  safety  to  the  city 
of  Cnidos  in  Caria.  The  eldest,  named  after  his  father  De- 
metrius, hasted  to  attack  the  usurper.  The  former  entered  Sy- 
ria when  the  latter  was  in  Cilicia,  and  was  unexpectedly  sup- 
ported by  Ptolemy  Philometer,  king  of  Egypt,  who  had 
brought  a  fleet  and  troops  to  aid  his  son-in-law.  But  while 
he  rested  in  Ptolemais,  he  discovered  a  conspiracy  to  take 
his  life,  conducted  under  the  direction  of  Ammonius.  Balas 
declining  to  deliver  up  the  traitor,  Ptolemy  instantly  deserted 
his  cause,  and  advanced  to  Antioch.  'The  citizens  gladly  re- 
ceived him,  and  oflfered  him  the  crown.  He  refused  the  gift, 
but  strongly  urged  them  to  confer  it  on  Demetrius.  To  him 
he  also  gave  his  daughter  Cleopatra,  whom  he  had  persuaded 
to  leave  Alexander  Balas. 

The  cause  of  Demetrius  was,  perhaps,  still  more  strength- 
ened by  Apollonius,  governor  of  Ccelo-Syria  and  Phenicia, 
declaring  for  him,  and  employing  the  strength  of  his  province 
against  the  interest  of  his  late  master.  Provoked  at  the  fidel- 
ity of  Jonathan,  Apollonius  invaded  Judea,  with  a  consider- 
able army.  After  repeated  attacks,  he  was  repulsed  with 
great  loss.  Besides  thousands  killed  in  battle,  a  number  who 
fled  to  the  temple  of  Dagon,  at  Azotus,  perished  in  the  con- 
flagration, by  which  Jonathan  destroyed  the  city,  temple  and 
adjacent  villages.  Alexander  rewarded  the  fidelity  and  val- 
our of  the  Jewish  hero  with  rich  presents,  and  gave  the  to- 
parchy  of  Ekron  for  his  own  inheritance. 

When  Alexander  returned  to  Antioch,  and  found  that  the 
citizens  had  revoked,  he  laid  waste  the  surrounding  country, 
and  boldly  encountered  the  combined  armies  of  Ptolemy'and 
Demetrius.     His  forceiS  beingf  defeated,  he  fled  to  an  Arab 


1 


=-=* 


284  REIGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN   CHIEFS. 

prince,  to  whom  he  had  entrusted  his  children.  His  host 
was  treacherous ;  he  took  his  life,  and  sent  his  body  to  Pto- 
lemy, who  was  dying  of  a  wound  which  he  had  received  in 
the  late  battle.  Demetrius  in  the  meantime  ascended  the 
throne  of  his  ancestors,  and  assumed  the  unmerited  appella- 
tion of  Nicator,  "  the  Conqueror." 

While  the  Syrians  were  thus  occupied,  Jonathan  summoned 
all  his  energies  in  order  to  capture  the  tower  or  fortress  which 
commanded  the  temple  and  city,  and  had  been  long  occupied 
by  aliens,  the  soldiers  of  the  Syrian  monarchs.  "  Then  cer- 
tain ungodly  persons,  who  hated  their  own  people,  went  unto 
the  king,  and  told  him  that  Jonathan  besieged  the  tower. 
Whereof  when  he  heard,  he  wasangry,and  immediately  remov- 
ing, he  came  to  Ptolemais,  and  wrote  unto  Jonathan,  that  he 
should  not  lay  siege  to  the  tower,  but  come  and  speak  with 
him  at  Ptolemais  in  great  haste.  Nevertheless  Jonathan, 
when  he  heard  this,  commanded  to  besiege  it  still:  and  he 
choose  certain  of  the  elders  of  Israel  and  the  priests,  and  put 
himself  in  peril ;  and  took  silver  and  gold,  and  raiment,  and 
divers  presents  besides,  and  went  to  Ptolemais  unto  the  king, 
where  he  found  favour  in  his  sight  And  though  certain  un- 
godly men  of  the  people  had  made  complaints  against  him, 
yet  the  king  entreated  him,  as  his  predecessors  had  done  be- 
fore, and  promoted  him  in  the  sight  of  all  his  friends,  and  con- 
firmed him  in  the  high  priesthood,  and  in  all  the  honours 
that  he  had  before,  and  gave  him  pre-eminence  among  his 
chief  friends.  Then  Jonathan  desired  the  king  that  he  would 
make  Judea  free  from  tribute,  as  also  the  three  governments, 
with  the  country  of  Samaria;  and  he  promised  him  three 
hundred  talents.  So  the  king  consented,  and  wrote  letters 
unto  Jonathan  of  all  these  things  after  this  manner:  "King 
Demetrius  unto  his  brother  Jonathan,  and  unto  the  nation  of 
the  Jews,  sendeth  greeting :  We  send  you  here  a  copy  of 
the  letter  which  we  did  write  unto  our  cousin  Lasthenes  con- 
cerning you,  that  ye  might  see  it.  King  Demetrius  unto  his 
father  Lasthenes  sendeth  greeting:  We  are  determined  to  do 
good  to  the  people  of  the  Jews,  who  are  our  friends,  and  keep 
covenants  with  us,  because  of  their  good  will  towards  us. 
Wherefore  we  have  ratified  unto  them  the  borders  of  Judea, 
with  the  three  governments  of  Apherema,  and  Lydda,  and 
Ramathem,  that  are  added  unto  Judea  from  the  country  of 
Samaria,  and  all  things  appertaining  unto  them,  for  all  such 
as  do  sacrifice  in  Jerusalem,  instead  of  the  payments  which 
the  king  received  of  them  yearly  aforetime  out  of  the  fruits  of 


OF  THE  VACCABEAN   CHIEFS.  285 

Ae  earth  and  of  trees.  And  as  for  other  things  that  belong 
unto  us,  of  the  tithes  and  customs  pertaining  unto  us,  as  also 
the  salt-pits,  and  the  crown  taxes,  which  are  due  unto  us,  we 
discharge  them  of  them  all,  for  their  relief  And  nothing 
hereof  shall  be  revoked  from  this  time  forth  for  ever.  Now 
therefoie  see  that  thou  make  a  copy  of  these  things,  and  let  it 
be  delivered  unto  Jonathan,  and  set  upon  the  holy  mount  in 
a  conspicuous  place."  • 

Demetrius  appears  to  have  surrendered  himself  wholly  to 
the  counsel  and  direction  of  Lasthenes,  to  whom  the  above 
letter  was  addressed.  He  had,  during  his  exile,  resided  with 
this  Greek,  and  by  his  agency,  he  had  procured  the  Grecian 
soldiers,  who  accompanied  him  to  Syria.  And  it  was  most 
probably  by  his  advice,  that  after  obtaining  the  kingdom,  he 
discharged  and  scattered  the  whole  Syrian  army.  This  act, 
and  his  total  indifference  to  their  interests,  indicated  by  a  life 
of  ease,  luxury,  and  pleasure,  provoked  at  once  the  hatred 
and  contempt  of  the  military.  And  the  unjust  and  oppressive 
administration  of  Lasthenes  excited  universal  dissatisfaction. 
Diodotus,  called  also  Tryphon,  who  had  been  recently  one 
of  the  two  chief  magistrates  of  Antioch,  was  a  man  of  bound- 
less ambition.  Takinff  advantage  of  the  unpopularity  of  hia 
sovereign,  he  conspired  to  dethrone  him.  He  persuaded  Zab- 
diel  to  deliver  into  his  hands  Antiochus,  the  eldest  son  of 
Alexander  Balas,  a  mere  child ;  having  in  his  name  obtained 
the  chief  rule  he  imagined  it  would  be  easy,  by  killing  him, 
at  a  future  convenient  season,  to  place  the  crown  on  his  owq 
head. 

Demetrius,  on  discovering  his  critical  situation,  applied  to 
Jonathan  for  asistance ;  and  this  he  readily  procured  on  con- 
dition of  ordering  his  troops  to  withdraw  from  the  tower  or 
fortress  of  Jerusalem,  which  Jonathan  had  not  been  able  hith- 
erto to  capture.  The  arrival  at  Antioch  of  three  thousand 
Jewish  soldiers,  celebrated  for  their  heroism,  imparted  confi- 
dence to  the  court.  The  citizens  were  instantly  summoned  to 
deliver  up  all  the  weapons  of  war  in  their  possession.  Instead 
of  obeying,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  surrounded 
the  palace,  resolved  to  kill  their  king.  The  Jews  hastened  to 
his  relief  "  and,  dispersing  themselves  through  the  city,  slew 
that  day  in  the  city  to  the  number  of  an  hundred  thousand. 
Also  they  set  fire  on  the  city,  and  got  many  spoils  that  day, 
and  delivered  the  king.  So  when  they  of  the  city  saw  that 
the  Jews  had  got  the  city  as  they  would,  their  courage  was 
abated ;  wherefore  tney  made  supplication  to  the  king,  and 


286  REIGN  OF   THE   MACCABEAN   CHIEFS. 

cried,  saying,  Grant  us  peace,  and  let  the  Jews  cease  from 
assaulting  us  and  the  city.  With  that  they  cast  away  their 
weapons,  and  made  peace ;  and  the  Jews  were  honoured  in 
the  sight  of  the  king,  and  in  the  sight  of  all  that  were  in  his 
realm ;  and  they  returned  to  Jerusalem,  having  great  spoils. 
So  king  Demetrius  sat  on  the  throne  of  his  kingdom,  and  the 
land  was  quiet  before  him.  Nevertheless  he  dissembled  in 
all  that  ever  he  spake,  and  estranged  himself  from  Jonathan, 
neither  rewarded  he  him  according  to  the  benefits  which  he 
had  received  of  him,  but  troubled  him  very  sore."  He  an- 
nounced his  determination  to  reduce  the  Jews  to  a  state  of  sla- 
very not  less  wretched  than  that  which  they  had  endured  un- 
der the  most  tyrannical  of  his  predecessors.  But  this  turned 
out  for  their  good.  For,  while  he  was  soon  compelled  to  con- 
tend for  his  life,  they  were  more  than  justified  in  submitting 
to  his  successor.  The  tremendous  catastrophe  which  the  sur- 
viving citizens  of  Antioch  had  witnessed,  was  not  calculated 
to  awaken  loyal  feelings.  They  hailed  the  return  of  Try- 
phon  with  the  infant  Antiochus.  The  troops  also  joined  him, 
for  Demetrius  had  neglected  to  pay  them.  He  could  now  ex- 
pect no  help  from  Judea,  and  was  happy  to  flee  to  Cilicia. 
"  At  that  time  young  Antiochus  wrote  unto  Jonathan,  saying, 
I  confirm  thee  in  the  high-priesthood,  and  appoint  thee  ruler 
over  the  four  governments,  and  to  be  one  of  the  king's  friends. 
Upon  this  he  sent  him  golden  vessels  to  be  served  in,  and 
gave  him  leave  to  drink  in  gold,  and  to  be  clothed  in  purple, 
and  to  wear  a  golden  buckle.  His  brother  Simon  also  he 
made  captain,  from  the  place  called  The  Ladder  of  Tyrus 
unto  the  borders  of  Egypt." 

Though  Demetrius  had  fled,  many  of  the  soldiers  in  the  pro- 
vinces continued  to  maintain  his  cause.  To  oppose  these, 
Jonathan,  sanctioned  by  the  new  rulers  of  Syria,  raised  a  large 
army,  and  led  them  to  the  land  of  the  Philistines.  Some  of 
the  cities  voluntarily  submitted ;  but  Gaza  resisted  for  some 
time,  and  saw  the  surrounding  country  laid  waste.  Having 
reduced  this  great  city,  Jonathan  passed  through  the  country 
to  Damascus.  The  army  of  Demetrius  had  taken  possession 
of  Galilee,  and  he  determined  to  expel  them.  In  order  to  this, 
he  sent  his  brother  Simon  to  protect  Jerusalem,  while  he  him- 
self advanced  with  the  principal  part  of  his  army  into  Galilee. 
Unexpectedly  attacked  near  the  lake  of  Tiberias,  a  panic 
seized  his  troops,  and  they  fled.  They,  however,  soon  recov- 
ered courage,  and  compelled  the  enemy  to  flee,  leaving  about 
three  thousand  dead.     Their  generals  escaped,  and  assembled 


# 


REIGN   OF   THE   MACCABEAN    CHIEFS.  287 

a  second  and  larger  army,  which  Jonathan  encountered  near 
Hamath.  They  declined  battle,  and  avoided  destruction  by 
passing  over,  in  the  night,  the  Eleutherus,  a  river  which  wa 
ters  the  valley  lying  between  Libanus  and  Anti-Libanus,  and 
falls  into  the  Mediterranean.  Simon  had,  in  the  meantime, 
captured  Bethsura,  garrisoned  the  strong  places  of  Judea,  and 
taken  possession  of  Joppa. 

The  conquering  generals,  onreturningto  Jerusalem,  called 
a  council  to  decide  on  the  measures  necessary  to  be  adopted  to 
restore  the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem,  strengthen  the  fortified 
cities  of  Judea,  and  particularly  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
tower  or  strong  place  near  the  temple,  still  occupied  by  for- 
eigners ;  for  the  promise  of  the  Syrian  king  to  withdraw  his 
troops  seems  not  to  have  been  fulfilled.  These  measures 
Jonathan  prosecuted  with  his  accustomed  vigour.  To  guard 
against  the  possible  treachery  of  the  Syrian  court,  he  had,  a 
little  time  before  this,  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Romans  and 
Grecians  to  renew  the  alliances  which  his  brother  had  made 
with  these  great  nations.  He  informed  them  of  the  treache- 
rous and  murderous  deeds  of  Tryphon,  which  exceedingly 
provoked  the  Romans.  They  publicly  expressed  their  sym- 
pathy with  the  Jews,  and  sent  them  a  ratification  of  their  alli- 
ance, engraved  on  copper.  Demetrius,  in  the  meantime,  had 
been  invited  by  the  governors  of  the  regions  east  of  the  Eu- 
phrates to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  their  army,  by  which 
they  proposed  to  subdue  Parthia.  While  fighting  against  the 
Parthians,  he  was  taken  prisoner.  In  consequence  of  this 
event,  Tryphon  resolved  to  depose  or  kill  the  voung  prince, 
on  whom  he  had  conferred  the  nominal  title  oi  king,  and  de- 
clare himself  the  sovereign  of  Syria.  He  had,  however,  no 
hope  of  accomplishing  this  object  while  Jonathan  retained 
power,  and  believing  that  his  fidelity  to  Demetrius  was  un- 
alterable, he  first,  under  the  guise  of  great  friendship,  per- 
suaded him  to  dismiss  his  troops,  whose  services  were  not  re- 
quired ;  and  next  he  induced  him  to  meet  him  in  Ptolemais, 
under  the  pretence  of  delivering  it  into  his  hands.  The  up- 
right and  generous  are  generally  the  most  unsuspicious, — Jon 
athan  entered  the  city,  with  about  one  thousand  men  ;  Try 
phon  instantly  seized  him,  and  put  all  the  soldiers  to  death. 


END   OF   VOL.    I. 


1 


# 


CONNEXION 


SACRED  AND  PROFANE  HISTORY; 


BBWa  A  BKTIBW  OF  THB 


PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  WORLD, 

▲•  TBIT  BIAK  UrOH 

THE  STATE  OF  RELIGION, 

FROM  THE   CLOSE  OF  THE  OLD  TESTAMENT  HISTORT,  TILL 
THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  CHRISTLlLNnT. 

BY  D.  DAVIDSON. 

IN  THREE  VOLUMEa 
VOL.  II. 


NEW  YORK: 

ROBERT   CARTER   &   BROTHERS, 
No.   285   BROADWAY 

1849. 


m 


f 


CONTENTS. 


VOL.  IL 

CHAPTER  I. 

Paf» 
The  Maccabean  Chiefs,  (from  143  to  106  B.  C.)         •  .5 

CHAPTER  II. 
Reign  of  the  Maccabean  Kings,  (from  136  to  40  B.  C.)  .      SO 

CHAPTER  III. 

The  Fourth,  or  Roman  Empire,  (from  753  to  223  B.  C.)— Car- 
thage, its  rival  for  Empire  in  the  West,         ....      38 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Fourth,  or  Roman  Empire,  continued,  (from  218  to  202  B.  C.) 
— Contest  for  Empire  in  the  West — Hannibal  and  P.  (5. 
Scipio, 59 

CHAPTER  V. 

The  Fourth,  or  Roman  Empire,  continued,  (from  202  to  145  B.  C.) 

— Carthage  reduced, 73 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Fourth,  or  Roman  Empire,  continued,  (from  145  to  78  B.  C.) 
—The  First  Great  Internal  Conflicts.— Tiberius  Graccus, 
Marius,  and  Sylla, 81 

CHAPTER  VII. 

The  Fourth,  or  Roman  Empire,  continued,  (from  78  to  44  B.  C.)— 

The  Revolution. — Pompey  the  Great  and  Julius  Cesar,         .     100 


I 


mssam 


«= 


IV  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Pag« 
The  Establishment  of  the  Roman  Empire,  (from  44  B.  C.  to 

14  A.  D.) — Octavius  and  Antony,       ...  .     145 

CHAPTER  IX. 
Herod  the  Great,  and  his  Family,  (from  40  B.  C.  to  37  A.  C.)         187 


#= 


CONNEXION 


SACRED  AND  PROFANE  HISTORY 


CHAPTER  I. 
THE  MACCABEAN  PRINCES. 

The  heathen,  were  no  sooner  apprized  of  the  jieath  of  the 
Jewish  chief  than  they  vowed  to  take  vengeance  on  the  Jews ; 
and  Tryphon  expressed  his  purpose,  and  prepared  an  army 
to  extirpate  them,  "  Now  when  Simon  heard  that  Tryphon 
had  gathered  together  a  great  host  to  invade  the  land  of  Judea, 
and  destroy  it,  and  saw  that  the  people  were  in  great  trem- 
bling and  fear,  he  went  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  gathered  the 
people  together,  and  gave  them  exhortation,  saying,  Ye  your- 
selves kno^v  what  gicat  things  I,  and  my  brethren,  and  my 
father's  house,  have  done  for  the  laws  and  the  sanctuary,  the 
battles  also  and  troubles  which  we  have  seen,  by  reason 
whereof  all  my  brethren  are  slain  for  Israel's  sake,  and  I  am 
left  alone.  Now  therefore  be  it  far  from  me  that  I  should 
spare  mine  own  life  in  any  time  of  trouble :  for  I  am  no  better 
than  my  brethren.  DoubtleSf;  I  will  avenge  my  nation,  and 
the  sanctuary,  and  our  wives,  and  our  children  ;  for  all  the 
heathen  are  gathered  to  destroy  us  of  every  malice.  Now,  as 
soon  as  the  people  heard  these  words,  their  spirit  revived. 
And  they  answered  with  a  loud  voice,  saying,  Thou  shah  be 
our  leader  instead  of  Judas  and  Jonathan  thy  brother.  Fight 
thou  our  battles,  and  whatsoever  thou  commandest  us,  that 
will  we  do.  So  then  he  gathered  together  all  the  men  of  war, 
and  made  haste  to  finish  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  he  forti- 
fied it  round  about.  Also  he  sent  Jonathan  the  son  of  Absa- 
lom, and  with  him  a  great  power,  to  Joppa :  who,  cast- 
ing out  them  that  were  therein,  remained  there  in  it     S* 


6  THE   MACCABEAN   PRINCES. 

Tryphon  removed  from  Ptolemais  with  a  great  power  to 
invade  the  land  of  Judea ;  and  Jonathan  was  with  him  in 
ward.  But  Simon  pitched  his  tents  at  Adida,  over  against 
the  plain.  Now  when  Tryphon  knew  that  Simon  was  risen 
up  instead  of  his  brother  Jonathan,  and  meant  to  join  battle 
with  him,  he  sent  messengers  unto  hinli  saying,  whereas  we 
have  Jonathan  thy  brother  in  hold,  it  is  for  money  that  he  is 
owing  unto  the  king's  treasure,  concerning  the  business  that 
was  committed  unto  him.  Wherefore  now  send  an  hundred 
talents  of  silver,  and  two  of  his  sons  for  hostages,  that,  whien 
he  is  at  liberty,  he  may  not  revolt  from  us,  and  we  will  let  him 
go.  Hereupon  Simon,  albeit  he  perceived  that  they  spake  de- 
ceitfully unto  him,  yet  sent  he  the  money  and  the  children,  lest 
perad venture  he  should  procure  to  himself  great  hatred  of  the 
people :  who  might  have  said,  because  I  sent  him  not  the 
money  and  the  children,  therefore  is  Jonathan  dead.  So  he 
sent  them  the  children  and  the  hundred  talents ;  howbeit 
Tryphon  dissembled,  neither  would  he  let  Jonathan  go.  And 
after  this  came  Tryphon  to  invade  the  land,  and  destroy  it, 
going  round  about  by  the  way  that  leadeth  unto  Adora :  but 
Simon  and  his  host  marched  against  him  in  every  place 
wheresoever  he  went.  Now  they  that  were  in  the  tower  sent 
messengers  unto  Tryphon,  to  the  end  that  he  should  hasten 
his  coming  unto  them  by  the  wilderness,  and  send  them  vic- 
tuals. Wherefore  Tryphon  made  ready  all  his  horsemen  to 
come  that  night :  but  there  fell  a  very  great  snow,  by  reason 
whereof  he  came  not.  So  he  departed,  and  came  into  the 
country  of  Galaad.  And  when  he  came  near  to  Bascama,  he 
slew  Jonathan,  who  was  buried  there.  Afterward  Tryphon 
returned,  and  went  into  his  own  land.  Then  sent  Simon,  and 
took  the  bones  of  Jonathan  his  brother,  and  buried  them  in 
Modin,  the  city  of  his  fathers.  And  all  Israel  made  great  la- 
mentation for  him,  and  bewailed  him  many  days.  Simon 
also  built  a  monument  upon  the  sepulchre  oi  his  father  and 
his  brethren,  and  raised  it  aloft  to  the  sight,  with  hewn  stone 
behind  and  before.  Moreover  he  set  up  seven  pyramids,  one 
against  another,  for  his  father,  and  his  mother,  and  his  four 
brethren.  And  in  these  he  made  cunning  devices,  about  the 
which  he  set  great  pillars,  and  upon  the  pillars  he  made  all 
their  armour  for  a  perpetual  memory,  and  by  the  armour 
ships  carved,  that  they  might  be  seen  of  all  that  sail  on  the 
sea.  This  is  the  sepulchre  which  he  made  at  Modin,  and  it 
standeth  yet  unto  this  day.  Now  Tryphon  deah  deceitfully 
with  the  young  king  Antiochus,  and  slew  him.     And  ho 


=# 


THK    MACCABEAN    PRINCES.  7 

Beigrt«d  in  iiM  stead,  and  crowned  himself  king  of  Asia,  and 
brought  a  great  calamity  upon  the  land.  Then  Simon  buih 
up  the  stronghtrlds  in  Judea,  and  fenced  them  about  with  high 
towers,  and  groat  walls,  and  gates,  and  bars,  and  laid  up  vic- 
tuals therein.  Moreover,  Simon  chose  men,  and  sent  to  king 
Demetrius,  to  the  end  he  should  give  the  land  an  immunity, 
because  all  that  Tryphon  did  was  to  spoil.  Unto  whom  king 
Demetrius  answe/eid,  and  wrote  after  this  manner  :  King  De- 
metrius unto  Simon  the  high-priest,  and  friend  of  kings,  as 
also  unto  the  elders  and  nation  of  the  Jews,  sendeth  greetings 
The  golden  crown,  and  the  scarlet  robe,  which  ye  sent  unto 
us,  we  have  received :  and  we  are  ready  to  make  a  stedfasl 
peace  with  you,  yea,  and  to  write  unto  our  officers,  to  confirm 
the  immunities  which  we  have  granted.  And  whatsoever 
covenants  we  have  made  with  you  shall  stand  ;  and  the 
strongholds,  which  ye  have  builded,  shall  be  your  own.  As 
for  any  oversight  or  fault  committed  unto  this  day,  we  forgive 
it,  and  the  crown  tax  also  which  ye  owe  us :  and  if  there 
were  any  other  tribute  paid  in  Jerusalem,  it  shall  no  more  be 

f)aid.  And  look  who  are  meet  among  you  to  be  in  our  court, 
et  them  be  enrolled,  and  Jet  there  be  peace  betwixt  us.  Thus 
the  yoke  of  the  heathen  was  taken  away  from  Israel  in  the 
hundred  and  seventieth  year.  Then  the  people  of  Israel  be- 
gan to  write  in  their  instruments  and  contracts,  in  the  first 
year  of  Simon  the  high-priest,  the  governor  and  leader  of  the 
Jews.  In  those  days  Simon  camped  against  Gaza,  and  be- 
sieged it  round  about ;  he  made  also  an  engine  of  war,  and 
set  it  by  the  city,  and  battered  a  certain  tower,  and  took  it , 
And  they  that  were  in  the  engine  leaped  into  the  city ;  where-" 
upon  there  was  a  great  upioar  in  the  city:  insomuch  as  the 
people  of  the  city  rent  their  clothes,  and  climbed  upon  the 
walls  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  cried  with  a  loud 
voice,  beseeching  Simon  to  tyrant  them  peace.  And  they  said, 
Deal  not  with  us  according  to  our  wickedness,  but  according 
10  thy  mercy.  So  Simon  was  appeased  toward  them,  and 
fought  no  more  against  them,  but  put  them  out  of  the  city,  and 
cleansed  the  houses  wherein  the  idols  were,  and  so  entered 
into  it  with  songs  and  thanksgiving.  Yea,  he  put  all  unclean- 
ness  out  of  it,  and  placed  such  men  there  as  would  keep  the 
law,  and  made  it  stronger  than  it  was  before,  and  built  therein 
a  dwelling-place  for  himself  They  also  of  the  tower  in 
Jerusalem  were  kept  so  strait,  that  they  could  neither  come 
forth,  nor  go  into  the  country,  nor  buy,  nor  sell :  wherefore 
they  were  in  great  distress  for  want  of  victuals,  and  a  grea^** 


6  THE   MACCABEAN    PRINCES. 

numoer  of  them  perished  through  famine.  Then  cried  they 
to  Simon,  beseeching  him  to  be  at  one  with  them ;  which  thing 
he  granted  them:  and  when  he  had  put  them  out  from  thence, 
he  cleansed  the  tower  from  pollutions  ;  and  entered  into  it 
the  three  and  twentieth  day  of  the  second  month,  in  the  hun- 
dred seventy  and  first  year,  with  thanksgiving,  and  branches 
of  palm-trees,  and  with  harps  and  cymbals,  and  with  viols, 
and  hymns,  and  songs ;  because  there  was  destroyed  a  great 
enemy  out  of  Israel.  He  ordained  also  that  that  day  should 
be  kept  every  year  with  gladness.  Moreover,  the  hill  of  the 
temple  that  was  by  the  tower  he  made  stronger  than  it  was, 
and  there  he  dwelt  himself  with  his  company.  And  when 
Simon  saw  that  John  his  son  was  a  valiant  man,  he  made  him 
captain  of  all  the  hosts  ;  and  he  dwelt  in  Gazara." 

Simon  doubtless  regarded  the  imprisonment  of  Demetrius 
in  Parthia  an  adverse  event ;  but  it  happily  did  not  long  pre- 
vent the  fall  of  Tryphon,  the  deceitful  and  cruel  enemy  of  the 
Jews :  for  the  very  deeds  by  which  he  imagined  that  he  had 
fully  attained  the  summit  of  his  ambition  hastened  his  ruin. 
The  death  of  Jonathan  dissipated  his  fear  of  the  Jews  ;  he  im- 
mediately mmrdered  the  young  prince,  and  ascended  the 
throne  of  Syria.  His  power  was  soon  broken  ;  for  Cleopatra, 
despairing  of  the  liberation  of  her  husband,  requested  his  bro- 
ther, Antiochus  Sidetes,  who  resided  at  Rhodes,  to  join  her  at 
Seleucus,  where  she  had  found  an  asylum,  and  was  surrounded 
by  many  of  the  military.  The  message  was  acceptable,  and 
Antiochus  was  not  slow  to  assume  the  title  of  the  king  of  Sy- 
ria. He  raised  an  army  of  mercenaries  in  Asia  and  Greece, 
but  before  entering  Syria  he  endeavoured  to  secure  the  assist- 
ance of  the  Jews.  They  had  already  acquired,  by  their  val- 
our, almost  all  the  privileges  which  a  Syrian  monarch  could 
grant  them ;  and  they  had  conferred  on  Simon  their  chief  all 
the  dignity  and  power  which  he  could  desire.  The  great 
council  of  his  nation  had  publicly  constituted  him  the  sover- 
eign prince  and.  high-priest  of  the  nation,  with  power  to  con- 
vey these  dignities  to  his  posterity.  And  he  had  been  still 
more  gratified  by  the  acts  of  the  council  being  approved  by 
his  most  powerful  allies.  "  Now,"  says  the  Maccabean  his- 
torian, "  when  it  was  heard  at  Rome,  and  as  far  as  Sparta, 
that  Jonathan  was  dead,  they  were  very  sorry.  But  as  soon 
as  they  heard  that  his  brother  Simon  was  made  high-priest  in 
1113  stead,  and  ruled  the  country,  and  the  cities  therein,  they 
wrote  unto  him,  in  tables  of  brass,  to  renew  the  friendship 
and  league  which  they  had  made  with  Judas  and  Jonathajt 


i^  m 


THE   MACCABEAN    PRINCES.  9 

his  brethren:  which  writings  were  read  before  the  congrega- 
tion at  Jerusalem.  And  this  is  the  copy  of  the  letters  that  the 
Lacedemonians  sent:  The  rulers  of  the  Lacedemonians,  with 
the  city,  unto  Simon  the  high-priest,  and  the  elders,  and  priests, 
and  residue  of  the  people  of  the  Jews,  our  brethren,  send 
greeting:  the  ambassadors  that  were  sent  unto  our  people 
certified  us  of  your  glory  and  honour:  wherefore,  we  were 
glad  of  their  coming,  and  did  register  the  things  that  they 
spake  in  the  council  of  the  people  in  this  manner  :  Neume- 
nius,  son  of  Antiochus,  and  Antipater,  son  of  Jason,  the  Jews' 
ambassadors,  came  unto  us  to  renew  the  friendship  they  had 
with  us.  And  it  pleased  the  people  to  entertain  the  men  hon- 
ourably, and  to  put  the  copy  of  their  ambassage  in  public  re- 
cords, to  the  end  the  people  of  the  Lacedemonians  might  have 
a  memorial  thereof:  furthermore,  we  have  written  a  copy 
thereof  unto  Simon  the  high-priest.  After  this,  Simon  sent 
Neumenius  to  Rome  with  a  great  shield  of  gold  of  a  thou- 
sand pound  weight,  to  confirm  the  league  with  them  :  whereof 
when  the  people  heard,  they  said.  What  thanks  shall  we  give 
to  Simon  and  his  sons?  For  he,  and  his  brethren,  and  the 
house  of  his  father,  have  established  Israel,  and  chased  away  in 
fight  their  enemies  from  them,  and  confirmed  their  liberty.  So 
then  they  wrote  it  in  tables  of  brass,  which  they  set  upon  pil- 
lars in  mount  Sion,  in  the  third  year  of  Simon  the  high-priest." 
Simon's  grateful  acknowledgment  of  the  friendship  of  the  Ro- 
mans, and  his  munificent  present,  were  so  agreeable  to  them, 
that  the  Senate  ordered  Lucius  Cornelius  Piso,  one  of  the  con- 
suls, to  recommend  the  Jews  to  the  principal  allies  of  Rome. 
"  Lucius,  consul  of  the  Romans,  unto  king  Ptolemee,  greeting: 
The  Jews'  ambassadors,  our  friends  and  confederates,  came  unto 
us  to  renew  the  old  friendship  and  league,  being  sent  from 
Simon  the  high-priest,  and  from  the  people  of  the  Jews :  and 
they  brought  a  shield  of  gold  of  a  thousand  pound.  We 
thought  it  good  therefore  to  write  unto  the  kings  and  coun- 
tries, that  they  should  do  them  no  harm,  nor  fight  against 
them,  their  cities  or  countries,  nor  yet  aid  their  enemies  against 
them.  It  seemed  also  good  to  us  to  receive  the  shield  of  them. 
If  therefore  there  be  any  pestilent  fellows  that  have  fled  from 
their  country  unto  you,  deliver  them  unto  Simon  the  high- 
priest,  that  he  may  punish  them  according  to  their  own  law. 
The  same  things  wrote  he  likewise  unto  Demetrius  the  king, 
and  Attains,  to  Ariarathes,  and  Arsaces,  and  to  all  the  countries, 
and  to  Sampsames,  and  the  Lacedemonians,  and  to  Delus, 
and  Myndus,  and  Sicyon,  and  Caria,  and  Samos,  and  Panr 


J 


--m 


]0  TOE   MACCABEAN    PRINCES. 

phylia,  and  Lycia,  and  Halicarnassus,  and  Rhodus,  and  Pha- 
sells,  and  Cos,  and  Side,  and  Aradus,  and  Gortyna,  and  Cnidus, 
and  Cyprus  and  Cyrene.  And  the  copy  hereof  they  wrote  to 
Simon  the  high-priest." 

The  letter  of  Antiochus  Sidetes,  besides  conceding  all  that 
any  of  his  predecessors  had  given  the  Jews,  authorised  Simon 
to  coin  money  in  his  own  name,  and  thus  left  him  nothing  to 
desire  as  a  sovereign,  independent  prince.  He  added,  "  And 
as  concerning  Jerusalem,  and  the  sanctuary,  let  them  be  free ; 
and  all  the  armour  that  thou  hast  made,  fortresses  that  thou 
hast  built,  and  keepest  in  thine  hands,  let  them  remain  unto 
thee.  And  if  any  thing  be,  or  shall  be,  owing  to  the  king, 
let  it  be  forgiven  thee  from  this  time  forth  for  evermore.  Fur- 
thermore, when  we  have  obtained  our  kingdom,  we  will 
honour  thee,  and  thy  nation,  and  thy  temple,  with  great 
honour,  so  that  your  honour  shall  be  known  throughout  the 
world."  Simon  availed  himself  of  the  uncommon  grant  to 
coin  money ;  for  some  of  his  coins  are  extant,  and  bear  various 
inscriptions  in  the  old  Samaritan  character. 

Secure  of  the  favour  of  Simon,  A  ntiochus  conducted  a  fleet 
and  many  troops  to  Seleucia ;  and  having  greatly  increased 
his  army,  till  it  amounted  to  one  hundred  thousand  foot  and 
eight  thousand  horse,  he  advanced  against  Tryphon.  The 
usurper  could  not  raise  troops  to  meet  him ;  he  therefore 
retreated  to  Dora,  a  strong  place  near  Ptolemais,  but  find- 
ing himself  unable  to  defend  the  place,  he  fled  by  sea  to  Or- 
thosea,  a  seaport  not  far  distant,  and  thence  departed  to  Apa- 
mea,  his  native  town,  where  he  was  taken  and  put  to  death. 

When  Antiochus  perceived  the  feebleness  of  his  antago- 
nist, he  indignantly  refused  the  aid  sent  him  by  Simon,  which 
consisted  of  twO  thousand  men,  silver  and  gold,  and  much 
armour.  He  perhaps  pretended  that  the  smallness  of  the  gift 
sufficiently  justified  the  violation  of  the  promises  by  which 
he  had  propitiated  the  favour  of  the  Jews.  While  he  besieged 
Dora,  he  commissioned  Athenobius  to  proceed  to  Jerusalem, 
and  demand  Simon  to  deliver  up  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem, 
Joppa,  and  Gazara,  and  every  place  beyond  the  boundaries 
of  Judea,  or  remit  for  the  latter  a  thousand  talents,  as  the 
only  means  of  avoiding  war  with  Syria.  The  messenger's 
report  to  his  master  confirmed  him  in  his  unjust  designs,  for 
he  declared  that  the  splendour  and  riches  of  Simon  and  the 
city  astonished  him.  This  excited  the  cupidity  of  Antiochus, 
and  the  answer  of  Simon  stirred  up  his  wrath.  "  We  have," 
said  the  Jewish  prince,  "  neither  taken  other  men's  land,  nor 


=# 


»-. 


THE    MACCABEAN   PRINCES.  11 

holden  that  which  appertaineth  to  others,  but  the  inheritance 
of  our  fathers,  which  our  enemies  had  wrongfully  in  posses- 
sion a  certain  time.  Wherefore  we,  having  opportunity,  hold 
the  inheritance  of  our  fathers.  And  whereas  thou  demandest 
Joppa  and  Gazara,  albeit  they  did  great  harm  unto  the  people 
in  our  country,  yet  will  we  give  an  hundred  talents  for  them. 
Hereunto  Athenobius  answered  him  not  a  word."  Antio- 
chus  instantly  ordered  Cendebeus,  one  of  his  most  distin- 
guished generals,  to  lead  a  considerable  army  against  the 
Jews.  The  Syrian  general,  placing  a  large  garrison  in  Ce- 
dron,  which  was  probably  a  strong  position,  on  the  road  to 
Jerusalem,  proceeded  to  lay  waste  the  districts  of  Jamnia. 
•'  Then  came  up  John  from  Gazara,  and  told  Simon  his  fa- 
ther what  Cendebeus  had  done.  Wherefore  Simon  called 
his  two  eldest  sons,  Judas  and  John,  and  said  unto  them,  I 
and  my  brethren,  and  my  father's  house,  have  ever,  from 
our  youth  unto  this  day,  fought  against  the  enemies  of  Is- 
rael ;  and  things  have  prospered  so  well  in  our  hands,  that 
we  have  delivered  Israel  oftentimes.  But  now  I  am  old,  and 
ye,  by  God's  mercy,  are  of  a  sufficient  age :  be  ye  instead  of 
me  and  my  brother,  and  go  and  fight  for  our  nation,  and  the 
help  from  Heaven  be  with  you.  So  he  chose  out  of  the  coun- 
try twenty  thousand  men  of  war,  with  horsemen,  who  went 
out  against  Cendebeus,  and  rested  that  night  at  Mod  in.  And 
when  as  they  rose  in  the  morning,  and  went  into  the  plain, 
behold,  a  mighty  great  host,  both  of  footmen  and  horsemen, 
came  against  them:  howbeit  there  was  a  water-brook  betwixt 
them.  So  he  and  his  people  pitched  over  against  them,  and 
when  he  saw- that  the  people  were  afraid  to  go  over  the  wa- 
ter-brook, he  went  first  over  himself,  and  then  the  men  seeing 
him,  passed  through  after  him.  That  done,  he  divided  his 
men,  and  set  the  horsemen  in  the  midst  of  the  footmen :  for 
the  enemy's  horsemen  were  very  many.  Then  sounded 
they  with  the  holy  trumpets :  whereupon  Cendebeus  and  his 
host  were  put  to  flight,  so  that  many  of  them  were  slain,  and 
the  remnant  gat  them  to  the  stronghold.  At  that  time  was 
Judas,  John's  brother,  wounded :  but  John  still  followed  after 
them,  until  he  came  to  Cedron,  which  Cendebeus  had  buiit. 
So  they  fled  even  unto  the  towers  in  the  fields  of  Azotus, 
wherefore  he  burnt  it  with  fire:  so  that  there  were  slain  of 
them  about  two  thousand  men.  Afterward  he  returned  into  - 
the  land  of  Judea  in  peace." 

The  exaltation  of  Simons  sons  roused  the  envy  of  their 
brother-in-law,  Rolemy  Abubus,  who,'as  gove;-nor  of  Jerichi^ 


I 


Cl 


I 


-m 


12  THE   MACCABEAN    PRINCES. 

had  acquired  immense  wealth.  Receiving-  with  great  show 
of  affection  his  father-in-law,  his  wife,  and  their  sons  Matthias 
and  Judas,  in  the  time  of  the  rich  feast  prepared  for  them,  he 
treacherously  put  them  all  to  death,  and  sent  messengers  to 
kill  John  and  his  two  sons,  in  his  house  at  Gazara.  John 
was  apprized  of  their  coming,  and  speedily  sought  refuge  in 
Jerusalem,  before  Ptolemy  had  reached  that  city,  whose  gates 
were  shut  against  him.  This  event  plunged  the  nation  into 
great  perplexity,  but  they  were  consoled  by  reflection  on  the 
Divine  providence  which  had  preserved  John,  whom  they 
had  been  for  sometime  accustomed  to  regard  as  the  successor 
of  his  father,  whose  memory  was  dear  to  them,  and  his  mel- 
ancholy end  universally  lamented.  Simon's  reign  of  eight 
years  had  been  more  happy  and  prosperous  than  that  of  his 
predecessors.  The  statement  of  the  historian,  comparatively 
speaking,  is  correct,  that  "Judea  was  quiet  all  his  days;  for 
he  sought  the  good  of  his  nation  in  such  wise,  as  that  ever- 
more his  authority  and  honour  pleased  them  well.  And  as 
he  was  honourable  in  all  his  acts,  so  in  this,  that  he  took 
Joppe  for  an  haven,  and  made  an  entrance  to  the  isles  of  the 
sea;  and  enlarged  the  bounds  of  his  nation,  and  recovered 
the  country ;  and  gathered  together  a  great  number  of  cap- 
tives, and  had  the  dominion  of  Gazara,  and  Bethsura,  and 
the  tower  out  of  the  which  he  took  all  uncleanness ;  neither 
was  there  any  that  resisted  him.  Then  did  they  till  their 
ground  in  peace,  and  the  earth  gave  her  increase,  and  the 
trees  of  the  field  their  fruit.  The  ancient  men  sat  all  in  the 
streets,  communing  together  of  good  things,  and  the  young 
men  put  on  glorious  and  warlike  apparel.  He  provided  vic- 
tuals for  the  cities,  and  set  in  them  all  manner  of  munition, 
so  that  his  honourable  name  was  renowned  unto  the  end  of 
the  world.  He  made  peace  in  the  land,  and  Israel  rejoiced 
with  great  joy :  for  every  man  sat  under  his  vine  and  his  fig- 
tree,  and  there  was  none  to  fray  them :  neither  was  there  any 
left  in  the  land  to  fight  against  them :  yea,  the  kings  them- 
selves were  overthrown  in  those  days.  Moreover,  he  strength- 
ened all  those  of  his  people  that  were  brought  low :  the  law 
he  searched  out,  and  every  contemner  of  the  law  and  wicked 
person,  he  took  away.  He  beautified  the  sanctuary,  and 
multiplied  the  vessels  of  the  temple." 

John,  surnamed  Hyrcanus,  inherited  the  vigorous  talents 
and  the  patriotic  spirit  of  his  family.  He  was  at  once  accept- 
ed as  the  successor  of  his  father,  b.  c.  135,  and  his  life  aug- 
mented the  glory  of  his  nation.     The  murderer  Ptolemy, 


=w 


THE    BIACCABEAN    PRINCES.  13 

like  a  wild  beast,  whom  the  dexterous  hunter  has  deprived 
of  his  prey,  growling,  fled  from  Jerusalem,  and  sought  re- 
fuge in  Dagon,  one  of  the  fortresses  above  Jericho.  Having 
in  vain  tried  to  seduce  some  of  the  principal  persons  to  sup- 
port his  illegal  pretensions  to  the  supreme  power,  he  became 
the  traitor  of  his  country.  He  wrote  Antiochus  Sidetes,  and 
pledged  himself  to  deliver  Judea  into  his  hands,  on  condition 
of  receiving  the  appointment  of  governor.  He  had  not,  how- 
ever, courage  to  wait  the  arrival  of  Syrian  troops.  Terrified 
by  the  appearance  of  Hyrcanus,  whose  troops  laid  siege  to 
Dagon,  he  escaped  to  Philadelphia  in  Asia-Minor.  The 
future  history  of  this  rich,  but  vile  and  contemptible  person, 
is  unknown. 

The  calamitous  state  of  the  Jews  encouraged  Antiochus 
Sidetes  to  lead  a  large  army  into  Judea.  "  Hyrcanus  was  ob- 
liged to  shut  himself  up  in  Jerusalem,  where  he  sustained  a 
long  siege  with  incredible  valour.  Reduced  at  length  to  the 
last  extremity  for  want  of  provisions,  he  caused  proposals  of 
peace  to  be  made  to  the  king.  His  condition  was  not  known 
in  the  camp.  Those  who  were  about  the  king's  person  pressed 
him  to  take  the  advantage  of  the  present  occasion  for  ex- 
terminating the  Jewish  nation.  They  represented  to  him,  re- 
curring to  past  ages,  that  they  had  been  driven  out  of  Egypt 
as  impious  wretches,  hated  by  the  gods,  and  abhorred  by  men ; 
that  they  were  enemies  to  all  the  rest  of  mankind,  as  they  had 
no  communication  with  any  but  those  of  their  own  sect,  and 
would  neither  eat,  drink,  nor  have  any  familiarity  with  other 
people  ;  that  they  did  not  adore  the  same  gods  ;  that  they  had 
laws,  customs,  and  a  religion,  entirely  different  from  that  of 
all  other  nations ;  that  therefore  they  well  deserved  to  be  treated 
by  other  nations  with  equal  contempt,  and  to  be  rendered  ha- 
tred for  hatred  ;  and  that  all  people  ought  to  unite  in  extirpa- 
ting them.  Diodorus  Siculus,  as  well  as  Josephus,  says,  it 
was  from  the  pure  effect  of  the  generosity  and  clemency  of 
Antiochus,  that  the  Jewish  nation  was  not  entirely  destroyed 
on  this  occasion."  Probably,  however,  their  deliverance 
ought  rather  to  be  traced  to  the  circumstances  at  that  time  of 
the  Syrian  empire.  Antiochus,  doubtless,  was  aware  that  the 
Parthians  contemplated  to  add  Syria  to  their  dominions,  and 
were  prepared  to  invade  it  under  the  pretence  of  re-establishing 
king  Demetrius,  their  prisoner,  on  his  throne.  To  avert  this 
danger,  Antiochus  resolved  to  advance  into  Parthia,  and  he 
possibly  thought  it  was  more  his  interest  to  make  Hyrcanus 
an  ally  than  a  revengeful  enemy.     Be  this  as  it  may,  he  re- 

VOL.  n.  2 


1 


1 


^  THE    MACCABEAN   PI^INQ^^S. 

garded  not  the  opinions  of  his  courtiers,  who  sought  the  sub- 
jugation of  Judea,  and  granted  the  Jews  peace ;  not,  however, 
on  favourable  terms,  for  he  demanded  that  the  besieged  should 
surrender  their  arms ;  that  the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem 
should  be  demolished ;  and  that  a  tribute  should  be  paid  to 
the  king  for  Joppa,  and  for  the  other  cities  which  the  Jews 
had  out  of  Judea ;  and  that  the  citadel  commanding  the  tem- 
ple, which  had  been  erased,  and  the  lofty  site  of  it  levelled, 
should  be  rebuilt,  and  garrisoned  by  the  king's  troops.  The 
latter  condition  Hyrcanus  evaded,  by  paying  five  hundred 
talents.  The  capitulation  was  executed,  and  a  brother  of  the 
Jewish  prince,  and  some  other  great  personages,  were  sent 
hostages  to  secure  the  observance  of  all  the  articles  of  the 
treaty. 

Hyrcanus  accompanied  Antiochus  in  his  fatal  expedition 
into  the  East,  and  largely  shared  in  the  triumphs  of  the  first 
campaign,  when  he  returned  to  Jerusalem  laden  with  military 
glory.  Antiochus  dispersed  his  army  over  the  conquered  pro- 
vinces, which  included  all  which  had  originally  belonged  to 
the  Seleucidffi,  except  Parthia.  The  inhabitants  were  plun- 
dered, and  in  one  of  the  insurrections  that  followed,  Antiochus 
was  slain.  His  throne  was  taken  possession  of  by  Demetrius, 
who  had  been  liberated,  and  sent  by  the  Parthians,  at  the  head 
of  an  army,  into  Syria,  in  order  to  compel  Antiochus  to  with- 
draw his  troops  from  Parthia. 

From  this  time  the  Syrian  power  was  crushed  by  seditions, 
anarchy,  or  revolutions,  till  at  last  it  was  reduced  into  a  Ro- 
man province.  The  Egyptians  were  too  much  occupied  with 
their  affairs  to  interfere  with  those  of  other  nations  ;  and  the 
other  nations  usually  opposed  to  the  Jews  were  not  in  a  state 
to  do  them  much  injury.  Hyrcanus  was  thus  left  to  pursue, 
without  interruption,  the  schemes  which  he  deemed  calculated 
to  advance  the  interests  of  his  people.  He  greatly  augmented 
his  army,  and,  to  eflect  this,  employed  mercenary  troops,  a 
custom  equally  opposed  to  the  laws  of  his  country,  and  to  the 
example  of  all  the  pious  kings  and  princes  of  Israel,  in  past 
generations.  To  supply  his  finances,  Josephus  reports,  that 
he  opened  the  sepulchres  of  David  and  others  of  the  ancient 
kings,  in  hope  of  finding  treasures,  and  if  we  may  believe  the 
improbable  story  df  the  historian,  he  was  not  disappointed ; 
but  he  took  only  a  portion,  amounting  to  three  thousand  ta- 
lents. Having  been  informed  of  the  death  of  Antiochus,  he 
made  an  invasion  into  Syria,  and  captured  several  cities.  He 
next  reduced  Shechem  and  Gerizim,  and  demolished  the  Sa 


THE    MACCABEAN    PRINCES.  15 

maritan  temple,  two  hundred  years  after  its  erection.  The 
year  130  before  the  Christian  era  was  memorable  for  the  com- 
plete subjugation  of  the  Idumeans,  who  were  compelled,  by 
Hyrcanus,  to  emigrate  from  their  lands,  or  submit  to  circum- 
cision and  the  laws  of  Moses.  From  this  date  they  ceased  to 
be  known  as  a  nation,  for  all  who  were  not  incorporated  with 
the  Jews  were  dispersed  and  mingled  with  other  nations. 
Hundreds  of  years  earlier  they  were  warned  by  the  prophet, 
that  their  continued  existence  was  suspended  by  Heaven  on 
condition  of  their  humbly  uniting  with  the  Jews,  whom  they 
had  always  hated  and  persecuted;  Isa.  xxi.  11,  12. 

About  this  time  Hyrcanus,  probably  to  guard  himself 
against  any  machinations  of  Demetrius,  who  had  repossessed 
himself  of  the  throne  of  Syria,  sent  an  embassy  to  Rome,  of 
which  Josephus  thus  writes :  ''  Fanius,  son  of  Marcus,  the 
prffitor,  gathered  the  senate  together  on  the  eighth  day  before 
the  ides  of  Febuary,  in  the  senate-house,  when  Lucius  Man- 
lius,  the  son  of  Lucius,  of  the  Mentine  tribe,  and  Caius  Sem- 
pronius,  the  son  of  Caius,  of  the  Falernian  tribe,  were 
present.  The  occasion  was,  that  the  ambassadors  sent  by  the 
people  of  the  Jews,  Simon,  the  son  of  Dositheus,  and  Apol- 
lonius,  the  son  of  Alexander,  and  Diodorus,  the  son  of  Jason, 
who  were  good  and  virtuous  men,  had  somewhat  to  propose 
about  that  league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assistance  which 
subsisted  between  them  and  the  Romans,  and  about  other  pub- 
lic affairs,  who  desired  that  Joppa,  and  the  havens,  and  Gaza- 
ra,  and  the  springs  of  Jordan,  and  the  several  other  cities  and 
countries  of  theirs,  which  Antiochus  had  taken  from  them  in 
the  war,  contrary  to  the  decree  of  the  senate,  might  be  restored 
to  them ;  and  that  it  might  not  be  lawful  for  the  king's  troops 
to  pass  through  their  country,  and  the  countries  of  those  that 
are  subject  to  them :  and  that  what  attempts  Antiochus  had 
made  during  that  war,  without  the  decree  of  the  senate,  might 
be  made  void :  and  that  they  would  send  ambassadors,  who 
should  take  care  that  restitution  be  made  them  of  what  Antio- 
chus had  taken  from  them,  and  that  they  should  make  an  es- 
timate of  the  country  that  had  been  laid  waste  in  the  war : 
and  that  they  would  grant  them  letters  of  protection  to  the 
kings  and  free  people,  in  order  to  their  quiet  return  home. 
It  was  therefore  decreed  as  to  these  points,  to  renew  their 
league  of  friendship  and  mutual  assistance  with  these  goou 
men,  and  who  were  sent  by  a  good  and  a  friendly  people. — 
But  as  to  the  letters  desired,  their  answer  was,  that  the  senate 
would  consuk  about  that  matter  when  their  own  affairs  would 


#= 


J 


I 


I 


16  THE    MACCABEAN    PRINCES. 

give  them  leave,  and  that  they  would  endeavour,  for  the  time 
to  come,  that  no  like  injury  should  be  done  them :  and  that 
their  praetor  Fanius  should  give  them  money  out  of  the  public 
treasury  to  bear  their  expenses  home.  And  thus  did  Fanius 
dismiss  the  Jewish  ambassadors,  and  gave  them  money  out  of 
the  public  treasury ;  and  gave  the  decree  of  the  senate  to  those 
that  were  to  conduct  them,  and  to  take  care  that  they  should 
return  home  in  safety."  Adversity  had  produced  no  salutary 
effect  on  the  mind,  dispositions,  habits,  or  manners  of  Deme- 
trius. He  was  universally  dreaded  or  hated  on  account  of  his 
tyranny,  haughtiness,  and  sensuality ;  and  the  Syrians  exulted 
in  the  opportunity  to  revolt,  while  he  was  with  his  troops  in 
Egypt  assisting  Cleopatra  to  depose  her  most  profligate  and 
savage  husband,  Ptolemy  Physcon.  The  latter,  in  revenge, 
choose  Alexander  Zebina,  the  son  of  a  broker  in  Alexandria, 
to  proceed  to  Syria,  and,  under  the  pretence  of  being  the  son 
of  Alexander  Balas,  claim  the  crown.  The  Syrians  hailed 
the  impostor,  and,  following  him,  defeated  Demetrius,  who 
had  returned  to  subdue  the  insurgents.  His  army  being  de- 
stroyed or  dispersed,  Demetrius  sought  an  asylum  in  Tyre ;  but 
the  citizens  put  him  to  death.  Zebina  strengthened  his  power 
by  a  friendly  alliance  with  Hyrcanus,  who,  like  Simon,  seems  to 
have  concerned  himself  little  who  reigned  in  Syria,  provided 
its  sovereign  permitted  the  Jews  to  enjoy  their  liberty  and  in- 
dependence, Alexander  Zel)ina  had  been  secretly  supported 
by  Cleopatra,  widow  of  the  late  king  Demetrius ;  and  he  di- 
vided with  her  the  kingdom.  In  consequence  of  her  eldest 
son  Seleucus  having  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  king, 
she  sought  an  interview  with  him,  and  pierced  him  with  a 
dart.  This  occasioned  the  revolt  of  some  provinces,  and  Cleo- 
patra saw  it  expedient  to  call  her  second  son,  Antiochus  Gry- 
pus,  from  Athens,  where  he  had  been  placed  for  his  educa- 
tion. Proclaiming  him  king,  she  ruled  in  his  name,  and  was 
assisted  by  Ptolemy  Physcon,  who  deserted  Zebina,  because 
he  declined  to  acknowledge  himself  a  tributary  to  Egypt. 
Young  Grypus  married  Tryphaena,  a  daughter  of  Physcon, 
and  by  the  aid  of  Egyptian  troops  overcame  Zebina.  He 
soon  after  put  his  mother  to  death.  Her  son,  Antiochus  Cy- 
zicenes,  by  Antiochus  Sidetes,  was  not  long  in  claiming  the 
crown,  and  was  acknowledged  king  by  multitudes.  After 
various  combats,  the  brothers  agreed  to  divide  the  kingdom 
between  them.  Antiochus  Cyzicenes  reigned  over  Ccelo-Syria, 
and  fixed  on  Damascus  for  his  capital;  Antioch  was  the  resi- 
dence of  Antiochus  Grypus,  who  was  regarded  as  sovereign 


! 


m 


THE    MACCABEAN    PRINCES.  17 

of  all  the  other  provinces.  Both  these  princes  passed  a  short 
interval  of  peace  in  the  indulgence  of  the  most  debasing  pleas- 
ures, and  the  Syrian  kingdom  was  afterwards  almost  ruined 
by  their  wars,  and  the  contentions  of  their  heirs  or  rival 
claimants  for  the  crown.  The  Syrians  at  length,  to  rid  them- 
selves of  the  turbulent  ,and  bloody  race  of  the  Seleucida^,  of- 
fered, B.  c.  83,  the  crown  to  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  who 
possessed  almost  the  entire  kingdom,  in  peace,  eighteen  years. 

While  Egypt  and  Syria  were  gradually  fading  away,  or 
consumed  by  tyranny,  insurrections,  or  anarchy,  Hyrcanus 
governed  Judea  with  wisdom,  and  raised  her  to  distinction, 
so  as  to  command  the  continued  respect  of  the  proud  and  pros- 
perous Romans.  He  completely  subdued  the  Samaritans, 
who  had  never  omitted  an  opportunity  to  injure  the  Jewish 
people.  They  in  vain  procured  troops  from  Egypt  and  Sy- 
ria to  oppose  him.  These,  indeed  prevented  some  time  the 
fall  of  their  strong  capital.  But,  after  a  siege  of  a  whole  year, 
in  which  the  citizens  suffered  inexpressible  calamities,  Sama- 
ria fell,  and  was  completely  destroyed.  Hyrcanus,  by  collect- 
ing all  the  streams  in  the  vicinity,  rendered  the  site  a  waste, 
in  which  no  traces  of  a  city  remained,  till  the  time  of  Herod, 
who  raised  in  its  place  a  fine  city,  which  he  named  Sebaste, 
in  honour  of  Augustus.  Hyrcanus  also  conquered  all  the 
country  of  the  Philistines,  and  Galilee,  and  shed  a  lustre  on 
the  Jewish  people  far  more  splendid  than  had  been  seen  from 
the  time  of  their  restoration  from  Babylon.  The  Jews  were 
also  highly  honoured  by  Ptolemy  Philometor,  and,  after  his 
death,  by  Cleopatra,  the  repudiated  wife  of  his  most  unworthy 
brother  Ptolemy  Physcon. 

Of  the  state  of  the  Jews  in  Egypt  during  the  government 
of  Hyrcanus,  Josephus,  observes,  that  then  "  not  only  those  who 
were  at  Jerusalem  and  in  Judea  were  in  prosperity,  but  also  those 
of  them  that  were  at  Alexandria,  and  in  Egypt,  and  Cyprus; 
for  Cleopatra  the  queen  was  at  variance  w^ith  her  son  Ptole- 
my, who  was  called  Lathyrus,  and  appointed  for  her  generals, 
Cnelcias  and  Ananias,  the  sons  of  that  Onias  who  built  the 
temple  in  the  prefecture  of  Hcliopolis,  like  that  at  Jerusalem, 
as  we  have  elsewhere  related.  Cleopatra  intrusted  these 
men  with  her  army  ;  and  did  nothing  without  their  advice,  as 
Strabo  of  Cappadocia  attests,  when  he  saith  thus : — Now  the 
greater  part,  both  those  that  came  to  Cyprus  with  us,  and  those 
that  were  sent  afterward  thither,  revoked  to  Ptolemy  immedi- 
ately ;  only  those  that  were  called  Onias's  party  being  Jews, 
(continued  faithful,  because  their  countrymen  Chelcras  and 


\ 


^  THfi   MACCABEAN   PRINCES. 

Ananias  were  in  chief  favour  with  the  queen.  These  are  the 
words  of  Strabo.  However,  this  prosperous  state  of  affairs 
moved  the  Jews  to  envy  Hyrcanus ;  but  they  that  were  the 
worst  disposed  to  him  were  the  Pharisees,  who  are  one  of  the 
sects  of  the  Jews,  as  we  have  informed  you  already.  These 
have  so  great  a  power  over  the  multitude,  that  when  they  say 
anything  against  the  king  or  against  the  high-priest,  they  are 
presently  believed.  Now  Hyrcanus  was  a  disciple  of  theirs, 
and  greatly  beloved  by  them.  And  when  he  once  invited 
them  to  a  feast,  and  entertained  them  very  kindly,  when  he 
saw  them  in  a  good  humour,  he  began  to  say  to  them,  That 
they  knew  he  was  desirous  to  be  a  righteous  man,  and  to  do  all 
things  whereby  he  might  please  God,  which  was  the  profession 
ofthe  Pharisees  also.  However,  he  desired,  if  they  observed  him 
offending  in  any  point,  and  going  out  of  the  right  way,  they 
would  call  him  back  and  correct  him.  On  which  occasion 
they  attested  to  his  being  entirely  virtuous ;  with  which  com- 
mendation he  was  well  pleased  ;  but  still  there  was  one  of  his 
guests  there,  whose  name  was  Eleazar,  a  man  of  an  ill  temper, 
and  delighting  in  seditious  practices  This  man  said,  '  Since 
thou  desirest  to  know  the  truth,  if  thou  will  be  righteous  in  earn- 
est, lay  down  the  high-priesthood,  and  content  thyself  with  the 
civil  government  of  the  people.'  And  when  he  desired  to 
know  for  what  cause  he  ought  to  lay  down  the  high-priest- 
hood, the  other  replied,  •  We  have  heard  it  from  old  men,  that 
thy  mother  had  been  a  captive  under  the  reign  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes.'  This  story  was  false,  and  Hyrcanus  was  pro- 
voked against  him ;  and  all  the  Pharisees  had  a  very  great 
indignation  against  him.  Now  there  was  one  Jonathan,  a 
very  great  friend  of  Hyrcanus,  but  of  the  sect  of  the  Saddu- 
cees,  whose  notions  are  quite  contrary  to  those  of  the  Phari- 
sees ;  he  told  Hyrcanus  that  Eleazar  had  cast  such  a  reproach 
upon  him,  according  to  the  common  sentiments  of  all  the 
Pharisees,  and  that  this  would  be  made  manifest  if  he  would 
but  ask  him  the  question,  What  punishment  they  thought  this 
man  deserved  ? — for  that  he  might  depend  upon  it,  that  the 
reproach  was  not  laid  on  him  with  their  approbation,  if  they 
were  for  punishing  him  as  his  crime  deserved.  So  the  Phari- 
sees made  answer.  That  he  deserved  stripes  and  bonds ;  but 
that  it  did  not  seem  right  to  punish  reproaches  with  death ; 
and  indeed  the  Pharisees,  even  upon  other  occasions,  are  not 
apt  to  be  severe  in  punishments.  At  this  gentle  sentence, 
Hyrcanus  was  very  angry,  and  thought  that  this  man  re- 
proached him  by  their  approbation.     It  was  this  Jonathan  who 


THE    BfACCABEAN   PRINCES.  19 

chiefly  irritated  him,  and  influenced  him  so  far,  that  he  made 
him  leave  the  party  of  the  Pharisees,  and  abolish  the  decrees 
they  had  imposed  on  the  people^  and  punish  those  that  ob- 
served them.  From  this  source  arose  that  hatred  which  he 
and  his  sons  met  with  from  the  multitude.  But  when  Hyr- 
canus  had  put  an  end  to  this  sedition,  he  after  that  lived  hap- 
pily, and  administered  the  government  in  the  best  manner 
for  thirty-one  years,  and  then  died,  leaving  behind  him  five 
sons.  He  was  esteemed  by  God  worthy  of  the  three  privi- 
leges— the  government  of  bis  nation,  the  dignity  of  the  high- 
priesthood,  and  prophecy  ;  for  God  was  with  him,  and  enabled 
him  to  know  futurities ;  and,  in  particular,  that,  as  to  his  two 
eidest  sons,  he  foretold  that  they  would  not  long  continue  in 
the  government  of  public  affairs;  whose  unhappy  catastrophe 
will  be  worth  our  description,  that  we  may  thence  learn  how 
very  much  they  were  inferior  to  their  father's  happiness." 


# 


} 


CHAPTER  II. 


REIGN  OF  THE  MACCiCBEAN  KINGS. 

The  popularity  of  the  Maccabean  family  ceased  with  prince 
Hyrcanus.  The  people  never  forgave  his  alliance  with  the 
Sadducees.  This  sect  consisted  chiefly  of  men  of  rank  and 
pleasure.  The  multitude  admired  and  followed  the  Pharisees, 
who,  by  high  pretensions  to  patriotism,  disinterested  zeal  for 
religion  and  sacred  reverence  for  every  religious  observance, 
sanctioned  by  Moses,  or  by  the  traditions  of  the  ancients,  daz- 
zled and  blinded  the  eyes  of  the  ignorant  and  unreflecting,  and 
perverted  their  judgments,  so  that  they  either  wholly  over- 
looked or  justified  the  unsatiable  ambition,  and  implacable 
antipathies  and  resentments  of  their  leaders,  and  discredited 
every  report  of  their  secret  acts  of  injustice,  oppression,  and 
licentiousness.  And  the  character  and  conduct  of  the  descend- 
ants of  Hyrcanus,  who  succeeded  him  in  power,  were  not 
adapted  to  undermine  the  influence,  or  expose  the  evil  deeds 
of  religious  hypocrites.  He  was  scarcely  numbered  with  the 
dead  when  his  eldest  son  Aristobulus,  discovered  no  respect 
for  his  memory,  or  natural  affection  for  his  kindred.  Selfish- 
ness and  vanity  swayed  his  heart ;  and  made  him  a  prey  to  the 
intrigues  of  those  who  knew  hrow  to  awaken  in  him  imaginary 
fears  or  delusive  hopes.  To  guard  against  any  sudden  insur- 
rection or  tumult  in  the  city,  which  he  had  reason  to  apprehend 
from  the  subtlety,  power,  and  malice  of  his  popular  enemies, 
he  erected  a  castle  or  palace  in  a  strong  position,  in  which  he 
Jmd  his  successors  ever  after  resided,  till  the  dominion  of  Judea 
passed  to  another  race.  Simon  having  erazed  the  tower  which 
commanded  the  temple,  and  which  had  been  long  almost  unin- 
terruptedly occupied  by  a  Syrian  garrison,  Hyrcanus  judged 
it  expedient  to  raise  strong  fortifications  around  the  temple. 
Within  these  he  erected,  on  a  lofty  rock,  his  palace  of  polished 
marble,  and  employed  every  means  to  render  it  invulnerable- 
It  was  named  at  first  Baris  or  Castle,  which  Herod  afterward 


« 


REIGN    OF   THE    MACCABEAN    KINGS.  21 

exchanged  for  Antonia,  in  honour  of  his  friend  Marcus  An 
tonius. 

Hyrcanus,  before  his  decease,  had  committed  the  govern- 
ment to  his  wife,  and  advised  her  to  appoint  any  of  his  sons, 
in  whom  she  had  most  confidence,  to  conduct,  under  her  di- 
rection, the  affairs  of  the  nation.  Her  eldest  son  Aristobulus, 
having  no  inclination  to  be  guided  by  her  wisdom,  instantly 
proclaimed  himself  the  successor  of  his  fluher,  and  assumed 
the  lofty  title  of  king.  He  is  said  to  have  loved  and  admired 
the  Greeks ;  and  he  certainly  surpassed  them  not  in  moral  ex- 
cellence. His  first  royal  act  was  to  embrue  his  hands  in  the 
blood  of  his  venerable  mother,  to  secure  himself  in  the  posses- 
sion of  sovereign  power.  She  was  imprisoned  and  starved 
to  death ;  all  his  brothers  were  shut  up  in  prison,  except  An- 
tigonus,  whom  he  loved,  or  whose  services  he  was  not  willing 
to  lose.  Being  not  less  ambitious  of  the  fame  of  a  conqueror 
than  of  royal  titles,  he  invaded  Iturea,  the  region  lying  north- 
east of  the  inheritance  of  Manasseh,  and  stretching  to  Damas- 
cus. It  derived  its  name  from  its^ancient  inhabitants,  the  de- 
scendants of  Itur  or  Jetur,  one  of  the  sons  of  Ishmael;  from 
whom  it  had  been  taken  by  the  Israelites,  sometime  after  their 
conquest  of  Canaan  ;  1  Chron.  v.  18 — 22.  And  the  fact  that 
they  once  OLXupied  it  may  have  induced  Aristobulus  to  regard 
it  as  a  part  of  the  Holy  Land.  This  opinion  is  the  more  pro- 
bable from  the  circumstance,  that  when  the  inhabitants  were  at 
this  time  subdued,  the  Jews  compelled  them  either  to  emigrate 
or  to  be  circumcised  and  obey  the  laws  of  Moses.  In  conse- 
quence of  an  attack  of  disease,  Aristobulus  soon  returned  to 
Jerusalem,  and  left  Antigonus  to  prosecute  the  war.  Jealous 
of  his  influence  over  the  king,  the  queen  and  court  conspired 
to  destroy  him.  They  succeeded  in  exciting  the  enfeebled 
and  wicked  prince  to  suspect  his  fidelity,  and,  by  an  act  of 
diabolical  deception,  stimnlatid  him  to  order  his  guards  to 
murder  him.  Antigonus  entering  Jerusalem  in  triumph,  du- 
ring the  festival  of  tents,  instantly  ascended,  in  full  armour,  to 
the  temple,  to  render  thanks  for  the  complete  success  which 
he  had  obtained.  His  enemies  appealed  to  the  king  if  this 
was  not  proof  sufficient  of  his  treacherous  designs,  and  sug- 
gested that  were  he  to  summon  him  to  his  presence,  he  would 
not  appear  unarmed.  To  put  him  to  the  test,  the  king  re- 
quested him  to  visit  him,  but  not  in  his  warlike  dress  ;  and,  at 
the  same  time,  commanded  the  royal  guards  to  kill  him,  if  he 
approached  in  his  armour.  The  queen  enjoined  the  messen- 
ger  to   deliver   the   opposite   message.     And  as  he  passed 


«= 


I 


22  REIGN  OF  THE  MACOABEAN  KIN6& 

through  a  subterranean  gallery,  which  Hyrcanus  had  con- 
structed between  the  palace  and  the  temple,  he  was  assassi- 
nated by  the  guards.  Aristobulus  soon  discovered  the  truth, 
and  the  guilt  of  murder  kindled  a  fire  in  his  conscience  which 
hastened  his  end,  and  rendered  him  inexpressibly  miserable. 
Josephus  remarks,  that  "  he  grew  worse  and  worse,  and  his 
soul  was  constantly  disturbed  at  the  thoughts  of  what  he  had 
done,  till  his  very  bowels  being  torn  to  pieces  by  the  intoler- 
able grief  he  was  under,  he  threw  up  a  great  quantity  of 
blood.  And,  as  one  of  those  servants  that  attended  him  car- 
ried out  that  blood,  he,  by  some  supernatural  providence,  slip- 
ped and  fell  down  in  the  very  place  where  Antigonus  had 
been  slain ;  and  so  he  spilt  some  of  the  murderer's  blood  upon 
the  spots  of  the  blood  of  him  that  had  been  murdered,  which 
still  appeared.  Hereupon  a  lamentable  cry  arose  among  the 
spectators,  as  if  the  servant  had  spilled  the  blood  on  purpose 
in  that  place ;  and,  as  the  king  heard  that  cry,  he  inquired  what 
was  the  cause  of  it ;  and  while  nobody  durst  tell  him,  he 
pressed  them  so  much  the  ftiore  to  let  him  know  what  was  the 
matter ;  so,  at  length,  when  he  had  threatened  them,  and  forced 
them  to  speak  out,  they  told ;  whereupon  he  burst  into  tears, 
and  groaned,  and  said,  '  So  I  perceive  I  am  not  like  to  escape 
the  all-seeing  eye  of  God,  as  to  the  great  crimes  I  have  com- 
mitted ;  but  the  vengeance  of  the  blood  of  my  kinsman  pursues 
me  hastily.  O  thou  most  impudent  body !  how  long  wilt  thou 
retain  a  soul  that  ought  to  die,  on  account  of  that  punishment 
it  ought  to  suffer  for  a  mother  and  a  brother  slain  !  how  long 
shall  I  myself  spend  my  blood  drop  by  drop !  let  them  take  it 
all  at  once ;  and  let  their  ghosts  no  longer  be  disappointed  by 
a  few  parcels  of  my  bowels  offered  to  them.'  As  soon  as  he 
had  said  these  words,  he  presently  died,  when  he  had  reigned 
no  longer  than  a  year." 

The  queen  immediately  liberated  the  brothers,  and  raised 
Alexander,  surnamed  Jannaeus,  to  the  throne.  He  com- 
manced  his  reign  by  killing  one  of  his  brethren,  who  was  sus- 
pected of  treason,  b.  c.  105.  He  had  to  struggle  during  the 
greater  part  of  his  reign  with  civil  war  or  foreign  enemies, 
but  finally  triumphed,  and  disgraced  his  last  years  by  unre- 
strained sensual  indulgences.  Several  important  cities  depen- 
dent on  Syria  or  Judea  revolted,  and  had  called  in  the  aid  of 
Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  who  had  been  permitted  by  his  mother 
Cleopatra  to  reign  over  Cyprus,  after  she  had  deposed  him 
from  the  throne  of  Egypt.  His  army  defeated  that  of  Jan- 
nsBus,  near  the  banks  of  the  Jordan.     Of  fifty  thousand  whom 


I 


KfilGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN   KTNGS.  *2§ 

Jannsus  led  to  battle,  few  were  not  either  killed  or  taken  pris- 
oners ;  and  the  enemy  proceeded,  without  opposition,  to  lay- 
waste  the  whole  country.  The  utter  ruin  of  the  Jews  seemed 
only  averted  by  Cleopatra,  who  advanced  to  the  support  of 
Jannaeus.  It  was  not,  however,  from  friendship  to  him  that 
she  delivered  the  Jews,  but  from  the  apprehension  that  if  her 
son  should  possess  Judea  and  Phenicia,  he  would  speed ly  al 
tempt  to  recover  Egypt.  On  the  appearance  of  the  Egyptian 
army,  Ptolemy  judged  it  expedient  to  return  to  Cyprus  ;  and 
though  some  flattered  Cleopatra  that  she  might  easily  take 
possession  of  Judea,  yet  by  the  advice  of  her  chief  servants, 
who  were  Jews,  she  very  soon  departed  to  Eg^'pt.  From 
this  time  Jannieus  extended  his  dominions,  although  not  with- 
out occasional  repulses,  and  the  loss  of  many  of  his  soldiers. 
His  victories  had,  however,  no  charms  to  procure  him  the 
approbation  or  applause  of  his  subjects.  Pursuing  the  policy 
of  his  father  in  relation  to  the  Pharisees,  that  sect  poisoned 
the  minds  of  the  people,  who,  by  repeated  tumults  and  insur- 
rections, brought  on  themselves  extreme  wretchedness.  Jan- 
naeus perceiving  his  danger,  from  the  machinations  and  power 
of  his  ambitious  and  revengeful  enemies,  procured  from  Pisi- 
dia  and  Cilicia  six  thousand  men,  who,  as  a  guard,  accom- 
panied him  everywhere.  This  scheme  was  more  calculated 
to  inflame  than  allay  the  wrath  of  the  Pharisees.  In  one  of 
his  expeditions  against  the  Arabians,  his  army  was  entirely 
destroyed.  On  his  return  to  Jerusalem,  the  multitude  cast  on 
his  authority,  and  hoped  to  overcome  him  before  he  could 
raise  a  new  army.  He,  however,  quickly  found  troops  to  sub- 
due them.  A  civil  war  now  prevailed  six  years,  during 
which  about  fifty  thousand  of  the  rebels  were  cut  ofC.  When 
by  many  losses  they  were  unable  to  meet  him  in  the  field, 
they  sought  an  asylum  in  Belhome,  a  city  or  fortress  un- 
known. Having  captured  it,  he  carried  eight  hundred  to  Je- 
rusalem, and  crucified  them  all  in  one  day,  on  a  spot  where 
he  and  his  wives  and  concubines  could  survey  their  last  ago- 
nies. When  they  were  fixed  on  crosses,  he  ordered  his  sol- 
diers to  cut  the  thoats  of  their  wives  .and  children,  in  their 
presence.  This  savage  deed  was  followed  with  peace  to  the 
despairing  citizens,  b.  c.  86  ;  but  he  continued  to  carry  on  war 
some  time  longer  with  success,  and  then  surrendered  himself 
to  intemperance,  and  died  after  an  unenviable  reign  of  twenty- 
seven  years.  He  left  two  young  sons,  Hyrcanus  and  Aristo- 
bulus,  and  appointed  Alexandra,  his  wife,  to  administer  the 
government,  and  urged  her  to  put  herself  under  the  direction 


94  EEION  OP   THE   MACCABEAN   KINGS. 

ol  the  Pharisees.  At  his  death,  according  to  Josephus,  the 
Jews  had  acquired  many  cities,  which  had  been  subject  to  the 
Syrians,  Idumeans,  and  Phenicians.  Thus,  on  the  coast  they 
possessed  Strato's  Tower,  Apollonia,  Joppa,  Jamnia,  Ashdoci, 
Gaza,  Anthedon,  Raphia,  and  Rhinocolura  ;  in  the  middle  of 
the  country,  near  to  Idumea,  Adora,  and  Marissa;  near  the 
country  of  Samaria,  mount  Carmel  and  mount  I'abor,  Scy- 
thopolis,  and  Gadara  ;  of  the  country  of  the  Gauionitis,  Seleu- 
cia,  and  Gabala ;  in  the  country  of  Moab,  Heshbon,  and  Me- 
daba,  and  Oronas,  Gelithon,  Zara,  the  valley  of  the  Cilices, 
and  Pella;  but  the  latter  had  been  destroyed  because  its  inha- 
bitants had  resolutely  refused  to  adopt  the  Jewish  religion. 

The  Pharisees  no  sooner  found  themselves  in  the  possession 
of  power,  than  they  became  enthusiastically  loyal.  They  eu- 
logised the  late  king,  whom  they  had  hated  and  reviled,  as 
one  of  the  greatest  monarchs  who  had  ever  ruled  over  Israel ; 
and  they  celebrated  his  funeral  with  greater  pomp  and  mag- 
nificence than  that  of  any  of  his  predecessors.  But  their  re- 
venge was  insatiable.  They  recalled  all  of  their  party  who 
had  been  exiled  for  political  offences ;  and  incessantly  laboured 
to  procure  the  banishment  or  death  of  all  who  had  been  most 
distinguished  for  their  fidelity  to  the  late  government.  Hyr- 
canus  was  unambitious,  and  disposed  to  peace ;  he  was  satis- 
fied with  the  dignity  of  high-priest,  and  submitted  to  the  coun- 
sels of  the  Pharisees.  They  hasted  to  repeal  the  decree 
Arhich  the  noble  John  Hyrcanus  had  promulgated,  abolishing 
their  traditionary  laws  and  rites.  These  they  universally  en- 
forced ;  and  nothing  provoked  their  indignation  and  exposed 
to  their  vengeance  more  than  neglect  of  these  traditions, 
which  from  this  time  continued  to  be  deemed  more  important 
than  the  inspired  revelations  of  heaven. 

Aristobulus  placed  himself  in  opposition  to  the  Pharisees, 
and  supported  all  his  father's  friends.  Their  enemies  were 
implacable ;  and  they  perceived  their  ruin  inevitable,  if  the 
queen  interposed  not  to  save  them.  In  the  seventh  year  of 
her  reign,  they  boldly  united,  and  obtained  an  interview, 
which  happily  terminated  in  her  authorising  them  to  reside 
in  any  of  the  cities  or  places  favoured  with  garrisons,  except 
those  in  which  her  treasures  were  deposited.  She  found  two 
advantages  in  that  conduct ;  the  first  was,  that  their  enemies 
dared  not  attack  them  in  those  fortresses,  where  they  would 
have  their  forces ;  the  second,  that  they  would  always  be  a  body 
of  reserve  upon  which  she  could  rely  upon  on  any  rupture 
with  the  Pharisees.     The  only  great  event  in  relation  to  Judea 


I 


#     "^  — % 


REIGN    OF   THE    MACCABEAN    KINGS.  VO 

m  the  reign  of  Alexandra  was  the  approach  of  a  great  army 
to  its  vicinity,  under  the  able  king  of  Armenia,  Tigranes, 
whom  the  Syrians  had  chosen  for  their  king.  Though  the 
Jews  had  a  large  army,  yet  they  had  no  hope  of  being  able 
to  contend  against  this  powerful  prince.  The  news  that  he 
had  Idid  siege  to  Ptolema is  threw  the  whole  nation  into  the 
greatest  consternation.  The  queen  immediately  sent  him 
large  and  valuable  presents.  He  gave  her  ambassadors  a 
gracious  reception  ;  but  she  owed  her  safety  to  the  interposi- 
tion of  providence  rather  than  to  the  friendship  of  Tigranes. 
Considermg  his  ambition  and  love  of  conquest,  after  reducing 
Ptolemais,  he  \voul(f  no  doubt  have  advanced  on  Jerusalem, 
had  he  not  been  called  away  to  defend  his  native  territories, 
threatened  by  the  Romans,  who  had  invaded  Pontus  and  Cap- 
padocia.  He  departed  from  Phenicia,  in  the  ninth  and  last 
year  of, the  reign  of  Alexandra.  On  her  being  attacked  by 
a  disease  which  was  deemed  incurable,  Aristobulus  executed 
his  long  meditated  purpose  to  seize  the  crown.  He  secretly 
left  Jerusalem  witli  only  one  servant,  and  summoned  around 
him  his  own  and  his  father's  friends  ;  and  in  two  weeks  above 
twenty  of  the  garrisoned  towns  and  castles  acknowledged  him 
king.  He  then  was  able  to  command  almost  all  the  military 
forces  of  the  nation.  "  The  people  as  well  as  the  army  were 
entirely  inclined  to  declare  for  him,  weary  of  the  cruel  admin- 
istration of  the  Phari§ees,  who  had  governed  without  control 
under  Alexandra,  and  were  become  insupportable  to  all  the 
world.  They  came  therefore  in  crowds  from  all  sides  to  fol- 
low the  standards  of  Aristobulus,  in  hopes  that  he  would  abo- 
lish the  tyranny  of  the  Pharisees,  which  could  not  be  expected 
from  Hyrcanus  his  brother,  who  had  been  brought  up  by  his 
mother  in  a  blind  submission  to  that  sect :  besides  which,  he 
had  neither  the  courage  nor  capacity  necessary  to  so  vigorous 
a  design ;  for  he  was  heavy  and  indolent,  void  of  activity  and 
application,  and  of  a  very  mean  genius.  When  the  Phari- 
sees saw  that  Aristobulus's  party  augmented  considerably,  they 
went  with  Hyrcanus  at  their  head  to  represent  to  the  dying 
queen  what  had  passed,  and  to  demand  her  orders  and  assistance. 
She  answered,  that  she  was  no  longer  in  a  condition  to  inter- 
meddle in  such  affairs,  and  that  she  left  the  care  of  them  to 
the  Pharisees.  However,  she  appointed  Hyrcanus  her  heir 
and  general,  and  expired  soon  after.  As  soon  as  she  was 
dead,  he  took  possession  of  the  throne,  and  the  f*harisees  used 
all  their  endeavours  to  support  him  upon  it.  When  Aristo- 
bulus quitted  Jerusalem,  they  had  caused  his  wife  and  chil- 

VOL.    II.  3 


*ifl6  RBIGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN    KINOS. 

dren,  whom  he  had  left  behind  him,  to  be  shut  up  in  the  castle 
of  Baris,  as  hostages  against  himself;  but  seeing  this  did  not 
stop  him,  they  raised  an  army.  Aristobulus  did  the  same. 
A  battle  near  Jericho  decided  the  quarrel.  Hyrcanus,  aban- 
doned by  most  part  of  his  troops,  who  went  over  to  his  bro- 
ther, was  obliged  to  fly  to  Jerusalem,  and  to  shut  himself  up 
in  the  castle  of  Baris."  His  partisans  took  refuge  in  the 
temple ;  and  he  very  soon  submitted  to  his  brother,  on  condi- 
tion of  liberty  to  retire  into  private  life  with  his  personal  pro- 
perty. Had  Hyrcanus  been  permitted  to  follow  his  own  in- 
clinations, it  is  probable  that  his  name  would  have  had  no 
longer  a  place  in  history.  This,  however,  suited  not  the 
views  of  his  numerous  friends,  who  regarded  him  as  an  indis- 
pensable instrument  to  maintain  their  influence  in  society, 
and  obtain  the  objects  of  their  ambition.  The  most  enterpris- 
ing of  these  was  Antipas  or  Antipater,  to  whose  agency,  from 
this  time  till  his  descendants  became  the  chief  rulers  of  Judea, 
may  be  traced  the  wars,  revolutions,  and  contests,  which 
brought  on  the  Jews  great  and  accumulated  sufferings.  Some 
imagined  that  this  man  was  of  Jewish  descent ;  but  Josephus 
asserts  that  he  was  an  Idumean  of  noble  birth,  and  exceed- 
ingly rich.  His  father  had  been  highly  esteemed  by  Alex- 
ander Jannaeus,  who  had  chosen  him  general  of  his  army  in 
Idumea  ;  and  he  had  augmented  his  power  by  entering  into 
friendship  with  many  persons  of  influence  in  Ascalon,  Gaza, 
and  Arabia.  He  and  his  son  Antipater  retained  favour  at 
court  during  the  reigns  of  Alexander  and  Alexandra,  and  was 
apparently  the  chief  minister  of  Hyrcanus.  On  that  prince 
resigning  the  crown,  he  endeavoured,  by  every  possible  means, 
to  awaken  in  him  suspicions  that  his  brother  intended  to  take 
his  life,  and  that  he  ought  to  seek  an  asylum  in  the  court  of 
Aretas,  king  of  Petra.  They  had  not  been  long  in  Petra, 
when  he  prevailed  on  Hyrcanus  to  from  an  alliance  with 
Aretas,  in  order  to  recover  his  crown.  Having  agreed  to  de- 
liver up  to  Aretas  a  number  of  cities  which  he  had  lost  in  his 
wars  with  Jannaeus,  he  invaded  Judea  with  an  army  of  fifty 
thousand  men,  who  were  joined  by  many  Jews,  devoted  to  the 
interests  of  the  Pharisees.  The  appearance  of  the  Arabians 
alarmed  all  ranks,  and  they  eagerly  sought  to  avoid  danger 
by  deserting  Aristobulus,  and  hailing  Hyrcanus  as  their  law- 
ful king.  The  former,  with  the  forces  which  he  could  com- 
mand, ventured  a  battle,  and  was  totally  defeated.  He  fled 
to  Jerusalem,  which  the  invader  soon  after  entered  without 
opposition.     He  and  a  few  priests  withdrew  within  the  forti- 


ilEIGN   C*"   tHE   MACCABEAN    KINGS.  27 

fications  of  the  temple,  which  was  immediately  besieged. 
Both  parties  were  alike  unprepared  to  endure  a  tedious  siege, 
for  famine  prevailed  over  the  whole  country  and  Hyrcanus 
and  Aristobulus  had  recourse  for  aid  to  the  Romans.  Scau- 
rus  had  been  lately  sent  by  Pompey  to  take  possession  of 
Syria.  Damascus,  the  capital,  had  been  conquered  by  the 
Roman  generals  before  his  arrival,  and  he  proceeded  to  Judea. 
Aristobulus  procured  his  favour  by  a  present  of  four  hundred 
talents.  Scaurus  commanded  Aretas  to  leave  Judea,  if  he  de- 
sired to  live  in  friendship  with  the  Romans.  He  obeyed; 
and  Aristobulus  hastily  gathered  together  a  large  army,  and 
pursued  the  Arabians.  A  fierce  battle  ensued,  which  termi- 
nated in  the  overthrow  of  the  army  of  Aretas,  who  left  seven 
thousand  dead.  The  most  distinguished  of  the  Jewish  army 
who  were  slain,  was  Phalion,  the  brother  of  Antipater. 

These  unexpected  reverses  were  insufficient  to  cool  the  fiery 
ambition  of  Antipater  ;  they  rather  stimulated  his  zeal  in  what 
he  pretended  was  the  just  cause  of  Hyrcanus.  Accordingly, 
he  persuaded  him  to  send  him  as  his  ambassador  to  the  ce- 
lebrated Pompey,  who  had  arrived  in  Damascus,  covered  with 
the  laurels  of  his  triumph  over  Tigranes.  At  the  same  time, 
Aristobulus  sent  an  ambassador  to  the  Roman  conqueror,  im- 
ploring his  patronage.  The  ambassadors  pleaded  before  him 
as  the  arbiter  of  the  greatest  affairs  of  kingdoms.  He  declined 
to  give  a  final  decision  till  he  returned  from  Arabia,  which 
he  proposed  to  conquer.  Aristobulus,  however,  perceived 
that  his  expressed  opposition  to  the  design  of  Pompey  against 
Arabia  had  made  him  his  enemy,  and  he  resolved  to  defend 
himself  against  the  Roman  power.  He  sedulously  laboured 
during  all  the  time  that  the  Romans  were  engaged  in  the 
conquest  of  the  strong  city  of  Petra,  to  prepare  for  a  vigorous 
defence  of  Judea.  This  conduct  confirmed  the  purpose  of 
Pompey  to  humble  him ;  and  he  no  sooner  had  successfully 
terminated  the  war  against  Aretas  than  he  marched  into  Judea. 
His  progress  was  arrested  on  the  frontiers  of  Ephraim  and 
Benjamin,  on  the  road  to  Jericho,  by  the  very  strong  fortress 
of  Alexandrium,  seated  on  a  lofty  mountain.  It  contained 
the  sepulchre  of  the  family  of  its  founder,  Alexander  Jannreus. 
Here  Aristobiilus  was  posted.  Pompey  summoned  him  to 
descend.  He  complied,  to  please  his  friends,  who  dreaded  a 
war  with  the  Romans.  "After  a  conversation,  which  turned 
upon  his  difference  with  his  brother,  he  returned  into  his  cas- 
tle. He  repeated  the  same  two  or  three  times,  in  hopes  by 
tkat  complacency  to  gain  upon  Pompey,  and   induce  Aim  t© 


1 


m- 


# 


t  ' 


^  REIGN  OF  THE  UACCABEAN  KING& 

decide  in  his  favour.  But  for  fear  of  accident,  he  did  not  omit 
to  put  good  garrisons  into  his  strong  places,  and  to  make  all 
other  preparations  for  a  vigorous  defience,  in  case  Pompey 
should  decree  against  him.  Pompey,  who  had  advice  ol  his 
proceedings,  the  last  time  he  came  to  him,  obliged  hinj  to  put 
them  all  into  his  hands  by  way  of  sequestration,  and  made 
him  sign  orders  for  that  purpose  to  all  the  commanders  of 
those  places.  Aristobulus,  incensed  at  the  violence  which 
had  been  done  him,  as  soon  as  he  was  released,  made  all 
haste  to  Jerusalem,  and  prepared  every  thing  for  the  war. 
His  resolution  to  keep  the  crown,  made  him  the  sport  of  the 
different  passions,  hope  and  fear.  When  he  saw  the  least 
appearance  that  Pompey  would  decide  in  his  favour,  he  made 
use  of  all  the  arts  of  complacency  to  incline  him  to  it ;  when, 
on  the  contrary,  he  had  the  least  reason  to  suspect  that  he 
would  declare  against  him,  he  observed  directly  opposite  con- 
duct. Such  was  the  contrariety  visible  in  the  different  steps 
he  took  throughout  this  affair."  The  Roman  army  advanced  on 
Jerusalem.  On  their  approach,  Aristobulus  perceived  his 
folly,  and  went  out  to  meet  the  general ;  and  "  endeavoured 
to  bring  him  to  an  accommodation,  by  promising  an  entire 
submission,  and  a  great  sum  of  money  to  prevent  the  war. 
Pompey  accepted  his  offers,  and  sent  Gabinius  at  the  head  of 
a  detachment  to  receive  the  money :  but  when  that  lieutenant- 
general  arrived  at  Jerusalem,  he  found  the  gates  shut  against 
him,  and,  instead  of  receiving  the  money,  he  was  told  from  the 
top  of  the  walls,  that  the  city  would  not  stand  to  the  agreement. 
Pompey,  thereupon,  not  being  willing  that  they  should  de- 
ceive him  with  impunity,  ordered  Aristobulus,  whom  he  had 
kept  with  him,  to  be  put  in  irons,  and  advanced  with  his 
whole  army  against  Jerusalem.  The  city  was  extremely 
strong  by  its  situation  and  the  works  which  had  been  made, 
and,  had  it  not  been  divided  within  doors  against  itself,  was 
capable  of  making  a  long  defence.  Aristobulus's  party  was 
for  defending  the  place,  especially  when  they  saw  that  Pom- 
pey kept  their  king  prisoner  ;  but  the  adherents  of  Hyrcanus 
were  determined  to  open  the  gates  to  that  general.  And  as 
the  latter  were  much  the  greater  number,  the  other  party  re- 
tired to  the  mountain  where  the  temple  stood,  to  defend  it,  and 
caused  the  bridges  of  the  ditch  and  valley  which  surrounded 
it  to  be  broken  down.  Pompey,  to  whom  the  city  immediately 
opened  its  gates,  resolved  to  besiege  the  temple.  The  place 
held  out  three  entire  months ;  and  would  have  done  so  three 
more,  and  perhaps  oblig^ed  the  Romans  to  abandon  their  en- 


#= 


t  — — — =HI 


REIGN   OF   THE   BIACCABEAN   KINGS.  29 

terprise,  but  for  the  superstitious  rigour  with  which  the  be- 
sieged observed  the  Sabbath.  They  believed,  indeed  that  they 
might  defend  themselves  when  attacked,  but  not  that  they 
might  prevent  the  works  of  the  enemy,  or  made  any  for 
themselves.  The  Romans  knew  how  to  take  the  advantage 
of  this  inaction  upon  the  Sabbath-days.  They  did  not  attack 
the  Jews  upon  them,  but  filled  up  the  fosses,  make  their  ap- 
proaches, and  fixed  their  engines  without  opposition.  They 
threw  down  at  length  a  great  tower,  with  which  so  great  a 
part  of  the  wall  fell,  that  the  breach  was  large  enough  for  an 
assault.  The  place  was  carried  sword  in  hand,  and  a  terrible 
slaughter  ensued,  in  which  more  than  twelve  thousand  per- 
sons were  killed.  During  the  whole  tumult,  cries  and  disor- 
der of  this  slaughter,  history  observes,  that  the  priests,  who 
were  at  that  time  employed  in  divine  service,  continued  it 
with  a  surprising  unconcern,  notwithstanding  the  rage  of 
their  enemies,  and  their  grief  to  see  their  friends  and  relations 
massacred  before  their  eyes.  Many  of  them  saw  their  own 
blood  mingle  with  that  of  the  sacrifices  they  oflfered,  and  the 
sword  of  the  enemy  make  themselves  the  victims  of  their  duty ; 
happy  and  worthy  of  being  envied,  if  they  were  as  faithful  to 
the  spirit,  as  the  letter  of  the  law  !  Pompey,  with  many  of  his 
superior  officers,  entered  the  temple ;  and  not  only  into  the 
sanctuary,  but  into  the  sanctum  sanctorum,  into  which,  by 
the  law,  only  the  high-priest  was  permitted  to  enter  Once 
a-year,  upon  the  solemn  day  of  expiation.  This  was  what 
afflicted  and  enraged  the  Jews  most  against  the  Romans. 
Pompey  did  not  touch  the  treasures  of  the  temple,  that  con- 
sisted principally  in  sums  which  had  been  deposited  there  by 
private  families  for  their  better  security.  Those  sums 
amounted  to  two  thousand  talents  in  specie,  without  reckon- 
ing the  gold  and  the  silver  vessels,  which  were  innumerable, 
and  of  infinite  value.  It  was  not,  says  Cicero,  out  of  respect 
for  the  majesty  of  the  God  adored  in  that  temple,  that  Pompey 
behaved  in  this  manner ;  for,  according  to  him,  nothing  was 
more  contemptible  than  the  Jewish  religion,  more  unworthy 
the  wisdom  and  grandeur  of  the  Romans,  nor  more  opposite 
to  the  institutions  of  their  ancestors :  Pompey,  in  this  noble 
disinterestedness,  had  no  other  motive  voan  to  deprive  ma- 
lice and  calumny  of  all  means  of  attacking  his  reputa- 
tion. Such  were  the  thoughts  of  the  most  learned  of  the 
pagans  upon  the  only  religion  of  the  True  God.  They  blas- 
phemed what  they  knew  nothing  of  •  It  hath  been  observed, 
that  till  then  Pompey  h  id  been  successful  in  all  things;  but 

3* 


« 


iflk  m^QN   OF  THE   MACCABEAN   KINGS. 

that,  after  this  sacrilegious  curiosity,  his  good  fortune  aban- 
doned him,  and  that  his  taking  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  was 
his  last  victory  " 

Before  leaving  Jerusalem,  he  caused  his  army  to  demolish 
its  walls,  and  the  fortifications  of  several  other  cities  of  Judea. 
He  declared  it  a  part  of  Syria,  imposed  a  tribute  on  Hyrcanug, 
whom  he  restored  to  the  throne,  intrusted  Antipater  with  the 
administration,  and  left  Scaurus  sub-governor,  with  a  number 
of  Roman  soldiers.  He  sent  Aristobulus  and  his  two  sons, 
Alexander  and  Antigonus,  prisoners  to  Rome.  The  latter  es- 
caped on  his  journey,  and  immediately  returned  to  Judea,  and 
raised  a  considerable  army.  The  whole  administration  of  An- 
tipater was  conducted  so  as  to  procure  for  himself  the  favour 
of  the  Romans.  Hence,  instead  of  raising  a  powerful  army 
to  defend  the  throne,  he  applied  to  Gabinius,  the  Roman  gov- 
ernor of  Syria,  to  subdue  Antigonus.  His  army  was  soon 
dispersed,  but  he  found  an  asylum,  for  some  time,  in  Alexan- 
drium.  After  some  time,  partly  by  delivering  up  all  the 
Strongest  places  possessed  by  his  friends,  and  partly  by  the  in 
tercessions  of  his  mother,  he  was  permitted  to  depart  wherever 
he  pleased.  Gabinius  demolished  the  fortresses,  and  re-estab- 
lished Hyrcanus  in  the  office  of  high-priest,  but  made  an  im- 
portant change  in  the  form  of  the  civil  government,  which,* 
however,  was  only  temporary.  He  divided  the  kingdom  into 
five  provinces,  and  appointed  a  council  to  govern  each.  Cras- 
sus,  who  had  succeeded  Gabinius  in  the  government  of  Syria, 
in  his  rash  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  b.  c.  57,  "  always 
intent  upon  gratifying  his  insatiable  avarice,  stopt  at  Jerusa- 
lem, where  he  had  been  told  great  treasures  were  laid  up. 
He  plundered  the  temple  of  all  the  riches  in  it;  which 
amounted  to  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  talents,  that  is  to  say, 
about  fifteen  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling."  Hyrcanus 
was  nominally  chief  ruler,  but,  in  consequence  of  mental 
weakness  and  indolence,  he  left  Antipater  to  govern  the  king- 
dom according  to  his  pleasure.  Probably  he  felt  himself  in- 
secure, when  Aristobulus  arrived  in  Syria  with  two  Roman 
legions,  committed  to  him  by  Julius  Cesar,  who,  as  soon  as 
he  had  made  himself  master  of  Syria,  had  liberated  Aristobu- 
lus, in  hope  that  he  would  be  useful  by  opposing  the  schemes 
of  Pompey  in  Syria.  But  the  friends  of  that  general  quickly 
found  means  to  kill  Aristobulus  by  poison.  And  Antipater, 
by  his  great  political  influence,  was  most  successful  in  procu- 
ring the  fivour  of  the  Roman  generals  in  the  East,  and  partic- 
ularly of  Cesar,  who  was  greatly  indebted  to  him  for  most 


# 


1 


REIGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN    KINGS.  31 

efficient  assistance  in  his  mighty  contest  with  his  rival  Pom- 
pey  in  Egypt.  Antipater  had  led  a  considerable  army  to  his 
assistance,  and  personally  performed  the  most  heroic  actions 
in  the  service  of  Cesar.  Nor  was  this  all ;  he  had  either  in- 
duced the  high-priest  Hyrcanus  to  write  letters  to  the  Jews  in 
Egypt,  or  he  had  forged  them  in  his  name,  requesting  them 
to  join  Cesar,  and  supply  him  with  whatever  his  army  required 
Cesar  was  generous,  and  had  pleasure  in  rewarding  his 
friends.  When,  therefore,  he  had  terminated  the  war  in 
Egypt,  and  arrived  in  Judea,  disregarding  the  supplications 
of  Antigonus  to  be  restored  to  the  throne  of  his  deceased  fa- 
ther, whom  he  had  accompanied  into  Syria,  he  fully  gratified 
the  desires  of  Hyrcanus  and  Antipater.  He  abolished  the 
form  of  government  which  had  been  introduced  by  Gabinius, 
and  restored  the  monarchical.  Hyrcanus  was  declared  king 
and  high-priest,  with  liberty  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  his  me- 
tropolis, and  Antipater  was  constituted  under  him  procurator 
of  Judea.  The  latter  immediately  appointed  Phasael  his  el- 
dest son,  and  Herod  his  youngest,  governors ;  the  former  of 
Jerusalem,  and  the  latter  of  Galilee.  The  measures  pursued 
by  both  rendered  them  exceedingly  popular  with  the  nation 
and  the  Syrian  Roman  governor.  Herod,  especially,  was  ap- 
plauded for  his  bold  and  successful  efforts  to  destroy  nume- 
rous banditti  who  had  long  infested  Galilee  and  the  adjacent 
provinces,  His  conduct,  however,  in  putting  the  leaders 
whom  he, seized  to  death,  without  trying  them  before  the  pro- 
per tribunal,  awakened  the  jealousy  and  indignation  of  all 
who  professed  to  value  the  liberty  and  laws  of  their  country. 
These  formed  a  strong  party,  and  forced  Hyrcanus  to  sum- 
mon Herod  before  the  S;mhedrim  to  answer  the  accusations 
brought  against  him.  The  king  was  his  friend,  and  therefore 
suffered  him  to  appear  in  the  great  council,  in  full  armour, 
accompanied  with  a  guard  of  soldiers.  The  scene  confounded 
all  the  councillors ;  one  alone,  Samoas,  who  was  universally 
known  and  esteemed  for  integrity,  had  the  courage  to  maintain 
the  dignity  of  his  office.  He  denounced  the  weakness  and  folly 
of  Hyrcanus  in  permitting  justice  and  law  to  be  thu?  insulted 
and  concluded  an  eloquent  address  by  solemnly  admonishing 
the  court  of  the  fearful  consequences  which  might  be  appre- 
hended if  they  submitted  to  the  pride  and  insolence  of  Herod. 
"  Regard  my  words :  God  is  great ;  and  this  very  man,  whom 
you  are  going  to  absolve  and  dismiss,  for  the  sake  of  Hyr- 
canus, will  one  day  punish  you  and  your  king."  These  omi- 
nous words  were  awfully  verified,  as  we  shall  have  occasion 


I 


I 


1  I 


fBt,  REIGN    OF    THE    MACCABEAN    KING&, 

soon  to  notice.  The  Sanhedrim  were  for  a  moment  roused 
to  a  sense  of  their  duty,  and  showed  signs  of  a  disposition  to 
pronounce  Herod  worthy  of  death.  On  perceiving  this,  Hyr- 
canus  adjourned  the  court,  and  advised  Herod  to  flee  from 
Jerusalem.  He  withdrew  to  Syria,  under  pretence  that  the 
king  threatened  to  destroy  him ;  and  by  rich  presents  concil- 
iated the  favour  of  Sextos  Cesar  the  governor^  by  whom  he 
was  appointed  general  of  the  forces  in  Coelo-Syria.  In  these 
circumstances,  it  was  scarcely  expected  that  he  would  regard 
the  second  summons  to  stand  accused  in  the  Sanhedrim.  He 
would  have  perferred  laying  siege  to  Jerusalem  ;  but  the  ar- 
guments of  his  father  and  brother  conquered  his  hostile  pur- 
poses. The  Sanhedrim  were  deterred  from  proceeding  against 
nim,  but  were  exceedingly  incensed  against  their  king,  wha 
had  arrested  the  course  of  justice  and  equity. 

Cesar  was  assassinated  in  the  senate  about  this  time.  A 
very  short  time  before  that  event,  he  had  publicly  testified  his 
esteem  for  the  Jews,  by  conferring  on  them  great  additional 
privileges,  which  were  afterwards  confirmed  by  the  senate  of 
Rome,  and  are  minutely  described  by  Josephus.  The  Jews 
received  at  the  same  time,  from  several  of  the  cities  of  Greece 
and  Asia,  strong  expressions  of  friendship.  These  advantages, 
however,  did  not  prevent  them  from  suffering  much  about 
this  time  from  the  Roman  civil  wars,  which  were  deeply  felt 
in  Syria.  Antipater  sedulously  applied  himself  to  promote 
the  interests  of  Cassius,  to  whom  he  afforded  efficient  aid,  at 
a  critical  time,  when  the  chiefs  of  pther  cities  declined,  or 
were  slow  to  send  him  the  supply  of  money  which  he  de- 
manded. The  chief  persons  whom  he  employed  to  impose 
on  each  city  its  proportion,  were  Antipater's  sons  and  Mali- 
chus,  who  had  been,  next  to  Antipater,  the  ablest  minister  of 
Hyrcanus.  He  was  the  enemy  of  the  growing  power  of  his 
associates ;  and  more,  perhaps,  from  aversion  to  them  than 
from  dislike  of  Cassius,  neglected  to  force  the  cities  to  pay 
what  was  required  of  them.  In  consequence  of  this,  Cassius 
ordered  the  inhabitants  of  a  number  of  these  cities  to  be  pub- 
licly sold,  and  only  spared  the  life  of  Malichus  at  the  interces- 
sion of  Hyrcanus,  who  ransomed  him  at  the  price  of  one 
hundred  talents.  From  this  time  Malichus  resolved  to  kill 
Antipater.  His  first  plots  were  detected ;  but  he  solemnly 
denied  them,  and  was  forgiven.  His  hatred  and  resentment 
were  increased,  according  as  the  family  of  Antipater  advanced 
in  power  and  honour.  Cassius  not  only  commissioned  He- 
rod to  rule  Coelo-Syria,  but  also  promised  to  make  him  king 


#  # 


'mSIGN    OP   THE    M   CCABEAN   KINGS.  33 

of  Judea.  as  soon  he  had  succeeded  to  the  supreme  govern- 
ment of  Rome.  What  Malichus  could  not  effect  by  power 
he  did  by  deceit  and  treachery.  He  gained  the  butler  ol  Hyr- 
canus,  and  persuaded  him  to  mix  the  wine  with  poison,  which 
was  given  at  dinner  to  Antipater.  His  sons,  who  were  not 
ignorant  who  was  the  real  instigator  of  the  atrocious  deed, 
seized  the  first  opportunity  of  revenge,  by  murdering  him; 
and  were  preserved  from  punishment  by  the  public  approba- 
tion of  Cassius.  A  brother  of  Malichus.  to  revenge  his  death, 
stirred  up  an  insurrection  which  spread  misery  over  several 
districts.  It  was  quelled  by  Phasael,  ahhough  supported  by 
Feli.K,  who  had  received  the  government  of  Syria,  and  re- 
garded with  indifference  by  Hyrcanus.  The  dastardly  be- 
haviour of  the  king  exceedingly  provoked  the  wrath  of  Herod, 
but  he  was  appeased  on  his  consenting  to  give  him  in  mar- 
riage Mariamne,  his  grand  daughter,  who  was  everywhere 
celebrated  for  her  beauty. 

'I'he  sons  of  Antipater,  nevertheless,  had  to  contend  with  a 
far  more  powerful  enemy  than  Malichus.  Antigonus,  son  of 
Aristobulus,  assisted  by  I^olemy  Mennaeus,  prince  of  Chalcis, 
and  other  lesser  powers,  led  an  army  into  Judea,  to  strip  his 
uncle  of  the  crown  which  he  was  not  worthy  to  bear.  Herod 
defeated  him  on  the  frontiers ;  but  he  soon  re-appeared  under 
more  favourable  auspices.  The  Parthians  engaged  to  plac** 
hina  on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  on  condition  of  receiving 
one  thousand  talents  and  five  hundred  women.  The  small 
number  of  Roman  troops  left  in  Syria,  b.  c.  41,  encouraged 
Pacorus,  son  of  the  Parthian  king,  to  invade  Syria.  He  sent 
his  cup-bearer  of  the  same  name,  with  a  detachment  to  j'Din 
the  troops  raised  by  Antigonus.  Hyrcanus  and  Phasael,  had 
the  imprudence  to  proceed  themselves  to  the  united  army,  with 
a  proposal  of  terms  of  accommodation.  The  enemy,  destitute 
of  the  principle  of  honour,  put  them  in  irons,  and  hastily  en- 
tered Jerusalem,  in  the  hope  of  taking  Herod  also  prisoner. 
He  fled  ;  the  Parthians  plundered  the  city,  and  then  placed 
Antigonus  on  the  throne,  "and  delivered  Hyrcanus  and  Pha- 
sael in  chains  into  his  hands.  Phasael,  who  well  knew  that 
his  death  was  resolved  on,  dashed  out  his  brains  against  the 
wall,  to  avoid  the  hands  of  the  executioner.  As  for  Hyr- 
canus, his  life  was  granted  him ;  but  to  render  him  incapable 
of  the  priesthood,  Antigonus  caused  his  ears  to  be  cut  off; 
for,  according  to  the  Levitical  law,  it  was  requisite  that  the 
high-priest  should  be  perfect  in  all  his  members.  After  hav- 
ing thus  mutilated  him,  he  gave  him  back  to  the  Parthians, 


i 


1 


^$i  REIGN  OF   THE   MACCABEAN   KINGS. 

that  they  might  carry  him  into  the  East,  from  whence  it  would 
not  be  possible  for  him  to  embroil  affairs  in  Judea.  He  con- 
tinued a  prisoner  at  Seleucia,  in  Babylonia,  till  the  coming  of 
Phraates  to  the  crown,  who  caused  his  chains  to  be  taken  off, 
and  gave  him  entire  liberty  to  see  and  converse  with  the  Jews 
o(  that  country,  who  were  very  numerous.  They  looked 
upon  him  as  their  king  and  high-priest,  and  raised  him  a  re- 
venue sufficient  to  support  his  rank  with  cplendour.  The 
love  of  his  native  country  made  him  forget  all  those  advan- 
tages. He  returned  the  year  following  to  Jerusalem,  whither 
Herod  had  invited  him  to  come,  but  put  him  to  death  some 
years  afterwards. 

Herod  at  first  took  refuge  in  Egypt,  from  whence  he  went 
to  Rome.  Anthony  was  then  in  the  high  degree  of  power, 
which  the  triumvirate  had  given  him.  He  took  Herod  under 
his  protection,  and  even  did  more  in  his  favour  than  he  ex- 
pected ;  for  instead  of  what  he  proposed,  which  was  at  most 
to  obtain  the  crown  for  Aristobulus,  whose  sister,  Mariamne, 
he  had  lately  married,  with  the  view  only  of  governing  under 
him,  as  Antipater  had  done  under  Hyrcanus,  Anthony  caused 
the  crown  to  be  conferred  u.pon  himself,  contrary  to  the  usual 
maxim  of  the  Romans  in  like  cases ;  for  it  was  not  their  cus- 
tom to  violate  the  rights  of  the  royal  houses  which  acknow- 
ledged them  for  protectors,  and  to  give  the  crowns  to  strangers. 
Herod  was  declared  king  of  Judea  by  the  senate,  and  con- 
ducted by  the  consuls  to  the  capitol,  where  he  received  the  in- 
vestiture of  the  crown,  with  the  ceremonies  usual  upon  such 
occasions.  Herod  passed  only  seven  days  at  Rome  in  nego- 
tiating this  great  affair,  and  returned  speedily  into  Judea. 
He  employed  no  more  time  than  three  months  in  his  jour- 
neys by  sea  and  land." 

Antigonus,  however,  by  great  exertions,  defended  his 
throne  two  years,  and  cherished  the  vain  hope  of  receiving 
assistance  from  the  Parthians,  aUhough  he  had  failed  to  fulfil 
his  promises  to  them,  and  beheld  them  expelled  from  Syria 
by  the  Romans.  About  the  time  of  Herod's  return  to  Pales- 
tine, Antigonus  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Massada,  a  strong 
fortress,  which  contained  the  family  and  treasures  of  Herod, 
who  had  intrusted  its  defence  to  his  brother  Joseph.  After 
reducing  Joppa,  Herod  marched  to  the  aid  of  his  friends, 
whom  he  had  the  happiness  of  relieving.  He  had  now  a  con- 
siderable army,  consisting  of  Jews  and  Romans,  and  conceived 
himself  able  to  attempt  the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  But  his  Ro- 
man soldiers  were  more  disposed  to  enrich  themselves  by 


REIGN    OF    THE   MACCAHEAN    KINOS.  »~95 

plunder  than  to  subdue  his  enemies ;  and  the  Roman  officers 
were  bribed  by  Antigonus  to  supply  him  with  troops ;  besides, 
Gralilee  was  infested  with  bands  of  banditti,  who  desolated  the 
country.  He  deemed  it  prudent  to  direct  his  chief  efforts  to 
destroy  these  marauders,  probably  in  order  to  conciliate  the 
Jewish  people.  While  his  army  were  thus  employed,  he 
went  into  the  northern  division  of  Syria,  and  joined  Anthony, 
who  had  arrived  there,  and  was  besieging  the  chief  city,  Sa- 
marata,  the  present  Semisat,  situated  on  the  Euphrates.  His 
gallant  services  on  this  occasion  were  most  acceptable  to  the 
Triumvir,  who  testified  his  regard  for  him  by  ordering  Sosius, 
whom  he  appointed  governor  of  Syria,  to  assist  him  in  his 
contest  for  the  throne  of  Judea.  During  his  residence  in  Sy- 
ria, his  own  army  had  suffered  a  great  defeat,  and  lost  Joseph 
their  captain.  He,  however,  speedily  revenged  the  death  of 
his  brother,  for  he  defeated,  with  great  slaughter,  the  army 
of  Antigonus.  That  prince  never  recovered  the  loss  which 
he  sustained  in  this  battle  ;  and,  as  soon  as  the  army  of  his 
opponent  had  received  a  great  reinforcement  of  thirty  thou 
sand  men,  and  six  thousand  horse,  commanded  by  Sosius,  hi- 
was  shut  up  in  Jerusalem.  "  While  the  works  necessary  lo 
the  siege  were  carrying  on,  Herod  made  a  tour  to  Samaria, 
and  at  length  consummated  his  marriage  with  Mariamne 
They  had  been  contracted  four  years  to  each  other:  but  the 
unforeseen  troubles  into  which  he  fell  had  prevented  their 
consummating  the  marriage  till  now.  She  was  the  daughter 
of  Alexander,  the  son  of  king  Aristobulus,  and  Alexandra  the 
daughter  of  Hyrcanus  the  second,  and  thereby  grand-daughter 
to  those  two  brothers.  She  was  a  princess  of  extraordinary 
beauty  and  virtue,  and  possessed,  in  an  eminent  degree,  all  the 
other  qualities  that  adorn  the  sex.  The  attachment  of  the 
Jews  lo  the  Asmonean  family,  made  Herod  imagine,  that  by 
espousing  her  he  should  find  no  difficulty  in  gaining  their  af- 
fection, which  was  one  of  his  reasons  for  consummating  his 
marriage  at  that  time.  On  his  return  to  Jerusalem,  Sosius  and 
he,  having  joined  their  forces,  pressed  the  siege  in  concert 
with  the  utmost  vigour,  and  with  a  very  numerous  army, 
which  amounted  to  at  least  sixty  thousand  men.  The  place 
however  held  out  against  them  many  months  with  exceeding 
resolution ;  and  if  the  besieged  had  been  as  expert  in  the  art 
of  war  and  the  defence  of  places,  as  they  were  brave  and  re- 
solute, it  would  not  perhaps  have  been  taken.  But  the  Ro- 
mans, who  were  much  better  skilled  in  those  things  than 
them,  carried  the  place  at  length,  after  a  siege  of  something 


( 


« 


1 


^0  REIGN   OF   THE    MACCABEAN   KINGS. 

more  than  six  months.  The  Jews  being  driven  from  their 
posts,  the  enemy  entered  on  all  sides,  and  made  themselves 
masters  of  the  city.  And  to  revenge  the  obstinate  resistance 
they  had  made,  and  the  pains  they  had  suffered  during  so 
long  and  difRcult  a  siege,  they  filled  all  quarters  of  Jerusalem 
with  blood  and  slaughter,  plundered  and  destroyed  all  before 
them,  though  Herod  did  his  utmost  both  to  prevent  the  one 
and  the  other.  Antigonus  seeing  all  lost,  came  and  threw 
himself  at  the  feet  of  Sosius  in  the  most  submissive  and  most 
abject  manner.  He  was  put  in  chains,  and  sent  to  Anthony 
as  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Antioch.  He  designed  at  first  to  have 
reserved  him  for  his  triumph ;  but  Herod,  who  did  not  think 
himself  safe  as  long  as  that  branch  of  the  royal  family  sur- 
vived, would  not  let  him  rest  till  he  had  obtained  the  death  of 
that  unfortunate  prince,  for  which  he  even  gave  a  large  sum 
of  money.  He  was  proceeded  against  in  form,  condemned 
to  die,  and  had  the  sentence  executed  upon  him  in  the  same 
manner  as  common  criminals,  with  the  rods  and  axes  of  the 
lictor,  and  was  fastened  to  a  stake, — a  treatment  with  which 
the  Romans  had  never  used  any  crowned  head  before." 

Thus  ended  the  reign  of  the  Asmoneans,  after  a  duration 
of  an  hundred  and  twenty-nine  years,  from  the  beginning  of 
the  government  of  Judas  Maccabeus.  T'hat  chief  had  been 
honoured  to  open  bright  prospects  to  the  Jews ;  but  neither 
they  nor  his  descendants  for  a  number  of  generations  had  dis- 
covered much  wisdom  to  improve  them.  The  majority  of  the 
nation  departed  from  God ;  and  few  continued  to  reverence 
his  authority,  or  confide  in  his  power  and  favour  to  protect 
them.  True  religion  was  scarcely  visible ;  and  its  form  was 
only  regarded  as  a  sacrifice  to  expiate,  or  a  veil  to  conceal 
principles  allied  to  those  of  paganism,  or  pagan  philosophy, 
and  practices  equally  detestable  as  those  which  characterised 
the  most  intemperate  and  licentious  idolaters.  Their  sun  had 
been  long  obscured  by  thick  clouds,  and  was  about  to  leave 
them  in  the  blackness  of  darkness,  till  the  Sun  of  righteous- 
ness should  arise  to  illuminate  all  nations.  Judah,  indeed, 
might  be  said  to  retain  the  sceptre,  but  henceforth  it  was  ac- 
tually held  by  strangers  to  the  race  of  Jacob ;  an  event  as- 
suredly ominous  of  the  approach  of  the  long  promised  and 
fervently  desired  Messiah,  who  was  destined  to  revolutionise 
the  kingdom  of  Judah,  and  ascend  the  throne  of  his  father 
David,  in  order  to  administer  justice,  truth,  and  mercy,  with- 
out respect  of  persons,  to  all,  whether  Jews  or  Gentiles,  who 


«: ^ * 


f' 


REIGN   OF  THE   MACCABEAN   KINGS.  37 

truly  worshipped  God  in  spirit  and  in  truth.  Such  was  cer- 
tainly the  import  of  the  ancient  prediction  announced  by- 
Jacob  in  his  last  days, — "  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from 
Judah,  nor  a  lawgiver  from  between  his  feet,  until  Shiloh 
come ;  and  unto  him  shall  the  gathering  of  the  people  be." 


VOL.  n. 


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0 


CHAPTER  IIL 

THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE. 


OlUGDf  OF   ROME. CARTHAGE,   ITS   RIVAL   FOR   EMPIRE  IN 

THE   WEST. 

In  our  record  of  the  events  which  more  immediately  af- 
fected the  Eastern  nations,  we  have  seen  the  Romans  assume 
the  supremacy  in  almost  all  the  important  kingdoms  and  pro- 
vinces which  constituted  the  Grecian  empire.  From  the  time  of 
their  entire  conquest  of  Italy,  they  proceeded  rapidly  to  make 
their  power  to  be  gradually  and  successively  felt  and  acknow- 
ledged in  Illyricum,  GreSce,  Egypt,  Macedon,  Asia  Minor, 
Syria,  comprising  all  the  countries  lying  west  of  the  Eu- 
phrates, and,  finally,  Phenicia  and  Judea.  Their  first  appear- 
ance in  these  regions  was  peculiarly  interesting,  and  may  be 
said  to  have  at  once  astonished  and  fascinated  the  inhabitants ; 
for  they,  with  consummate  wisdom  or  subtlety,  sought  and  ac- 
quired the  political  ascendancy,  as  much,  if  not  more,  by  po- 
licy rather  than  might.  •  Their  ambassadors,  captains,  soldiers, 
and  indeed  all  their  political  servants,  proclaimed  themselves 
the  disinterested  agents  of  humanity,  voluntarily  devoted  and 
prepared  to  sacrifice  all  things  to  deliver  the  human  race  from 
tyranny,  oppression,  and  slavery.  And,  what  was  a  new 
thing  in  the  ancient  world,  their  actions  did  not  generally 
belie  their  words.  Compared  with  all  the  former  conquerors 
of  the  ancient  world,  they  were  the  liberators  of  the  wretched 
nations.  While  they  everywhere  trampled  on  tyrants,  they 
conferred  on  the  people  all  the  liberty  which  they  valued, 
*eft  them  at  least  in  nominal  independence,  and  stationed 
among  them  a  number  of  counsellors  and  soldiers,  whom  both 
parties  regarded  necessary  guardians  of  the  peace  and  wel- 
fare of  the  emancipated  communities.  That  these  guardians 
frequently  enslaved  the  legitimate  rulers,  invaded  the  liberties 
of  the  people,  preyed  on  the  property  of  all  ranks,  and  shed 
the  blood  of  many,  history  amply  proves.     It  is,  however 


I 


1 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  39 

tfifdally  certain,  that  this  atrocious  conduct  was  contrary  to 
the  will  and  instructions  of  the  chief  rulers  and  directors  of  the 
Roman  government.  To  the  utmost  extent  of  their  power 
and  vigilance,  they  acted  on  their  publicly  avowed  principle, 
to  humble  the  proud,  admit  into  favour  the  submissive,  and 
protect  and  support  the  weak.  Accordingly,  they  usually 
treated  rather  as  allies  than  dependants,  the  nations  that  either 
voluntarily  desired  their  protection,  or  readily  acknowledged 
their  superiority.  To  this  may  be  traced  the  remarkable 
confidence  in  the  senate  of  Rome,  and  esteem  for  them,  which 
were  cherished  by  not  a  few  of  the  kings  and  people,  whom 
they  had  assisted  or  conquered.  One  of  the  most  striking 
testimonies  of  this  confidence  and  esteem,  and  one  which  was 
altogether  new  in  the  history  of  man,  was  the  custom  of  sove- 
reigns at  their  death,  bequeathing,  with  the  approbation  of 
their  subjects,  their  respective  kingdoms  to  the  Romans. 
Thus  they  were  constituted  heirs  of  the  kingdoms  of  Pergamus, 
Bithynia,  Cyrenaica,  and  Libya,  Egypt,  and  Cyprus.  "  Gen- 
erally speaking,"  Rollin  remarks,  "of  all  foreign  yokes, 
none  ever  was  lighter  than  that  of  the  Romans.  Scarcely 
could  its  weight  be  perceived  by  those  who  bore  it."  The  po- 
litical wisdom  of  Rome  contributed  not  only  to  the  extension, 
biU  also  to  the  consolidation  and  unity  of  its  empire.  Almost 
all  the  nations  were  impoverished  and  exhausted  by  foreign 
aggressions,  or  by  weak,  tyrannical,  or  brutal  rulers,  and  in*- 
ternal  strife  and  anarchy.  They  groaned  under  various  and 
accumulated  sufferins,rs,  and  more  deeply  sighed  and  longed 
for  rest  than  even  for  liberty.  This,  they  flattered  themselves, 
would  be  obtained  by  throwing  themselves  into  the  arms  of 
the  Romans;  nor,  considering  their  previous  circumstances,- 
did  they  experience  disappointment.  < 

This  view  of  the  Roman  power  may  seem  very  different 
from  the  portrait  drawn  of  it  by  the  spirit  of  prophecy.  But 
that  the  former  perfectly  accorded  with  the  latter,  every  one 
will  be  convinced  who  will  accompany  us  in  the  very  super- 
ficial survey  which  our  plan  permits  us  to  take,  of  the  rise, 
progress,  and  establishment  of  the  fourth  empire.  Daniel  thus 
delineates  it,  as  it  had  been  represented  to  Nebuchadnezzar, 
m  vision  :  "  The  fourth  kingdom  shall  be  strong  as  iron  :  for- 
asmuch as  iron  breaketh  in  pieces  and  subdueth  all  things; 
and  as  iron  that  breaketh  all  these,  shall  it  break  in  pieces 
and  bruise.  And  whereas  thou  sawest  the  feet  and  toes,  part 
of  potter's  clay,  and  part  of  iron,  the  kingdom  shall  be  divided  ; 
but  there  shall  be  in  it  of  the  strength  of  the  iron,  forasmuch 


#^ 


t 


HI  THE   FOURTH^   OR    ROMAN    £MFm& 

as  thou  savvest  the  iron  mixed  with  miry  clav.  And  as  the 
toes  of  the  feet  were  part  of  iron,  and  part  of  clay,  so  the  king- 
dom shall  be  partly  strong,  and  partly  broken.  And  vvhereaa 
thou  sawest  iron  mixed  with  miry  clay,  they  shall  mingle 
themselves  with  the  seed  of  men ;  but  they  shall  not  cleave 
one  to  another,  even  as  iron  is  not  mixed  with  clay."  And 
again  the  prophet  records  the  more  brief  description,  of  this 
enpire,  as  given  him  by  the  angel  of  the  Most  High  :  Thus 
he  said,  "  The  fourth  beast  shall  be  the  fourth  kingdom  upon 
earth,  which  shall  be  diverse  from  all  kingdoms,  and  shall 
devour  the  whole  earth,  and  shall  tread  it  down,  and  break  it 
in  pieces."  In  the  system  of  divine  predictions,  a  wild  beast 
is  the  selected  image  of  a  great,  idolatrous,  and  oppressive 
power.  This  emblem  is  applied  to  the  Roman  empire,  but 
the  beast,  unlike  those  denoting  the  former  prophetic  empires, 
is  nameless,  notwithstanding  that  this  empire  was  diverse  from, 
or  rather,  copied  from  them.  This  evidently  suggests,  that, 
while  the  Roman  conquerors  would  in  general  resemble  those 
of  Babylon,  Persia,  and  Macedon,  they  would,  at  the  same 
time,  be  characterised  by  features  peculiar  to  themselves. 
And  this  w£is  strictly  true  of  them.  In  common  with  the  for- 
mer empires,  the  Romans  patronised  idolatry,  and  uhimately 
established  pure  despotism.  Its  rulers,  however,  protected 
not  only  the  conquered  nations,  in  their  laws,  customs,  man- 
ners, and  different  forms  and  kinds  of  religions,  but  also 
adopted  their  numerous  and  various  gods,  their  best  laws, 
their  literature,  science,  and  arts  ;  and  communicated  to  them, 
in  exchange,  their  most  valued  privileges  and  most  approved 
laws.  And  thus  they  elevated  the  nations  as  much  as  pos- 
sible, to  that  state  of  civilization  which  they  had  themselves 
reached. 

In  reference  to  this  peculiarity  of  the  Roman  empire,  and 
which  may  be  deemed  its  greatest  glory.  Dr.  G.  Miller,  in  his 
Philosophy  of  Modern  History,  observes,  that  •'  The  Roman 
people  seem  to  have  been  eminently  qualified  for  the  work  of 
civilization.  It  was  the  well  known  practice  of  the  Romans, 
to  adopt  from  every  nation,  subdued  in  their  long  career  of 
conquest,  the  arms,  the  tactics,  the  laws,  and  the  philosophy, 
in  which  they  perceived  themselves  excelled.  But  legisla- 
tion appears  to  have  been  their  grand  and  peculiar  object 
The  formation  of  their  legislative  system  appears  to  have  en- 
gaged their  attention  from  the  very  commencement  of  their 
government.  In  the  days  of  their  republic  the  study  of  the 
laws  became  the  most  effectual  instrument  of  popular  «unbi- 


# 


m- 


THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIHE; 


» 


tion ;  and  the  imperial  despotism,  which  chastised  and  con- 
trolled the  factions  of  their  degeneracy,  has  been  rendered  iK 
lustrious  by  the  improvement  and  compilation  of  their  ordin- 
ances. That  despotism,  indeed,  which  extinguished  the  civil 
/liberties  of  Rome,  fuliilled  the  political  destination  of  this  ex- 
traordinary state.  When  Augustus  was  craftily  destroying 
the  remaining  principles  of  Roman  freedom,  and  training  the 
people  to  habits  of  submission,  the  provinces  looked  forward 
with  pleasure  to  the  accomplishment  of  his  designs,  the  impar- 
tial superintendence  of  a  common  master,  being  a  desirable 
refuge  from  the  depredations  of  republican  governors.  The 
period,  accordingly,  in  which  Roman  legislation  was  most 
flourishing,  was  that  which  intervened  between  the  age  of 
Cicero  and  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus ;  and  a  series  of 
five  reigns  occurred  within  this  period,  beginning  with  that 
if  Nerva  and  ending  with  that  of  the  latter  Antoninus,  the 
nistory  of  which  has  been  emphatically  named  the  history  of 
humanity.  Under  this  government  the  experience  of  the  em- 
pire, which  included  the  whole  civilized  world,  was  accumu- 
lated into  one  mass  for  the  direction  of  mankind  ;  schools  too 
were  established  for  disseminating  the  knowledge  of  law 
throughout  the  Roman  dominions ;  particularly  the  Athenaeum 
founded  at  Rome  by  Adrian,  and  the  great  academy  erected 
afterwards  at  Berytus  in  Phenicia,  probably  by  Alexander 
Severus :  and,  finally,  this  various  knowledge  was  reduced 
into  a  code,  first  by  the  direction  of  the  emperor  Theodosius, 
in  the  year  438,  and  afterwards  more  perfectly  by  the  empe- 
ror Justinian,  in  various  publications,  the  first  of  which  was 
issued  in  the  year  528,  and  the  last  in  the  year  566,  the  con- 
cluding year  of  his  reign.  Thus  was  fulfilled  in  a  more  per- 
fect sense,  the  eulogy,  which  the  Roman  poet  could  scarely 
have  pronounced  except  in  relation  to  the  conquering  ambi- 
tion of  his  countrymen ; — 

Tu  regere  imperio  populos,  Romane,  memento 

Hac  tibi  erunt  artes  ;  pacisque  imponere  morem, 

Parcere  subjectis,  et  debellare  superbos. — JBneidy  lib.  6. 1. 852,  &c 

Hence  we  may  perceive  the  Divine  propriety  of  that  su- 
perintendence of  Providence,  by  which  Rome  rose  to  the 
summit  of  its  greatness  before  the  promulgation  of  Chris- 
tianity ;  for  in  no  former  age  had  the  human  mind  been  much 
improved,  except  by  a  few  persons.  The  mighty  rulers  of 
Asia  had  treated  the  conquered  nations  as  slaves,  and  governed 
them  as  they  did  the  inferior  animals.  Their  will  wa» 
4* 


«= 


i»  THB  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE. 

law,  and  they  gave  themselves  no  concern  with  the  minds  of 
the  multitude,  except  to  subject  them  to  their  power,  and  en- 
slave them  by  their  superstitions.  In  these  circumstances,  they 
would  have  been  ill-qualified  to  examine  the  claims  of  the  mes- 
sengers of  Heaven  to  their  confidence,  or  to  estimate  the  evi- 
dences adduced  by  them  of  the  truth  and  importance  of  their 
message.  In  order  to  this,  their  minds  would  have,  humanly 
speaking,  required,  as  experience  proves  savages  do,  years  of 
training,  to  discern  the  complete  proof  of  the  truth  of  the  new 
religion.  It  is  true  that  the  principal  facts  of  the  gospel  may  be, 
and  often  are,  understood  and  credited  by  children  and  the  ru- 
est  of  mankind,  and  becom-j  eflfectual  in  them  for  their  peace, 
purity,  and  happiness.  But  the  comprehension  of  the  reasons 
which  demonstrate  its  truth  can  only  distinguish  minds  consi- 
derably cultivated  by  the  intelligent  exercise  of  the  under- 
standing and  judgment,  and  directed  to  the  varied  subjects  of 
knowledge,  which  exclusively  characterise  civilized  society. 
Those  who  know  the  gospel  best  have  always  been  most  solic- 
itous to  exhibit  it  in  the  presence  of  the  most  enlightened  of 
mankind  ;  for  they  know  that  though  the  ignorant  may  despise 
it,  and  the  proud  hate  it,  yet  it  commends  itself  to  the  consciences 
of  all  who  are  capable  of  exercising  the  senses  to  discern  good 
and  evil.  They  are,  therefore,  not  ashamed,  or  rather,  they 
boast  of  the  gospel,  in  the  presence  of  the  most  illustrious  for 
wisdom  or  learning. 

The  iron  strength  of  Rome  is  conspicuous  in  the  earliest 
period  of  its  history.  Neither  famine,  pestilence,  storm,  nor 
earthquake,  or  the  power  of  the  hunter,  could  subdue  the  in- 
herent young  vigour  of  this  beast  of  the  forest.  A  few  families 
of  refugees  or  banditti  settled  on  a  spot  in  Italy,  and  main- 
tained their  position  in  every  variety  of  circumstance,  and 
amidst  every  form  of  danger,  till  their  strength  enabled  them 
to  enter  on  aggressive  wars,  by  which  they  attained  the  sov- 
ereignty of  the  mightiest  empire  of  the  remote  ages. 

The  Romans,  relying  on  their  tradition,  derive  their  orgin 
from  iEneas  and  other  Trojans,  who  fled  from  their  native 
country  when  Troy  was  destroyed  by  the  Greeks,  about 
fourteen  hundred  years  before  the  Christian  era.  But  it  is 
more  certain  that  they  consisted  of  a  horde  of  barbarians,  who 
had  united  to  seek  a  place  where  they  might  procure  subsis- 
tence for  themselves  and  their  flocks,  which,  with  their  wea- 
pons of  war,  constituted  their  wealth.  This  they  found  on 
the  south  bank  of  the  Tiber,  at  its  junction  with  the  Ania 
Having  expelled  the  former  inhabitants,  they  were  naturally 


# 


THK  FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  43 

hated  or  dreaded  by  the  adjacent  population.  Their  number, 
at  the  founding  of  Rome,  their  capital,  b.  c.  748,  was  computed 
at  3000  men  on  foot,  and  300  horsmen.  These  were  divided 
into  the  classes  of  nobles  or  patricians,  and  plebeians ;  patrons, 
and  clients  or  dependents.  The  head  of  these  in  civil  affairs 
and  war  had  the  title  of  king.  His  council,  selected  from  the 
patricians,  became  the  celebrated  senate  of  Rome ;  and  the 
plebeians  assembled  to  deliberate  and  vote  on  the  affairs  of  the 
nation,  were  named  the  Comitium.  Thus,  while  the  Roman 
government  was  originally  a  monarchy  in  form,  its  institu- 
tions were  republican. 

Latium,  the  country  of  the  Romans,  extended  fifty  miles 
along  the  coast  from  Ostia,  the  port  of  Rome  at  the  mouth  of 
the  Tiber,  to  Circeii ;  and  stretched  into  the  interior  about 
sixteen  miles.  This  comparatively  snuill  region  was  divided 
into  forty-seven  independent  states.  Rome  being  one  of  these, 
of  course  possessed  only  a  small  district,  perhaps  not  more 
than  four  miles  in  length.  The  site  of  the  city  occupied  first 
one  of  the  seven  hills  or  mounts,  which  it  afterwards  covered. 
The  soil  was,  compared  to  Italy  in  general,  unproductive,  and 
consequently  urged  the  Romans  to  cherish  the  habits  of  mo- 
deration and  industry  which  long  prevailed  among  them. 
And  their  relative  position  stimulated  them  to  bold  and  daring 
acts  to  defend  themselves,  and  subdue  their  enemies  and  rivals 
for  dominion.  However  ignorant  and  barbarous  they  niay 
have  been  in  their  first  age,  they  early  acquired  considerable 
knowledge  of  the  arts  of  government  and  war.  Probably 
they  owed  this  to  their  neighbours  who  were  of  Grecian  des- 
cent. On  their  west  was  the  state  of  Etruria,  whose  commu- 
nity showed  their  relation  to  Greece  by  their  progress  in 
science  and  the  arts  of  refinement.  Campania  and  Lucania 
only  separated  the  Romans  from  Magna  Grecia,  which  we 
have  had  occasion  to  notice  as  one  of  the  first  seats  of  Grecian 
philosophy.  And  Rome  is  known  to  have  cultivated  a  close 
and  unalterable  alliance  with  the  inhabitants  of  Marseilles  and 
the  neighbouring  country  near  the  mouth  of  the  Rhone. 
These  were  Greeks  who  emigrated  to  Gaul  more  than  five 
hundred  years  before  Christ,  and  were  celebrated  for  their 
commerce,  academies,  and  elegant  manners.  The  monarchy 
of  Rome  subsisted,  it  is  said,  244  years,  during  which,  the  city 
was  much  enlarged  and  adorned ;  the  population  augmented 
to  80,000  fit  for  war,  besides  many  sent  to  form  small  colonies ; 
and  the  superiority  of  the  state  was  acknowledged  in  all  La- 
tium.    Tarquin,  the  son  of  a  rich  merchant  of  Corinth,  who 


4H  THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

had  fled  from  the  tyrant  of  his  native  city,  chose  Rome  for 
his  residence.  He  first  was  elevated  to  be  tutor  to  the  king's 
sons;  and,  finally,  on  the  death  of  the  king,  he  prevailed  on 
the  Romans  to  elect  him  for  his  successor.  His  reign  seems 
to  have  been  justly  the  most  celebrated  of  all  the  kings.  He 
was  successful  in  war,  and  most  assiduously  advanced  the  arts 
of  peace,  for  he  strengthened  and  beautified  the  cities,  pro- 
moted education,  and  rewarded  and  honoured  the  industrious. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Severus  TuUius,  who  emulated  his  ex- 
ample. Tullius,  in  his  old  age  was  murdered  by  a  grandson 
of  Tarquin,  who  afterwards  reigned  under  the  name  Tarquin 
II.  His  arrogance  and  cruehy  provoked  the  Romans,  and 
under  the  direction  of  Brutus,  they  deposed  and  established 
republicanism,  the  principal  magistrates  of  which  were  named 
consuls.  These  were  generally  chosen  from  the  patricians, 
by  the  centuries  or  the  various  classes  of  the  community,  and, 
with  the  senate,  held  the  supreme  power.  But  their  coun- 
sels and  plans  were  controlled  by  tribunes,  who  were  chosen 
by  the  comitia,  and  appointed  to  officiate  as  the  representatives 
of  the  people.  The  number  of  the  former  officers  was  limited 
to  two;  that  of  the  latter  varied  from  three  to  ten.  The  tri- 
bunes could  propose  no  law,  nor  move  any  positive  resolution ; 
but  each  by  a  negative  veto  could  prevent  the  passing  of  any 
law  or  motion,  and  thus  arrest  all  the  proceedings  of  either 
the  senate  or  comitia.  This  privilege  of  the  tribune  became 
an  ever-flowing  fountain  of  perplexities  and  calamities  to  the 
community,  and  was  the  more  irresistable  from  the  circum- 
stance that  the  person  of  the  tribune  was  pronounced  sacred, 
Whoever  offered  him  violence  or  killed  him,  was,  by  the  law 
accursed  ;  their  effects  were  devoted  to  religion,  and  their  lives 
might,  with  impunity,  be  taken  by  any  one. 

The  consuls  and  tribunes  were  elected  every  year.  These, 
and  the  subordinate  officers,  were  frequently  unable  to  pre- 
serve the  citizens  from  insurrection,  or  to  prevail  on  them  to 
defend  their  country  against  their  enemies.  In  these  seasons 
of  alijrm,  the  entire  government  was  intrusted  to  the  most 
eminent  individual,  who,  under  the  title  of  dictator,  exercised, 
for  six  months,  absolute  and  uncontrolled  authority.  The 
most  esteemed  and  admired  dictators  usually  resigned  their 
high  office  within  the  period  appointed  to  hold  it,  and,  indeed, 
as  soon  as  they  had  accomplished  the  great  and  immediate 
object  for  which  they  were  chosen.  During  more  than  a 
century,  the  civil  affairs  of  the  Romans  were  wholly  decided 
by  the  arbitrary  judgment  of  the  majority.     They  possessed 


^  # 


THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRB.  46 

no  code  of  laws  to  which  they  could  appeal.  This  had  occa- 
sioned many  internal  commotions,  which  all  ranks  were  ear- 
nestly desirous  to  allay.  The  means,  adopted  to  obtain  this 
most  desirableobject,  although  apparently  dictated  by  wisdom, 
brought  the  state  to  the  verge  of  destruction.  They  commis- 
sioned three  of  their  most  eminent  senators  to  proceed  to  the 
Greek  cities  of  Italy  and  Athens,  to  procure  such  laws  as  the 
experience  of  the  Greeks  had  proved  to  be  most  equitable  and 
productive  of  happiness  to  the  community.  On  the  return  of 
these  commissioners,  seven  senators  were  appointed  to  unite 
with  them  to  digest  the  new  laws,  arrange  them  into  a  proper 
form,  and  to  apply  them  for  the  good  order  of  the  state.  In 
order  to  this,  they  were  intrusted  for  one  year  with  the  whole 
power  of  government,  and  from  their  sentence  there  was  no 
appeal  to  either  the  consuls,  tribunes,  or  to  the  senate  or  co- 
mitia.  '-This  was  almost  as  remarkable  a  revolution  in  the 
government  of  Home,  as  that  from  kings  to  consuls.  Noth- 
ing could  be  more  moderate  than  the  beginning  of  this  joint 
reign  of  the  decemvirs,  (as  the  commissioners  were  called.) 
They  agreed,  that  only  one  at  a  time  should  have  the  fasces 
and  the  other  consular  ornaments,  assemble  the  senate,  and 
confirm  decrees.  To  this  honour  they  were  to  succeed  by 
turns,  each  enjoying  it  one  whole  day,  and  then  resigning  it 
to  another.  The  rest,  who  were  not  actually  exercising  their 
authority,  affected  no  distinction  but  that  of  guards,  their  ha- 
bits differing  very  little  from  those  of  the  other  senators.  They 
repaired  every  morning,  each  in  his  turn,  to  their  tribunal  in 
the  forum ;  and  there  distributed  justice  with  so  much  impar- 
tiality, that  the  people,  charmed  with  their  conduct,  seemed  to 
have  forgot  their  tribunes.  They  were  assisted  in  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Greek  transcripts  by  one  Hermodorus,  ban- 
ished from  Ephesus,  his  native  city,  and  then  accidentally  at 
Rome.  When  the  work  was  completed,  the  decemvirs  as- 
sembled the  people,  and  harangued  them  to  this  effect:  'May 
the  gods  grant  that  what  we  now  present  to  you,  Romans, 
may  be  equally  agreeable  and  advantageous  to  the  republic, to 
you,  and  your  remotest  posterity  !  Read  the  laws  we  have 
drawn  up.  We  have  used  all  the  care  and  attention  possible ; 
but,  after  all,  a  whole  nation  must  see  farther  than  any  ten  per- 
sons :  examine  our  laws  therefore  in  private,  make  them  the 
subject  of  your  conversation  ;  confer  upon  them,  and  consider 
what  ought  to  be  taken  from  them,  and  what  may  be  added. 
Nothing  that  we  have  drawn  up  shall  have  the  force  of  a  law, 
till  it  is  received  with  universal  consent.     Be  you,  Romans  ra- 


I 


it  THE    FOURTH,   OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

ther  the  authors  than  barely  the  approvers,  of  laws  which  are 
to  establish  order  and  regularity,  and  to  be  the  foundation  of 
the  happiness  both  of  the  senate  and  people.*  An  address  so 
modest  and  candid  was  heard  with  great  applause.  Immedi- 
ately the  laws  were  cut  in  ten  tables  of  qak,  fixed  up  in  the 
forum,  and  all  who  came  to  start  any  difficulties  about  them, 
well  received,  and  readily  heard.  When  all  necessary  cor- 
rections and  amendments  had  been  made,  the  ten  tables  were 
carried  before  the  senate,  where  they  met  with  no  opposition  ; 
so  that  a  decree  was  passed  for  convening  the  centuries  for 
their  ratification.  This  assembly  was  soon  after  held,  and 
the  auspices  being  solemnly  taken,  the  laws  were  first  con- 
firmed by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  whole  Roman  people, 
and  then  transcribed  on  pillars  of  brass,  and  ranged  in  order 
in  the  forum,  as  the  foundation  of  all  judicial  determinations, 
with  regard  to  public  and  private  affairs.  As  many  eminent 
men  in  the  republic  were  of  opinion,  that  several  regulations, 
which  would  fill  two  other  tables,  were  necessary  to  be  added 
to  the  ten  already  established,  the  continuation  of  the  decem- 
viral  government  for  one  year  more  was  proposed  in  a  gene- 
ral assembly  of  the  people,  and  approved  of  by  the  senate  and 
people  with  equal  readiness,  but  for  different  reasons.  The 
senators  were  glad  to  be  uncontrolled  by  the  tribunes,  and  the 
people  extremely  desirous  to  postpone  the  restoration  of  the 
consular  dignity.  Never  was  any  office  so  much  solicited  by 
the  gravest  and  wisest  senators,  as  the  decemvirate  at  this  time. 
Those  patricians  who  were  formerly  the  declared  enemies  of 
the  people,  and  who  scorned  to  canvass  for  public  offices, 
were  now  wholly  taken  up  in  flattering  and  courting  the 
meanest  of  the  citizens.  Appius,  though  a  decemvir,  forget- 
ting his  dignity,  debased  himself  more  than  any  of  the  candi- 
dates. He  was  perpetually  seen  in  public  places,  with  thovSe 
who  had  been  formerly  tribunes,  and  whom  he  knew  to  be 
agreeable  to  the  people.  By  their  means  he  recommended 
himself  to  the  multitude,  as  the  author  of  the  happiness  they 
enjoyed  under  the  mild  government  of  the  decemvirs.  But 
Appius  himself  u-hen  asked  by  the  patricians,  whether  he  de- 
sired to  be  continued  in  his  office  for  the  next  year,  affected 
to  dislike  it,  and  was  continually  talking  of  the  uneasiness 
that  attends  public  employments.  His  colleagues  saw  into 
his  designs,  and  wisely  formed  their  judgment  of  him  by  his 
actions,  and  not  his  words.  They  observed,  that  he  availed 
himself  of  his  populnity  in  order  to  lessen  the  most  venerable 
senators  in  the  este«'m  of  the  people  ;  that  he  excluded  all  men 


I 


9  # 


THE   FOURTH,   OR    ROBfAN  EMPIRE.  47 

of  known  merit  from  standing  at  the  approaching  election,  by 
artfully  defaming  them  among  the  multitude ;  and  that,  con- 
trary to  the  pride  of  the  Claudian  family,  he  affected  great  af- 
fability and  moderation.  All  these  particulars  in  his  conduct 
gave  great  uneasiness  to  his  competitors,  and  rendered  him 
auspicious  to  his  colleagues.  These  latter  therefore  formed  a 
iesign  to  disappoint  him.  When  the  time  of  the  comitia  for 
the  creation  of  the  new  decemvirs,  drew  near,  they  appointed 
Appius  to  preside  in  them  ;  for  the  president  in  these  assemblies 
proposed  to  the  people  the  persons  who  stood  for  the  office  in 
(question  ;  and  it  had  never  yet  been  known,  that  any  one  had 
nominated  himself  But  Appius,  contrary  to  all  the  rules  of 
decency,  proposed  himself  for  the  first  decemvir  ;  and  the  peo- 
ple readily  gave  him  their  suffrages.  The  other  persons  he 
named  were  all  men  at  his  devotion,  and  such  as  he  favoured." 
Appius  Claudius  and  his  associates  speedily  resolved  to  ren- 
der their  dignity  perpetual ;  and  on  the  morning  that  they  as- 
sumed the  office,  "the  Romans  were  greatly  surprised  to  see 
each  decemvir  appear  in  the  forum  early  in  the  morning, 
with  twelve  lictors  bearing  axes  among  their  fasces,  like  those 
that  were  anciently  carried  before  the  kings,  and  afterwards 
before  the  dictator,  so  that  the  forum  was  filled  with  a  hun- 
dred and  twenty  lictors.  This  was  a  dreadful  sight  to  Rome, 
the  people  prognosticating  from  thence,  that  this  would  be  a 
year  of  tyranny  and  injustice.  And  they  were  soon  made 
sensible,  that  their  fears  were  not  groundless.  The  decem- 
virs began  to  reign  imperiously,  and  with  a  despotic  power. 
They  were  always  surrounded,  not  only  by  the  numerous 
train  of  their  lictors,  but  also  by  a  crowd  oi  desperate  men, 
loaded  with  debts,  and  guilty  of  the  blackest  crimes.  Many 
young  patricians,  preferring  licentiousness  to  liberty,  made 
their  court  to  them  in  the  most  abject  manner,  in  order  to 
screen  themselves  from  justice,  and  escape,  by  their  favour, 
the  punishment  due  to  their  crimes.  No  man's  life  or  pro- 
perty was  any  longer  safe.  The  young  patricians,  supporters 
of  the  ten  tyrants,  were  not  ashamed,  upon  the  most  frivolous 
pretences,  to  take  possession  of  their  neighbour's  estates;  and 
when  application  was  made  to  the  decemvirs  for  redress,  the 
complainants  were  treated  with  contempt,  and  their  complaints 
rejected.  An  inconsiderate  word,  or  an  expression  of  concern 
at  the  remembrance  of  their  ancient  liberty,  was  a  capital 
crime.  Some  of  the  chief  citizens  were  scourged  for  com- 
plaining of  the  present  administration  ;  others  were  banished, 
and   somi  even  put  to  death,  and  their  goods  confiscated. 


f= 


48  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

The  new  tyrants  vented  their  fury  chiefly  upon  the  people, 
treating  them  more  like  slaves  than  Roman  citizens.  As  lor 
the  patricians,  most  of"  them,  dreading  the  tyranny  of  the  de- 
cemvirs, gdve  way  to  the  storm,  and  retired  into  the  country 
for  the  remaining  part  of  the  year.  They  hoped  that  the  tem- 
pest would  cease  with  the  annual  power  of  the  decemvirs. 

''  At  length  the  ides  of  May,  the  time  fi.xed  for  holding  the 
comitia,  in  order  to  elect  new  magistrates,  drew  near;  but  the 
decemvirs,  instead  of  assembling  the  people,  proposed  two 
new  tables  of  laws,  the  first  relating  to  religion  and  the  wor- 
ship of  the  gods,  the  second  to  marriages  and  the  right  of  hus- 
bands. These  made  up  the  number  of  the  Twelve  Tables, 
which  the  Romans  preserved  ever  after  as  a  sacred  depositum. 
Notwithstanding  the  hatred  the  public  bore  the  decemvirs, 
they  found  little  to  object  to  in  their  laws ;  the  last  only,  for- 
bidding patricians  and  plebeians  to  intermarry,  seemed  an 
artful  invention  to  keep  the  two  parties  always  divided,  that 
they  might  reign  with  more  security.  In  the  mean  time  the 
ides  of  May  passed  without  a  comitia  for  the  election  of  new 
magistrates.  The  tyrants  then  showed  themselves  openly, 
and,  in  opposition  to  the  senate  and  people,  retained  their 
power  without  any  other  title  than  possession  and  violence. 
All  who  gave  them  umbrage  were  proscribed ;  and  many 
worthy  citizens,  retiring  from  their  country,  took  refuge 
among  the  Latins  and  Hernici.  The  people,  groaning  under 
so  cruel  a  tyranny,  applied  to  the  senate  as  their  only  refuge. 
But  the  senators,  instead  of  comforting  them,  took  pleasure  in 
seeing  them  oppressed,  and  bearing  a  great  share  in  the  mis- 
fortunes they  had  occasioned.  When  any  plebeian  com- 
plained to  them,  they  maliciously  referred  him  to  Claudius, 
that  idol  whom  they  had  set  up  and  preferred  to  so  many  il- 
lustrious defenders  of  their  country." 

The  dreadful  reign  of  the  decemvirs  was  not  long,  and  the 
restoration  of  the  constitution  was  effected  without  much 
blood.  But  the  times  immediately  following  were  so  stormy 
that  the  elevation  to  the  office  of  dictator  of  the  first  warriors 
and  statesmen,  was  repeatedly  found  indispensable  to  avert 
the  total  ruin  of  the  state.  Among  the  most  celebrated  of  the 
dictators  was  Camillus.  He  had  been  unjustly  compelled  by 
his  fellow-citizens  to  seek  an  asylum  among  the  Ardeates. 
These  he  persuaded  to  join  him  in  rescuing  Rome  from  the 
barbarous  Gauls,  who  had  set  the  capital  on  fire.  Five  times 
vvas  Camillus  called  to  rule  as  dictator ;  and  he  had  the  feli- 
city to  overcome  all  the  most  formidable  enemies  of  his  coun- 


THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  49 

try,  and  to  restore  peace  among  his  citizens.  From  the  time 
that  the  city  was  rebuih,  the  Romans  were  engaged,  for  1 40 
years,  in  an  uninterrupted  series  of  wars  in  Italy,  all  whose 
states  successively  became,  at  different  times,  subject  to  them 
Some  of  these  states  were  "admitted  to  the.  freedom  of  Rome 
and  partook  in  the  prerogative  of  Roman  citizens.  A  few- 
were,  by  their  own  choice,  in  preference  to  the  character  of 
Roman  citizens,  permitted  to  retain  the  independency  of  their 
towns,  and  were  treated  as  allies.  Others,  under  pretence  of 
being  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  Rome,  though  without  the 
right  of  suffrage,  were  deprived  of  their  corporation  establish- 
ments, and,  with  the  title  of  citizens,  treated  as  subjects.  A 
few  were  governed  in  form  by  a  military  power,  and  by  a 
praefect  or  magistrate  annually  sent  from  Rome.  From  this 
unequal  treatment  arose  the  variety  of  conditions  by  which 
the  natives  of  Italy  were  distinguished,  as  colonies,  municipal 
towns,  allies,  praefectures,  or  provincial  governments."  At  a 
future  period  all  the  inhabitants  of  Italy  were  enrolled  as  citi- 
zens of  Rome. 

The  first  people,  beyond  the  bounds  of  Italy,  with  whom 
the  Romans  formed  any  close  connexion,  were  the  Cartha- 
ginians. They  ratified  a  commercial  alliance  with  them  im- 
mediately after  the  deposition  of  Tarquin  II.  Of  this  treaty, 
the  terms  of  which  are  still  on  record,  it  is  unnecessary  to 
say  more,  than  that  it  strongly  indicates  the  early  existence 
of  the  jealousy  which  these  states  felt  towards  each  other,  and 
which  afterwards  burned  with  irrepressible  fury.  Rome, 
however,  long  maintained  friendly  intercourse  with  Carthage, 
and  received  aid  from  it  in  their  bold  and  triumphant  contest 
with  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  whose  invasion  of  Italy  has 
been  adverted  to  in  a  former  page.  A  few  years  later,  and 
their  mighty  struggle  for  the  seas,  if  not  of  the  whole  world, 
fixed  on  them  the  wondering  eyes  of  almost  all  the  intelligent 
and  observing  among  the  human  race ;  for  such,  doubtless, 
perceived  that  on  the  final  resuh  was  suspended,  for  an  un- 
known period,  the  destinies  of  the  best  known  and  most  im- 
portant kingdoms  and  governments  on  the  globe. 

If  we  consider  the  sovereignty  of  the  fourth  empire  of  pro- 
phecy, in  its  relation  to  humanity,  civilization,  and  the  true 
religion,  the  records  of  antiquity  suggest  ample  evidence  to  at- 
test, that  the  Carthaginians  were  less  fitted  than  the  Romans 
to  hold  this  great  trust.  To  illustrate  and  confirm  this  opinion 
would  require  volumes  ;  but  we  can  only  appropriate  to  it  one 
or  two  pages      The  little  that  we  learn  of  the  Carthaginian 

VOL.    II.  5 


m- 


I 


r 


#0  THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

people  is  chiefly  through  the  information  given  by  their  ene- 
mies, the  Romans.  Their  testimony,  however,  carries  with 
it  scarcely  any  signs  of  a  disposition  to  exaggerate  the  power, 
conceal  the  excellence,  or  magnify  the  vices  or  defects  of  their 
rivals. 

Carthage  was  situated,  like  Rome,  on  the  Mediterranean, 
but  on  the  opposite  coast,  in  that  province  of  Africa,  anciently 
called  Africa  Proper,  now  Tunis.  Though  this  position  was 
favourable  for  commerce,  yet  the  surrounding  region  afforded 
neither  protection  nor  resources  for  a  great  population,  equal 
to  that  of  Italy,  which  was  defended  by  its  mountains,  and  re- 
markable for  fertility,  and  its  vicinity  to  the  most  productive 
island  of  Sicily,  which  was  visible  from  the  city  of  Rhegium, 
in  Magna  Grecia.  The  Carthaginians,  according  to  tradition, 
derived  their  origin  from  the  Tyrians  or  Phenicians.  Their 
city  is  said  to  have  been  more  than  a  hundred  years  older 
than  Rome,  and  far  surpassed  that  city  in  extent  and  wealth. 
Their  original  territory,  for  which  they  long  paid  tribute  to 
the  natives,  was  not  large ;  and  they  were  compelled,  from 
the  first,  to  apply  themselves  to  such  arts  as  might  enable 
them  to  procure  subsistence  from  abroad.  They  were  soon 
enriched  by  commerce,  which,  after  the  destruction  of  Tyre, 
was  more  extensive  than  that  of  any  other  people ;  for  "  they 
then  became  the  principal  merchants  and  carriers  to  the  nu- 
merous nations  on  the  Mediterranean.  Their  ships  covered 
the  seas!  By  their  naval  power  they  made  themselves  the 
sovereigns  of  the  ocean;  and  by  their  immense  wealth  they 
maintained  large  armies,  which  they  employed  to  extend  their 
dominion  in  Africa,  and  to  subdue  several  provinces  in  Spain. 
Sardinia  and  the  small  islands  in  the  Mediterranean  were 
seized  by  them,  and  they  acquired  possessions  in  Sicily. 
Their  government  was  republican,  similar  somewhat  to  that 
adopted  by  the  Romans,  and  consisted  of  a  senate  and  popular 
assembly,  by  whom  were  annually  chosen  two  officers  for 
the  supreme  direction  of  all  the  affairs  of  the  state.  Though 
this  was  calculated  to  cherish  the  love  of  liberty  and  glory, 
yet  the  Carthaginian  ambition  was  almost  universally  limited 
to  the  acquisition  of  riches.  The  commercial,  not  the  mili- 
tary spirit,  animated  all  ranks.  Rank  was  estimated  by 
wealth.  The  army,  except  the  officers,  consisted  of  foreign- 
ers, hired  to  defend  and  exalt  a  country  in  which  they  had 
little  or  no  interest,  and  which,  mdeed,  many  of  them  hated. 
It  must  have  been,  therefore,  always  difficult  to  secure  the 
services  of  such  an  army ;  and,  on  one  occasion,  they  had 


•  # 


f 


51 

almost  totally  destroyed  the  state.  The  schemes  and  uses  of 
the  conquests  of  the  Carthaginians  were,  of  course,  regulated 
by  the  nature  of  their  ambition.  They  desired  to  multiply 
seats  of  commerce  rather  than  to  acquire  vast  territories.  The 
dominion  of  the  coasts  satisfied  them,  unless  the  interior  of  a 
country  contained  mines  of  the  richer  metals,  or  promised  an 
extension  of  trade.  We  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  they 
ever  devised  or  attempted  to  ameliorate  or  improve  the  condi- 
tion of  the  conquered,  not  even  when  that  might,  by  such  po- 
licy, have  contributed  to  their  own  power  and  wealth.  To 
instruct  or  civilize  man  formed  no  part  of  their  counsels,  plans, 
or  pursuits.  Their  views  respecting  their  colonies  and  those 
nations  whom  they  subdued,  were  exclusively  confined  to  de- 
vising and  using  the  most  appropriate  means  of  procuring 
from  them  an  augmentation  to  their  revenue  or  army. 

Learning,  properly  so  called,  was  not  unknown  to  the  Car- 
thaginians. They  were  acquainted  with  the  Greeks,  and  a 
considerable  number  valued  and  acquired  Grecian  science 
and  literature.  But  the  government,  so  far  as  history  testifies, 
employed  no  means  to  cultivate  the  minds  of  the  people  ex- 
cept such  as  were  indispensable  to  fit  them  for  business.  The 
system  of  education  of  the  schools  established  in  the  state  em- 
braced little  more  than  reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic.  Po 
lite  learning,  history,  and  philosophy,  were  contemned  ,  laws 
were,  indeed,  enacted  prohibiting  a  Carthaginian  from  learn- 
ing the  language  of  Greece,  lest  he  should  be  qualified  to 
correspond  by  word  or  writing  with  the  enemies  of  his  coun- 
try. The  religion  of  Carthage  was  that  of  their  ancestors  in 
Phenicia,  and  with  superstitious  obstinacy  were  its  most  de- 
basing, cruel,  and  sanguinary  rites  observed  by  the  Cartha- 
ginians to  the  last  hour  of  their  national  existence.  These 
hints  may  suffice  to  show  that  they  were  neither  qualified  nor 
worthy  to  become  the  conquerors  of  the  world ;  and  that, 
however  great  they  were,  the  advancement  of  their  empire 
would  neither  have  tended  to  unite  the  nations,  nor  elevate 
the  human  mind  to  investigate  truth,  or  estimate  moral  excel- 
lence. Their  overthrow  was  therefore,  doubtless,  not  less  ad- 
vantageous to  true  religion,  and  the  best  interests  of  the  hu- 
man race,  than  had  been  the  expulsion  of  part  of  the  same 
race  from  Canaan  by  Joshua. 

The  fire  of  the  Romans'  ambition  burned  with  intensity 
proportionable  to  the  success  of  their  arms.  They  despised 
for  ages  ease,  wealth,  and  luxury ;  renown  alone  had  charms 
in  their  eyes.     Their  jmost  eminent  statesmen  and  militarv 


9-. 


«= 


M 


52 


THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 


leaders  were  content  to  pass  the  time  not  required  by  the  af- 
fairs of  the  nation,  in  cultivating  with  their  own  hands  the 
small  portions  of  the  land  which  they  received  from  their  fa- 
thers, or  from  the  state,  in  recompense  for  their  noble  exer- 
tions to  maintain  its  peace  or  extend  its  dominion.  The 
triumph  of  the  republic  in  Italy  demanded  the  most  solicitous 
care  of  the  senators,  and  the  most  arduous  efforts  of  its  citizens, 
to  defend  not  only  the  real  or  supposed  interests  of  the  risino^ 
state,  but  also  those  of  their  numerous  colonies,  allies,  and  tri- 
butaries. This  object  rendered  large  armies  necessary,  and 
to  support  these  the  resources  of  Italy  were  found  to  be  in- 
adequate. To  procure  foreign  supplies  became  now  a  first 
object  of  policy,  and  nowhere  could  these  be  more  easily  ob- 
tained in  abundance  than  in  Sicily.  Consequently,  the  Ro- 
mans felt  it  imperative  to  possess  this  island,  or  at  least  to  es- 
tablish an  alliance  with  its  principal  rulers.  Similar  reasons 
of  state  had  long  directed  the  views  of  the  Carthaginians  to 
the  conquest  of  this  island,  from  which  they  drew  a  great  por- 
tion of  the  provisions  required  by  their  metropolis  and  army. 
Hence  the  political  state  of  Sicily  gave  rise  to  the  first  great 
war  between  Carthage  and  Rome,  which  terminated  only  af- 
ter the  lapse  of  twenty-three  years. 

Sicily  was  chiefly  occupied  by  colonies  from  Greece.  The 
capital  of  these  colonies  was  Syracuse,  situated  on  the  south- 
west coast.  It  was  one  of  the  finest  and  largest  cities  of  an- 
cient times.  The  Carthaginians  possessed  several  important 
posts  in  the  island,  and  Lilyboeum,  their  chief  city,  stood  on 
the  western  coast,  nearly  opposite  Carthage.  On  the  south- 
east extremity  stood  Messina,  divided  by  a  narrow  or  strait 
from  Rhegium  in  Italy.  A  number  of  Italians  from  Cam- 
pania had  been  admitted  into  Messina  by  the  prince  of  Syra- 
cuse. They  had  treacherously  risen  against  the  citizens,  mur- 
dered every  individual,  and  seized  their  habitations  and  pro- 
perty. About  B.  c.  264,  the  celebrated  king  of  Syracuse, 
Hiero  II.  resolved  to  execute  vengeance  on  these  miscreants. 
He  soon  reduced  them  to  such  distress,  that  they  were  re- 
solved to  surrender  themselves  to  the  first  power  that  could  af- 
ford them  protection.  "  But,  being  divided  in  their  choice,  one 
party  made  an  offer  of  their  submission  to  the  Carthaginians, 
and  the  other  to  the  Romans.  The  latter  scrupled,  it  is  said,  to 
protect  a  crime  which  they  had  recently  punished  in  their 
own  soldiers.  A  legion  stationed  in  Rhegium  had  put  to 
death  the  citizens  whom  they  had  been  appointed  to  protect, 
and  taken  possession  of  the  city.     An  army  sent  against  them 


THE  FOTTRTH,   OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE.  08 

killed  the  greater  numter,  and  carried  the  survivors  m  chains 
to  Rome,  where  they  were  scourged  and  beheaded.  While 
the  Romans  hesitated  to  oppose  Hiero,  the  Carthaginians,  less 
scrupulous,  sent  a  number  of  soldiers,  who  entered  Messina. 
This  conduct  of  their  rivals  speedily  led  the  Romans  to  act 
with  decision.  "  The  officer  who  had  charge  in  the  contiguous 
parts  of  Italy  had  orders  to  assemble  all  the  shipping  that 
could  be  found  on  the  coast  from  Tarentum  to  Naples,  to  pass 
with  his  army  into  Sicily,  and  endeavour  to  dispossess  the 
Carthaginians  from  the  city  of  Messina.  As  soon  as  this  of- 
ficer appeared  in  the  road,  with  a  force  so  much  superior  to 
that  of  his  rivals,  the  party  in  the  city  that  favoured  the  admis- 
sion of  the  Romans  took  arms,  and  forced  the  Carthaginians 
to  evacuate  the  place."  Thus  what  is  called  the  first  Punic 
war  was  commenced. 

"  The  first  great  object  of  each  party  was  no  more  than  to 
secure  the  possession  of  Messina,  and  to  command  the  passage 
of  the  straits  which  separate  Italy  from  Sicily ;  but  their  views 
were  gradually  extended  to  objects  of  more  importance,  to  the 
sovereignty  of  that  island,  and  the  dominion  of  the  seas." 
This  contest  was  likely  to  be  extremely  unequal,  but  in  its 
progress  was  displayed  the  inconquerable  valour  of  the  Ro- 
mans, which  drew  on  them  the  eyes  of  all  the  surounding  na- 
tions, and  has  therefore  strong  claims  to  a  more  full  descrip- 
tion than  many  of  their  future  wars,'which  more  immediately 
hastened  to  elevate  them  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  world. 
"  On  the  one  side  appeared  the  resources  of  a  great  nation, 
collected  from  extensive  dominions,  a  great  naval  force,  stand- 
ing armies,  and  the  experience  of  distant  operations.  On  the 
other,  the  ferocity  or  valour  of  a  small  state,  hitherto  exerted 
only  against  their  neighbours  of  Italy,  who,  though  subdued, 
were  averse  to  subjection,  and  in  no  condition  to  furnish  the 
necessary  supplies  for  a  distant  war ;  without  commerce  or 
revenue,  without  any  army  but  what  was  annually  formed  by 
detachments  from  the  people,  and  without  any  officers  besides 
the  ordinary  magistrates  of  the  city ;  in  short,  without  any  na- 
val force  or  experience  of  naval  or  distant  operations.  Not- 
withstanding these  unpromising  appearances  on  the  side  of 
the  Romans,  the  commanding  aspect  of  their  first  descent  upon 
Sicily  procured  them  not  only  the  possession  of  Messina,  but 
soon  after  determined  Hiero,  the  king  of  Syracuse,  hitherto  in 
alliance  with  the  Carthaginians,  to  espouse  their  cause,  to  sup- 
ply their  army  with  provisions,  and  afterwards  to  join  them 
with  his  own.    Being  thus  reinforced  by  the  natives  of  Sicily 

6* 


54  THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

they  were  enabled  to  recall  part  of  the  force  with  which  they  b* 
ganthe  war:  continued,  though  at  a  less  expense,  to  act  on  the 
offensive,  and  drove  the  Carthaginians  from  many  of  their  im- 
portant stations  in  the  island.  While  the  arms  of  the  Romans 
and  of  Hiero  were  victorious  on  shore,  the  Carthaginians 
continued  to  be  masters  of  the  sea,  kept  possession  of  all  the 
harbours  in  Sicily,  overawed  the  coasts,  obstructed  the  mili- 
tary convoys  from  Italy,  and  alarmed  that  country  itself  with 
frequent  descents.  It  was  evident  that,  under  these  disadvan- 
tages, the  Romans  could  neither  make  nor  preserve  any  ma- 
ritime acquisition ;  and  it  was  necessary  either  to  drop  the  con- 
test in  yielding  the  sea,  or  to  endeavour,  on  that  element  like- 
wise, to  cope  with  their  rival.  Though  not  altogether,  as 
historians  represent  them,  unacquainted  with  shipping,  they 
were  certainly  inferior  to  the  Carthaginians  in  the  art  of  nav- 
igation, and  altogether  unprovided  with  ships  of  force.  For- 
tunately for  them,  neither  the  art  of  sailing,  nor  that  of  con- 
structing ships,  was  yet  arrived  at  such  a  degree  of  perfection 
as  not  to  be  easily  imitated  by  nations  who  had  any  experi- 
ence or  practice  of  the  sea.  Vessels  of  the  best  construction 
that  was  then  known  were  fit  to  be  navigated  only  with  oars, 
or  in  a  fair  wind  and  on  a  smooth  sea.  They  might  be  built 
of  green  timber ;  and,  in  case  of  a  storm,  could  run  ashore  un- 
der any  cover,  or  upon  any  beach  that  was  clear  of  rocks. 
Such  ships  as  these  the  Romans,  without  hesitation,  under- 
took to  provide.  Having  a  Carthaginian  galJey,  accidentally 
stranded  at  Messina,  for  a  model,  it  is  said  that,  in  sixty  days 
from  the  time  that  the  timber  was  cut  down,  they  fitted  out 
and  manned  for  the  sea  one  hundred  galleys  of  five  tier  of 
oars,  and,  twenty  of  three  tier.  Vessels  of  the  first  of  these 
rates  carried  three  hundred  rowers,  and  two  hundred  fight- 
ing men.  The  manner  of  applying  their  oars  from  so  many 
tiers,  and  a  much  greater  number  which  they  sometimes  em- 
ployed, has  justly  appeared  a  great  difficulty  to  the  mechanics 
and  antiquarians  of  modern  times,  and  is  confessedly  not  well 
understood.  The  Romans,  while  their  galleys  were  building, 
trained  their  rowers  to  the  oar  on  benches  that  were  erected 
on  the  beach,  and  placed  in  the  form  of  those  of  the  real  gal- 
ley. Being  sensible  that  the  enemy  must  be  still  greatly  su- 
perior in  the  management  of  their  ships  and  in  the  quickness 
of  their  motions,  they  endeavoured  to  deprive  them  of  this  ad- 
vantage, by  preparing  to  grapple,  and  to  bind  their  vessels 
together.  In  this  condition,  the  men  might  engage  on  equal 
terms,  fight  from  their  stages  or  decks  as  on  solid  ground,  and 


THE  FOURTH,   OF   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  ^5 

the  Roman  buckler  and  sword  have  the  game  effect  as  on 
shore.  With  an  armament  so  constructed,  still  inferior  to  the 
enemy,  and  even  unfoiitunate  in  its  first  attempts,  they  learned, 
by  perseverance,  to  vanquish  the  masters  of  the  sea  on  their 
own  element ;  and  not  only  protected  the  coasts  of  Italy,  and 
supported  their  operations  in  Sicily,  but,  with  a  powerful  fleet 
of  three  hundred  and  thirty  sail,  overcame  at  sea  a  superior 
number  of  the  enemy,  and  carried  the  war  to  the  gates  of 
Carthage.  On  this  occasion  took  place  the  famous  adventure 
of  Regulus  ;  who  being  successful  in  his  first  operations,  gave 
the  Romans  some  hopes  of  conquest  in  Africa ;  but  they  were 
checked  at  once  by  the  defeat  of  their  army,  and  the  captivity 
of  their  general.  This  .event  removed  the  seat  of  the  war 
again  into  Sicily  ;  and  the  Romans,  still  endeavouring  to  main- 
tain a  naval  force,  suffered  so  many  losses,  and  incurred  so 
many  disasters  by  storms,  that  they  were,  during  a  certain 
period  of  the  war,  disgusted  with  the  service  at  sea,  and  seemed 
to  drop  all  pretensions  to  power  on  this  element.  The  experi- 
ence of  a  few  years,  however,  while  they  endeavoured  to  con- 
tinue their  operation  by  land,  without  any  support  from  the 
sea,  made  them  sensible  of  the  necessity  they  were  under  ot 
restoring  their  shipping ;  and  they  did  so  with  a  resolution  and 
vigour  which  enabled  them  once  more  to  prevail  over  the  su- 
perior skill  and  experience  of  their  enemy.  In  this  ruinous 
contest,  both  parties  made  the  utmost  efliorts,  and  the  most 
uninterrupted  exertion  of  their  forces.  Taking  the  forces  ol 
both  sides,  in  one  naval  engagement,  five  hundred  galleys  of 
five  tier  of  oars,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men, 
and  in  another,  seven  hundred  galleys,  with  three  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  men,  were  brought  into  action ;  and  in  the 
course  of  these  struggles  the  Romans  lost,  either  by  tempests 
or  by  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  seven  hundred  galleys ;  their 
antagonists,  about  five  hundred.  In  the  resuh  of  these  de- 
structive encounters,  the  Carthaginians,  beginning  to  balance 
the  inconveniences  which  attended  the  continuance  of  war 
against  the  concessions  that  were  necessary  to  obtain  peace, 
came  to  a  resolution  to  accept  of  the  following  terms :  That 
they  should  evacuate  Sicily,  and  all  the  islands  from  thence 
to  Africa :  That  they  should  not  for  the  future  make  war  on 
Hiero,  king  of  Syracuse,  nor  on  any  of  his  allies :  That  they 
should  release  all  Roman  captives  without  any  ransom :  And 
within  twenty  years  pay  to  the  Romans  a  sum  of  three  thou- 
sand Euboic  talents.  Thus  the  Romans,  in  the  result  of  a 
war  which  was  the  first  they  undertook  beyond  the  limits  of 


I 


#  # 


66  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

Italy,  entered  on  the  p6ssession  of  all  that  the  Carthagmians 
held  in  the  islands  for  which  they  contended  ;  and,  by  a  con- 
tinuation of  the  same  policy  which  they  had  so  successfully 
pursued  in  Italy,  by  applying  to  their  new  acquisitions,  in 
stead  of  the  alarming  denomination  of  subject,  the  softer  name 
of  ally,  they  brought  Hiero,  who  was  sovereign  of  the  greater 
part  of  Sicily,  into  a  state  of  dependence  on  themselves." 

From  the  time  that  the  Romans  had  humbled  Carthage, 
they  scarcely  concealed  their  determination  to  give  law  to  the 
world.  They  nevertheless  sedulously  laboured  to  disguise 
their  boundless  ambition  of  universal  empire,  by  the  assump- 
tion of  the  office  of  the  disinterested  friends  of  universal  liber- 
ty ;  and  as  such  they  showed  themselves  ready  to  listen  to  the 
complaints  of  the  oppressed  everywhere,  and  to  depose  and 
expel  all  who  where  reputed  tyrannical  and  unjust  rulers. 
With  this  noble  attitude,  their  treatment  of  Sicily  ill  accorded  ; 
for  on  the  withdrawment  of  the  troops  of  Carthage,  the  whole 
island,  except  the  division  which  constituted  the  kingdom  of 
Hiero,  was  declared  by  the  senate  and  people  of  Rome  to  be 
a  Roman  province.  The  Sicilians  were  of  course  subjected 
to  Roman  laws,  and  governed  by  a  Roman  praetor,  who  was 
supreme  ruler  and  judge,  and  by  a  quaestor,  whose  office 
empowered  him  to  receive  the  revenues  for  the  republic. 
"  These  revenues  were  either  fixed  or  casual.  The  fixed 
were  called  tributes,  and  consisted  of  a  certain  sum  of  money 
which  the  province  was  every  year  to  pay  into  the  public 
treasury.  The  casual  were  the  tenths  of  the  product  of  the 
lands,  and  the  duties  upon  merchandise  exported  and  imported. 
Certain  officers,  called  publicans,  generally  chosen  out  of  the 
body  of  the  Roman  knights,  were  appointed  to  levy  both 
these  sorts  of  taxes ;  and  the  latter  sort  were  farmed  by  the 
publicans  at  a  certain  annual  rent,  which  they  constantly  paid 
the  republic  at  all  events.  However,  these  fixed  revenues  did 
not  hinder  the  Romans  from  often  demanding  of  the  provin- 
ces extraordinary  supplies  of  men,  ships,  and  corn."  Though 
Sicily  was  thus  deprived  of  its  laws,  and  by  consequence  of 
what  the  inhabitants  would  deem  the  best  portion  of  their  li- 
berty, they  received,  for  a  compensation,  deliverance  from  suf- 
fering, occasioned  by  the  wars  which  had  been  long  carried 
on  by  the  three  races,  Greeks,  Carthaginians,  and  Italians,  in 
their  struggle  for  the  supremacy.  The  two  sovereigns,  Hie- 
ro and  the  Roman  republic,  being  cordially  united,  the  Sici- 
lians happily  enjoyed,  for  many  years,  uninterrupted  peace 
and  prosperity.     The  exaltation  of  the  Romans,  on  account 


m  # 


m- 


THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  57 

of  the  success  which,  as  they  believed,  their  gods  had  given 
them  as  a  reward  of  their  determined  valour,  was  tempered 
by  severe  sufferings,  inflicted  on  them  by  the  superintending 
Ruler  of  all.  An  extraordinary  inundation  of  the  Tiber 
overwhelmed  the  lower  parts  of  the  city,  and  a  frightful  fire 
consumed  the  upper  parts.  "  Rome,"  Livy  says,  "  lost  more 
wealth  in  one  day  than  she  had  procured  by  many  victories." 
Adversity,  in  any  form,  had  usually  no  other  permanent  effect 
on  the  ancient  Romans,  than  to  rouse  and  stimulate  their  en- 
ergies ;  they  were  strangers  to  sorrow,  despondency,  or  de- 
spair. They  never  renounced  their  lofty  pretensions  to  brave 
every  danger ;  but,  in  seasons  of  great  reverses,  they  had  the 
prudence  to  proclaim  themselves  the  most  zealous  friends  of 
justice,  good  order,  and  peace  ;  and  the  deeds  which  they  on 
these  occasions  performed,  to  impose  on  mankind,  have  been 
celebrated  by  their  historians,  as  striking  proofs  that  they  ex- 
celled all  other  nations  as  much  in  generosity  and  magnani- 
mity, as  in  ambition,  courage,  intrepidity,  and  fortitude.  It 
was  perhaps  from  the  conviction  of  their  own  critical  situation, 
that  they  showed  no  inclination  to  profit  by  the  apparently 
helpless  state  of  Carthage  after  the  peace.  On  the  return  of 
the  army,  the  Carthaginian  senate,  having  exhausted  its  treas- 
ure, most  inconsiderately  requested  the  soldiers  to  accept,  for 
the  benefit  of  the  state,  of  somewhat  less  than  was  due  them. 
This  excited  the  indignation  of  the  whole  army,  and  they  de- 
clared war  against  their  masters.  Happily  the  Carthaginian 
officers,  whom  the  army  dismissed,  succeeded  in  training  the 
citizens  to  arms,  and  were  enabled,  after  a  struggle  of  three 
years,  to  put  down  the  insurrection  and  destroy  the  rebels. 
The  latter  sought  in  vain  the  support  of  the  Romans ;  they 
not  only  declined  to  oppose  the  Carthaginians,  but  afforded 
them  every  facility  to  procure  arms  and  provisions  during 
this  singular  momentous  contest.  This  conduct  was  most 
probably  dictated  by  their  own  condition.  By  the  census  we 
find  that  the  number  of  the  citizens  had  been,  from  war,  the 
inundation  and  conflagration,  or  other  causes,  reduced  in  the 
course  of  five  years,  from  297,220  to  251,222,  and  the  pecu- 
niary resources  were  more  than  proportionably  diminished. 
To  meet  the  debts  of  the  state,  the  coin  was  raised  six  times  above 
its  real  value.  Relief  was  procured  from  fines  or  tribute  im- 
posed on  Carthage,  and  the  spoils  of  war  ;  but  all  the  resources 
which  the  state  could  command  were  required  to  secure  the 
frontiers  against  the  Gauls,  and  other  restless  and  violent  ene- 
mies.    How  slight  claims  the  Romans  had  to  the  applause 


58  THE    FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

of  mankind  for  rrue  magnanimity  and  love  of  justice  in  theii 
behaviour  to  Cartilage,  they  soon  showed ;  for  the  Carthagini- 
ans had  no  sooner  conquered  their  mercenary  army,  than  the 
Romans  most  unjustly  demanded  compensation  for  the  losses 
suffered  from  the  loss  of  a  number  of  their  ships,  which  had 
been  captured  while  carrying  supplies  to  the  rebels.  And 
the  Carthaginians  only  escaped  a  new  war  with  the  Romans, 
at  this  time,  by  ceding  to  them  Sardinia,  and  paying  1200  ta- 
lents. 

The  Romans,  in  the  year  b.  c.  223,  presented  a  wonderful 
phenomenon  in  their  history :  Military  operations  were  un- 
necessary— they  enjoyed  peace ;  and  after  the  lapse  of  430 
years,  the  temple  of  Janus  was  shut.  This  object  was  indeed 
transitory  as  a  meteor  in  the  skies ;  but  it  forcibly  expressed 
the  warlike  character  of  the  nation,  and  their  political  vigour, 
which  centuries  of  incessant  combat  only  served  to  strengthen. 
How  many  Romans  must  have  perished  by  the  sword ! 
How  many  calamities  must  the  community  have  endured ! 
What  wretchedness  must  have  been  experienced  by  those 
with  whom  they  contended  ?  Truly  the  habitations  of  those 
who  know  not  God  are  full  of  horrid  cruelty. 


«= 


CHAPTER    IV. 


THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE,  CONTINUED. 


CONTEST  FOR  EMPIRE  IN  THE  WEST. HANNIBAL  AND  P.  C.  SCIPIO. 

The  temple  of  Janus  may  have  remained  shut  two  or  three 
years ;  but  being  always  open  during  war,  its  shrine  was  vis- 
ited B.  c.  219,  for  in  that  year  the  war  with  lllyricum,  which 
has  been  adverted  to  in  a  former  page,  was  commenced,  and 
before  its  termination  the  Gauls  once  more  invaded  Italy. 
Their  army  amounting  to  50,000  foot,  and  20,000  horsemen, 
were  arrested  in  Etruria,  in  their  march  to  attack  Rome. 
The  preparations  to  repel  them  were  exceedingly  great ;  for 
the  Romans  are  said  to  have  raised  about  700,000  foot,  and 
70,000  horse.  These  were  divided  into  several  armies,  ap 
pointed  to  occupy  different  stations,  so  as  to  cover  the  whole 
country.  The  first  that  met  the  enemy  were  defeated  with  great 
slaughter  ;  but  the  Romans  soon  united  their  forces,  overcame 
the  Gauls,  and  pursued  them  across  the  Po,  and  conquered 
all  the  country  now  called  Italy,  quite  to  the  Alps. 

While  they  were  thus  employed,  they  looked  with  suspi- 
cion on  the  proceedings  of  the  Carthaginians,  who  reluctant- 
ly allowed  themselves  to  be  directed  by  the  counsels  of  Ha- 
milcar,  the  avowed  enemy  of  Rome,  and  one  of  the  most  ac 
complished  generals.  He  had  discovered  his  great  talents  in 
the  Sicilian  war,  and  still  more  by  delivering  his  country 
from  the  power  of  its  mercenary  troops.  Having  restored 
peace  to  Carthage,  he  had  led  an  army  into  Spain,  and  made 
important  conquests ;  but  he  was  killed  in  battle.  The  com- 
mand of  his  troops  was  committed  to  Asdrubal,  a  general 
scarcely  his  inferior,  and  distinguished  by  integrity,  strict  ad- 
herence to  treaties,  and  disposed  to  cultivate  the  friendship  of 
the  Romans.  They  immediately  sent  ambassadors  to  the  se- 
nate of  Carthage,  and  to  Asdrubal,  demanding  that  he  should 
not  make  war  on  the  Spaniards  beyond  the  Iberus,  the  modem 
Ebro,  and  that  Saguntum  should  be  declared  a  free  city. 


f 


60  THE   FOURTHj    OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

This  great  man  was  assassinated  by  a  slave,  who  thus  sought 
revenge  for  an  injury,  real  or  supposed,  done  to  his  master. 
The  celebrated  Hannibal,  a  son  of  Hamilcar,  was  now  placed 
over  the  Carthaginian  army  in  Spain.  He  had,  when  only 
a  child,  at  the  desire  of  his  noble  father,  sworn  before  the  al- 
tar of  Jupiter  eternal  enmity  to  the  Romans ;  and  his  impla- 
cable resentment  increased  with  his  years.  This  eminent 
man's  skill  and  enterprise  in  war  have  immortalised  his  name 
as  the  first  of  heroes,  notwithstanding  that  he  failed  in  the  great 
object  both  of  his  ambition  and  life.  The  voice  of  the  soldiers 
called  him  to  the  highest  office  in  the  army,  and  consequently 
in  the  state,  in  his  twenty-fifth  year ;  the  senate  confirmed 
their  choice,  and  the  report  of  it  exceedingly  galled  the  Ro- 
mans :  and  the  opposite  views  and  feelings  of  all  parties  were 
shown  to  be  just,  by  the  wisdom  of  his  future  plans,  the  pru- 
dence, perseverance,  and  ardour  by  which  he  pursued  them, 
and  the  vast  results  of  their  execution. 

Spain  was  a  prize  of  no  ordinary  value.  Its  mountains 
were  the  richest  in  Europe,  or  western  Asia,  for  they  abounded 
in  rich  mines  of  gold,  silver,  and  copper.  The  natives  were 
numerous,  and  consisted  of  many  races  or  tribes  ;  and  though 
rude  and  ignorant,  yet  they  were  brave  and  enthusiastically 
attached  to  their  country.  They  tatooed  their  bodies,  and  or- 
namented their  long  hair  with  the  precious  metals ;  and  of 
such  materials,  it  is  said,  were  their  most  common  utensils 
and  vessels  formed.  The  females  alone  laboured ;  the  men 
were  all  warriors,  and  valued  their  arms  and  horses  more 
than  their  lives.  War  generally  prevailed  among  the  tribes ; 
but  love  of  country  disposed  some  of  them  to  unite  to  resist 
the  encroachments  of  strangers.  Several  tribes  in  almost  the 
centre  of  Spain  assembled  armed,  to  the  amount  of  100,000 
men,  to  oppose  the  progress  of  Hannibal  towards  the  Iberus. 
He  totally  overthrew  and  scattered  them,  and  proceeded  to 
invest  the  important  city  Saguntum.  The  brave  citizens  sus- 
tained a  siege  of  eight  months ;  and  when  all  hope  of  receiving 
' .:  "'"*  ^rom  Rome  which  they  had  implored  failed,  and  their 
case  became  desperate,  they  -set  their  city  on  fire  and  perished 
with  it.  This  infraction  of  the  late  treaty  fired  the  indigna- 
tion of  the  Romans,  and  they  sent  their  ambassadors  to  de- 
mand the  senate  of  Carthage  to  deliver  Hannibal  into  their 
hands,  or  prepare  for  war.  The  Carthaginians  chose  the 
latter  altei native.  In  this  manner  originated  the  second  dread- 
ful Punic  war,  which  threatened  the  entire  ruin  of  the  Ro- 


»• 


THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN    EMPIRE.     .  61 

mans,  and  left  Carthage  incapable  of  recovering  her  place 

among  the  nations. 

Hannibal's  great  natural  capacities  were  invigorated  by 
learning  and  science.  He  spoke  the  Greek,  and  wrote  some 
books  in  that  language.  He  was  excelled  in  learning  by  few 
great  warriors,  and  perhaps  equalled  any  of  them  in  the 
knowledge  of  human  nature  and  of  the  world.  Though  not 
ignorant  of  the  science  of  morals,  he  generally  regulated  his 
actions  by  rules  of  expedience  rather  than  by  benevolence  or 
justice.  Taught  from  his  earliest  years  to  regard  and  treat 
the  Romans  as  the  enemies  of  his  country,  and  to  qualify 
himself,  by  every  possible  means,  to  revenge  the  injuries 
which  it  had  sustained  from  that  people,  he  seemed  to  deem 
no  device  unlawful,  and  no  deed  wrong,  which  tended  to  dis- 
honour or  injure  them.*  To  effect  this,  to  him  the  most  desir 
able  of  all  objects,  he  had,  it  is  said,  for  a  long  time,  conceived 
that  the  most  proper  means  was  to  invade  Italy,  and  make  it 
the  principal  seat  of  war.  In  reference  to  this  plan,  he  had 
made  himself  acquainted  with  the  regions  separating  Spain 
from  Italy,  and  with  the  political  relations  and  condition  of 
their  inhabitants  ;  and  with  the  predominant  dispositions  and 
particular  circumstances  of  the  numerous  small  states  subject 
or  allied  to  Rome,  in  Italy.  From  all  the  information  which 
he  had  been  able  to  gather,  he  felt  confident  that  he  could 
not  only  penetrate  Italy  through  the  country  of  the  Gauls, 
but  that  he  would  receive  powerful  support  from  them,  and 
many  of  the  races  who  were  only  subject  to  the  Romans 
from  inability  to  resist  them. 

After  the  destruction  of  Saguntum,  Hannibal  retired  to 
New  Carthage,  the  modern  Carthagena,  the  chjef  city  of  the 
vast  territories  which  Carthage  had  acquired  in  Spain.  It 
was  admirably  situated,  in  relation  to  the  conquered  countries, 
and  had  one  of  the  best  harhoirs  in  Spain,  and  perhaps  in  the 
world.  He  now  put  forth  nil  his  strength  to  prepare  for  war, 
which  the  senate  of  Carthage  left  him  to  conduct  in  the  man- 
ner which  he  judged  most  eligible.  Having  committed  the 
government  of  Spain  to  his  brother  Asdrubal,  with  a  consi- 
derable fleet  and  land  array,  he  led  his  army  to  Iberus,  and 
thence  to  the  Pyrenees.  The  opposition  encountered  from 
the  natives,  and  the  difficulties  which  now  presented  them- 
ajlves,  depressed  the  spirits  of  many  of  the  troops,  so  that,  by 
the  number  of  deserters,  and  those  dismissed  from  the  service, 
the  anny  now  mustered  only  fifty  thousand  foot,  nine  thou- 
sand horse,  and  thirty-seven  elephants.     Ten  thousand  com 

VOL.    u.  6 


i 


«  b2  THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

*.  ■ 

manded  by  Hanno,  one  of  the  brothers  of  Hannibal,  were  left 
on  the  Spanish  side  of  the  Pyrenees,  to  observe  the  motions 
of  the  natives  and  keep  them  in  awe,  while  the  army  pro- 
ceeded across  these  mountains.  Hannibal's  march  through 
j  Gaul,  at  some  distance  from  the  coast,  appears  to  have  been 

I  comparatively  easy,  till  he  reached  the  Rhone,  about  four 

|i  days  march  from  where  that  great  river  falls  into  the  Medi- 

I  terranean.     He  seized  many  boats  and  canoes  to  convey  the 

:  army  across  the  river.     But  it  was  only  by  the  most  skilful 

manceuvres  that  he  succeeded,  without  sustaining  much  loss, 
i,  from  the  rude  and  barbarous  attack  of  the  large  army  of 

I  Gauls   who   had  assembled  to  oppose  him.     He  marched 

■  along  its  western  branch,  which  flowed  from  the  north ;  and 

'  then,  turning  east,  he  passed  it,  not  far  from  its  junction  with 

^  the  Isere,  and  advanced  to  the  Alps.     Hitherto  he  had  suf- 

\  fered  little  from  the  natives,  and,  in  some  instances,  he  had 

j?  even  procured  from  them  important  supplies  for  his  troops. 

But  after  he  ascended  the  lofty  Alps,  from  dread  of  him  as  an 
enemy,  or  from  the  desire  of  plunder,  "  they  occupied  every 
post  at  which  they  could  obstruct  his  march ;  assailed  him 
•  from  the  heights,  endeavoured  to  overwhelm  his  army  in  the 

,  gorges  of  the  mountains,  or  force  them  over  precipices,  which 

I  frequently  sunk  perpendicular  under  the  narrow  paths  by 

I  wjhich  they  were  to  pass.     Near  to  the  summits  of  the  ridge, 

I  at  which  he  arrived  by  a  continual  ascent  of  many  days,  he 

I  "had  his  way  to  form  on  the  sides  of  frozen  mountains,  and 

'  through  masses  of  perennial  ice,  which,  at  the  approach  of 

f-  winter,  were  now  covered  with  recent  snow.     Many  of  his 

I  men  and  horses,  coming  from  a  warm  climate,  perished  by 

>  the  cold  ;  and*  his  army  having  struggled,  during  so  long  a 

time,  with  extremes  to  which  it  was  little  accustomed,  was  re- 
duced, from  fifty  thousand  foot  and  nine  thousand  horse,  the 
r  numbers  which  remained  to  him  in  descending  the  Pyrenees, 

to  twenty  thousand  foot  and  six  thousand  cavalry,  a  force,  in 
all  appearance,  extremely  disproportioned  to  the  service  for 
which  they  were  destined." 

The  rapidity  of  the  movements  of  Hannibal,  through  ex- 
tensive and  almost  unknown  territories,  which  were  occupied 
by  multitudes  of  inhabitants  accustomed  to  incessant  and 
bloody  wars,  and  over  mountains  which  no  army  had  ever 
dared  to  pass,  astonished  the  nations,  and  alarmed  the  Romans. 
From  the  great  preparations  which  they  had  made  to  make 
the  principal  countries  subject  to  Carthage,  the  theatre  of  war, 
it  is  plain  that  they  had  not  anticipated  the  possibility  of  his 


I 


4k 

i 


THE    FOURTH,   OR    ROMAN   EMPIRB.  63 

invasion  of  Italy  by  land.  They  had  raised  two  large  armies, 
and  intrusted  them  to  their  consuls,  Publius  Cornelius  Scipio, 
and  Tiberius  Sempronius  Lon^us.  The  latter  was  ordered 
to  Sicily,  and,  if  expedient,  to  Africa ;  the  former  embarked 
for  Spain,  and,  touching  on  the  coast  of  Gaul,  received  the 
unexpected  information,  that  a  Carthaginian  army  were  on 
its  march  through  Gaul  to  Italy.  At  Marseilles  he  ascer- 
tained the  position  of  the  enemy,  and  proceeded  to  the  banks 
of  the  Rhone.  He  arrived  at  the  place  where  Hannibal  had 
passed  it  three  days  before;  and,  convinced  that  no  advan- 
tage could  be  gained  by  attempting  to  pursue  him,  he  sent 
his  brother  Cneius  Scipio,  with  the  larger  division  of  the  army, 
into  Spain,  and  embarked  the  other  division,  and  sailed  for 
Etruria.  On  landing,  he  joined,  and  took  c*ommand  of  the 
legions  which  had  been  appointed  to  restore  the  colonies  of 
Cremona  and  Placentia.  "  With  these  forces  he  passed  the 
Po,  and  was  arrived  on  the  Ticinus,  when  Hannibal  came 
down  into  the  plain  country,  at  some  distance  below  Turin, 
^rhe  Carthaginian  general,  at  his  arrival  in  those  parts,  had 
moved  to  his  right ;  and,  to  gratify  his  new  allies  the  Insu- 
bres,  inhabiting  what  is  now  the  duchy  of  Milan,  who  were 
then  at  war  with  the  Taurini  or  Piedmontese,  he  laid  siege 
to  the  capital  of  that  country,  and  in  three  days  reduced  it  by 
force.  From  thence  he  continued  his  march  on  the  left  of 
Po ;  and,  as  the  armies  advanced,  both  generals,  as  if  by  con- 
cert, approached  with  their  cavalry,  or  light  troops,  mutually 
to  observe  each  other.  They  met  on  the  Ticinus  with  some 
degree  of  surprise  on  both  sides,  and  were  necessarily  en- 
gaged in  a  conflict,  which  served  as  a  trial  of  their  respective 
forces,  and  in  which  the  Italian  cavalry  were  defeated  by 
the  Spanish  and  African  horse.  The  Roman  consul  was 
wounded,  and  with  much  difficulty  rescued  from  the  enemy 
by  his  son  Publius  Cornelius."  The  consul,  disabled  by  his 
wound,  caused  his  army  to  repass  the  Po,  and  rest  on  its  banks 
near  Trebia.  Here  he  was  deserted  by  two, thousand  horse- 
men who  had  been  raised  by  the  Gauls  in  alliance  with  Rome. 
These  joined  Hannibal.  This  event  following  the  defeat  of 
Scipio,  excited  fearful  apprehensions  in  Rome.  The  citizens 
imagined  that  they  beheld  all  Italy  in  a  state  of  revoh,  and 
ready,  under  Hannibal,  to  invest  the  city.  They  immediately 
summoned  Sempronius  to  return,  with  his  army,  and  join  Sci- 
pio, in  the  defence  of  the  state. 

Thus  auspiciously  for  Hannibal  commenced  that  fearful 
conflict  which  he  mamtained  in  Italy  during  sixteen  years.  He 


m- 


64  THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 


fought  a  number  of  great  battles,  and  is  said  to  have  plun- 
dered four  hundred  towns,  slain  three  hundred  thousand,  ana 
brought  Rome  to  the  very  verge  of  utter  destruction.     Sem- 
[i  pronius  rashly  attacked  the  forces  of  Hannibal,  in  opposition 

If  to  the  judgment  of  Scipio.     The  Carthaginian  army  lost  few 

:  men  by  the  sword,  but  many  by  the  coldness  of  the  climate  to 

which  they  were  unaccustomed,  and  only  one  of  the  elephants 
escaped.     The  greater  number  of  the  Romans  perished,  or 
^  were  taken  captive.     On  this  occasion,  the  iron  mind  of  the 

f  Romans  was  remarkably  displayed.     The  senate  and  comi- 

f.  tia  resolved,. not  only  to  provide  troops  to  defend  Italy,  but 

i  also  as  many  as  were  judged  necessary  to  secure  their  foreign 

f[  conquests  in  Spain,  Sicily,  and  Sardinia.     Scipio  was  ordered 

,,  to  proceed  to  Spain,  to  perform  the  services  for  which  he  had 

j,  been  destined  at  the  time  of  his  election. 

|i  The  battle  of  Thrasymenus,  so  called  from  the  lake  of  that 

*•  name,  in  Etruria,  was  more  disastrous  than  that  of  Trebia, 

and  produced  a  more  powerful  impression  on  the  Romans, 
I  and  their  allies  and  subjects.     Rome  presented  a  scene  of  in- 

K  describable  distress.     The  senate  met  every  day ;  and  saw 

[.  no  chance  of  preserving  the  peace,  or  re-animating  the  cour- 

1-  age  of  the  people,  but  by  appointing  a  dictator,  their  last  re- 

'  fuge  in  every  great  emergency.     &.  Fabius  Maxinrus  was 

called  to  this  high  office.     From  an  unavoidable  informality 
in  his  election,  it  was  conceived  that  he  could  not  govern  un- 
•■  der   that  title,  and  they  therefore  named  him  pro-dictator. 

■  While  the  Romans  deliberated,  Hannibal  had  the  pleasure 

of  beholding  the  northern  and  western  parts  of  Italy  cast  off 
i  the  yoke  of  Rome ;  and  he  hasted  to  deliver  the  nations  in  the 

I,  southern  division.  . 

'  T.  Varro  and  L.  iEmilius  Paulus  were  chosen  consuls,  on 

-  the  pro-dictator  resigning  his  office.     The  former  being  ad- 

I  mired  by  the  people,  he  was  favoured  with  a  large  army, 

5  amply  supplied  with  every  thing  necessary  for  their  comfort. 

Vain  and  haughty,  he  disregarded  the  counsels  of  his  col- 
league, and  indeed  of  his  officers  generally.  The  armies 
met  at  CannaB,  situated  on  the  Aufidus,  now  named  Ofanto, 
the  principal  river  of  Apulia,  near  where  that  river  falls  into 
the  sea.  This  place  gave  name  to  the  most  celebrated  battle 
that  Hannibal  fought  in  Italy  or  elsewhere.  The  defeat  of 
the  Romans,  whose  number  was  almost  double  that  of  the 
Carthaginians,  was  complete ;  and  seemed  to  put  the  entire 
conquest  and  ruin  of  Rome  in  the  power  of  the  conqueror. 
"  A  general  ferment  arose  throughout  all  Italy.     Many  can- 


# 


THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRB;  '  66 

tons  of  Grecian  extraction,  having  been  about  sixty  years  sub- 
ject to  Rome,  now  declared  for  Carthage.  Others,  feeling 
themselves  released  from  the  dominion  of  the  Romans,  but 
intending  to  recover  their  liberties,  not  merely  to  change  their 
masters,  now  waited  for  an  opportunity  to  stipulate  the  con- 
ditions on  which  they  were  to  join  the  victor.  Of  this  num- 
ber were  the  cities  of  Capua,  Tarentum,  Lochri,  Metapontum, 
Crotona,  and  other  towns  in  the  south-east  of  the  peninsula. 
In  other  cantons,  the  people  having  divided  and  opposed  each 
other  with  great  animosity,  severally  called  to  their  assistance 
such  of  the  parties  at  war  as  they  judged  were  most  likely  to 
support  them  against  their  antagonists.  Some  of  the  Roman  col- 
onies, even  within  the  districts  that  were  open  to  the  enemy's 
incursions,  still  adhered  to  the  metropolis  ;  but  the  possessions 
of  the  republic  were  greatly  reduced,  and  scarcely  equalled 
what  the  state  had  acquirecl  before  the  expulsion  of  Pyrrhus 
from  Italy,  or  even  before  the  annexation  of  Campania,  or  the 
conquest  of  Samnium.  The  allegiance  of  her  subjects  and 
the  faith  of  her  allies  in  Sicily  were  greatly  shaken,  Hiero, 
the  king  of  Syracuse,  who  had  some  time,  under  the  notion 
of  an  alliance,  cherished  his  dependance  on  Rome,  being  now 
greatly  sunk  in  the  decline  of  years,  could  no  longer  answer 
for  the  conduct  of  his  own  court,  and  died  soon  after  this 
event." 

Hannibal,  on  declining  to  advance  immediately  on  Rome, 
was  told  by  one  of  his  officers,  that  he  knew  how  to  conquer, 
but  was  not  qualified  to  improve  his  victories, — an  opinion  en- 
tertained by  many  others.  But  this  great  man  felt  that  suc- 
cess had  weakened  his  force,  and  that  he  had  not  the  means 
required  for  the  capture  of  the  city.  Though  his  plans 
were  approved  by  the  senate  and  people  of  Carthage,  yet  they 
had  never  sent  him  any  re-enforcements  or  supplies  during 
the  three  years  that  he  had  been  in  Italy.  The  report  of  his 
splendid  deeds  now  procured  him  the  promise  of  assistance 
from  Philip  II.  of  Macedon ;  but  the  Romans  soon  cofnpelled 
that  prince  to  employ  all  his  resources  to  defend  his  own  do- 
minions, which,  we  have  observed  in  a  former  chapter,  he  la- 
boured in  vain  to  effect.  And  the  extraordinary  exertions  of 
the  Romans  speedily  arrested  the  triumphs  of  Hannibal,  so 
ihAt  he  found  himself  from  this  time  struggling  against  a 
power  which  he  doubless  foresaw  would  finally  overcome 
him,  unless  the  councils  of  his  nation  afforded  him  efficient 
oid.  In  the  battle  of  Cannae,  he  had  made  many  thousand 
9f^)!«er8,  whom  he  proposed  to  liberate  on  receiving  a  sum 
6* 


# 


66  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

of  money.  The  Romans  refused  to  redeem  these  unhappy 
men,  under  pretence  that  they  had  acted  unworthy  of  the  Ro- 
man name,  but  in  reality,  with  a  view  to  increase  the  embar- 
rassment of  their  g^reat  enemy.  Disappointed  thus  of  an  im- 
mediate supply  of  money,  he  sent  his  brother  Mago  to  Car- 
thage with  a  report  of  his  success,  and  a  request  of  aid  in 
troops  and  money. 

In  the  meantime,  the  presence,  acts,  and  circumstances  of 
Hannibal  were  not  calculated  to  allay  in  the  Romans  the  spi- 
rit of  revenge,  which  they  deemed  both  their  glory  and  duty 
to  cherish.  He  was  avowedly  the  resolved  and  implacable 
enemy. of  Rome.  Every  Roman  he  looked  on  with  emotions 
similar  to  those  felt  by  the  hungry  lion,  tiger,  or  bear,  on  the 
appearance  of  its  prey.  History  exhibits  him  surveying  the 
field  of  the  slain  the  morning  after  the  great  battle  with  inex- 
pressible satisfaction,  when  he  discovered  it  covered  with 
45,000  Roman  soldiers,  among  whom  not  a  few  were  of  the 
highest  rank  in  the  state  and  army.  His  soldiers  spent  a 
whole  day  in  stripping  the  dead,  and  not  less  than  three  bush- 
els of  the  rings  worn  by  Roman  knights  were  sent  to  Car- 
thage. But  Hannibal's  sun  had  past  its  meridian,  and  its 
shadow  every  succeeding  hour  indicated  the  approach  of 
night.  His  troops  had  no  interest  in  the  service,  except  what 
they  might  feel  from  admiration  of  his  deeds,  or  gratitude  for 
his  favours.  Those  disappointed  in  the  hopes  which  he  en- 
couraged them  to  entertain,  of  an  easy  conquest  of  Rome,  or 
disgusted  with  the  service,  clandestinely  deserted,  or  went 
over  to  the  enemy.  And  those  whose  demands  he  was  able 
to  satisfy  by  giving  them  opportunity  and  licence  to  riot  in 
the  spoils  of  the  defeated,  saw  no  necessity  to  prosecute  the 
war,  and  preferred  a  life  of  ease  and  pleasure  to  fighting  and 
death.  Besides  their  number  was  diminished  by  every  vic- 
tory, and  their  victorious  general  found  himself  unable  to 
preserve  his  conquests,  or  to  protect  those  Italians  who  de- 
clared rtiemselves  his  friends.  Though,  therefore,  present 
sufferings  overwhelmed  the  multitude  of  the  Romans  unac- 
customed to  reflect,  yet  the  observant  and  intelligent  never 
lost  the  hope  of  rising  above  every  reverse  of  fortune,  and  the 
proud  patriots  determined  to  perish  rather  than  live  to  witness 
Rome  a  prey  to  her  enemies.  Several  thousand  of  the  sol 
diers  who  had  escaped  the  sword  of  Hannibal,  took  refuge 
in  Canusium,  the  modern  Canosa,  which  an  earthquake  de 
stroyed  in  the  end  of  the  seventeenth  century.  A  part  of  these, 
considering  Rome  lost,  proposed  to  withdraw  from  Italy,  and 


67 

join  some  of  the  allies  of  the  Romans.  They  had  previously 
to  this  proposal  by  Caesilius,  placed  themselves  under  the 
command  of  A.  Claudius  Pulcher,  and  Scipio,  son  of  the  gen- 
eral in  Spain,  whom  he  surpassed  in  fame.  This  youth  of 
eighteen  years,  accompanied  by  a  small  band,  went  to  Caesi- 
lius,  and  said,  "  I  call  Jupiter  to  witness,  that  I  will  never  de- 
part my  country,  nor  suffer  any  man  to  do  it,  and  do  you  take 
this  oath,  or  die."  The  party  of  Caesilius,  terrified,  swore, 
and  submitted  to  be  watched  l)y  a  strong  guard.  The  spirit 
of  young  Scipio  was  common  to  the  principal  citizens  of 
Rome.  While  the  paroxysm  of  anguish  and  despair  filled 
the  city  with  the  cries  of  the  thousands  of  women,  who  had 
lost  their  husbands,  brothers,  or  sons,  the  gates  were  shut 
that  no  one  might  have  opportunity  to  flee,  and  all  messengers 
arriving  were  received  in  private,  that  no  gloomy  tidings 
might  be  publicly  known.  Tranquillity  being  partially  re- 
stored, the  senate  and  comitia  assembled,  and  it  was  then  man- 
ifest that  Rome  retained  all  her  native  vigour.  The  Ro- 
mans were  invigorated  by  their  losses,  and  re-animated  by 
their  sufferings.  To  obtain,  as  speedily  as  possible,  large  ar- 
mies,all  ranks  were  called  to  fight,  and  the  slaves  were  pur- 
chased from  their  masters,  that  they  might  serve  in  the  army. 
Thus  the  Romans  appeared  to  rise  in  the  midst  of  their  suf- 
ferings, and  to  gain  strength  from  their  losses.  "  They  pre- 
pared to  attack  or  to  resist  at  once  in  all  the  different  quarters 
to  whif  h  the  war  was  likely  to  extend,  and  took  their  meas- 
ures for  the  support  of  it  in  Spain,  in  Sardinia,  and  Sicily,  «ns 
well  as  in  Italy.  They  continued  their  fleets  at  sea ;  not  only 
observed  and  obstructed  the  communications  of  Carthage 
with  the  seats  of  war,  but  having  intercepted  part  of  the  cor- 
respondence of  Philip  with  Hannibal,  they  sent  a  powerful 
squadron  to  the  coast  of  Epirus  ;  and,  by  an  alliance  with  the 
states  of  Etolia,  whom  they  persuaded  to  renew  their  late  war 
with  Philip,  found  that  pimce  sufficient  employment  on  the 
frontiers  of  his  own  kingdom  as  effectually  prevented  his 
sending  any  supply  to  Hannibal,  and,  in  the  sequel  reduced 
him  to  the  humiliating  necessity  of  making  a  separate  peace." 
Hannibal's  application  to  Carthage  broug-ht  him  no  relief. 
A  strong  party  were  opposed  to  him  from  envy,  or  disappro-, 
bation  of  his  measures,  and  many  of  his  friends  supposed  that 
since  he  triumphed,  he  would  be  able  to  procure  resources 
and  augment  his  glory,  by  the  destruction  of  Rome  without 
their  assistance.  After  much  bitter  discussion  in  the  sen^e. 
Mago  procured  a  vote  for  a  re-enforcement  to  his  brother  oi 


68  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE, 

fou|r  thousand  horse,  forty  elephants,  and  a  sum  of  money 
But  this  resolution  appears  to  have  languished  in  the  execu- 
tion ;  and  the  armament,  when  ready  to  sail,  was  suffered  to 
be  diverted  from  its  purpose,  and  ordered  to  Spain  instead  of 
Italy.  Thus  left  to  his  own  exertions,  how  transcendent  must 
have  been  the  talents  of  Hannibal,  to  enable  him  to  maintain 
an  army,  and  of  course,  considerable  influence  in  Italy,  six- 
teen years,  and  to  prevent  the  Romans  from  recovering  by 
their  utmost  efforts,  for  at  least  thirteen  years,  the  territories 
and  powers  of  which  he  robbed  them  in  his  first  three  cam- 
paigns, by  his  wisdom,  bravery,  and'  valour !  Nor  did  he 
resign  to  them  Italy  till  his  patriotism  impelled  him  to  return 
for  the  protection  of  his  ungrateful  country.  It  was,  indeed, 
not  in  Italy,  but  in  Spain  and  Africa,  that  the  Romans  con- 
quered Hannibal. 

Neglected  or  undermined  by  the  senate,  the  invader  of 
Italy  looked  for  assistance  to  the  Carthaginian  possessions  in 
Spain,  which  he  might  claim  as  his  own  ;  for  they  had  been 
chiefly  acquired  by  his  father  or  hin.self,  and  had  been  com- 
mitted by  him  to  the  care  and  vigilance  and  prowess  of  his 
brothers  Asdrubal,  Mago,  Hanno,  and  Asdrubal  son  of  Gisgo. 
Hence  the  distruction  of  the  power  of  the  Carthaginians  in 
Spain,  and  their  expulsion  from  that  country,  became  a  first 
object  to  the  Romans.  They  accordingly  called  the  brothers, 
Cneius  and  Publius  Scipio  to  command  the  army  in  Spain, 
where  they  were  welcomed  by  the  natives.  In  two  years, 
they  restored  the  influence  of  the  Roman  party,  who  had  been 
almost  suppressed  by  Hannibal,  after  his  destruction  of  Sa- 
guntum.  But  these  able  generals  were  betrayed  by  their  al- 
lies, and  perisheds  Few,  or  none  of  the  Roman  leaders  were 
desirous  to  succeed  them  in  the  dangerous  service,  which 
promised  little  glory  or  weahh.  The  young'hero  Scipio,  son 
of  the  elder  Scipio,  solicited  the  honour,  which  others  de- 
spised. That  he  might  be  raised  to  the  office  of  commander 
at  the  early  age  of  twenty-four  years,  the  senate  and  comitia 
dispensed  with  the  forms  of  law.  He  departed  for  Spain 
with  thirty  armed  vessels  and  ten  thousand  men.  Having 
joined  the  remains  of  their  vanquished  countrymen  near  the 
Iberus,  he  fixed  the  troops  for  winter  in  Tarraco  the  modern 
Tarragona,  situated  on  the  coast  north-east  of  the  river. 

On  learning  that  the  principal  stores  of  the  enemy  were  in 
New  Carthage,  distant  about  three  hundred  miles  from  Tar- 
raco, he  detemined  to  open  the  campaign  by  attempting  to 
sur{)rise  it.     In  this  enterprise  he  was  the  more  easily  success- 


m- 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROfSlAN  ^^Kpi£  M 

ful,  from  ihe  Carthaginians  having  no  apprehension  of  danger. 
But  he  failed  in  his  still  more  important  efforts  to  prevent 
Asdrubal  from  leaving  Spain  with  troops  raised  to  support 
his  brother  in  Italy.  On  ascertaining  the  departure  of  As- 
drubal, he  instantly  sent  information  to  Rome  of  the  danger 
impending  from  the  passage  through  the  Alps  of  a  second 
Carthaginian  army.  Asdrubal  followed  the  course  of  his  broth- 
er, and,  by  the  friendly  conduct  of  the  natives,  he  reached 
Italy  sooner,  and  in  more  favourable  circumstances  than  his 
brother  had  done.  But,  before  he  could  from  a  junction  with 
the  army  of  his  country,  he  was  attacked  by  a  powerful  army, 
commanded  by  the  two  consuls,  and  totally  defeated,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Metaurus,  or  Metro,  a  small  river  which  falls 
into  the  Adriatic,  near  Pisaurum,  the  present  Pesaro.  Asdru- 
bal fell  in^ilhe  battle,  and  fifty  thousand  were  either  killed  or 
made  captives.  This  calamitous  event  was  rendered  peculi- 
arly distressing  to  Hannibal,  when  he  came  to  know  tnat  he. 
could  entertain  no  sanguine  hope  of  future  assistance  from  * 
Spain,  in  which  Scipio  was  everywhere  victorious.  This  ce- 
leorated  general,  after  five  years  service  in  Spain,  returned 
to  Rome,  with  much  treasure,  many  captives,  and  with  the 
glad  news  that  the  Romans  had  no  enemies  to  dread  in  that 
country,  for,  by  his  valour,  he  had  subdued  the  Carthagini- 
ans, and,  by  his  clemency,  he  had  conciliated  the  natives 
Having  been  exalted  to  the  high  office  of  consul,  he  now  pro- 
posed to  invade  Africa,  and  carry  the  war  into  the  heart  of 
the  enemy's  country.  After  many  disputes  in  the  senate  on 
the  propriety  of  this  proposal,  it  was  decreed,  that  while  the 
other  consul  should  remain  to  oppose  Hannibal,  Scipio  should 
have  for  his  province  Sicily,  "  dispose  of  the  forces  that  were 
still  there,  receive  the  voluntary  supplies  of  men  and  of  money, 
which  he  himself  might  be  able  to  procure ;  and  if  he  found, 
upon  mature  deliberation,  a  proper  opportunity,  that  he  might 
make  a  descent  upon  Africa.  Agreeably  to  this  resolution, 
he  set  out  for  the  province  assigned  him,  having  a  consider- 
able fleet  equipped  by  private  contribution,  and  a  body  of 
seven  thousand  volunteers,  who  embarked  in  high  expecta- 
tion of  the  service  in  which  he  proposed  to  employ  them"  in 
his  province.  While  thus  employed,  he  opened  up  a  corres- 
pondence with  Syphax,  one  of  the  kings  of  Numidia,  who 
was  disaffected  to  Carthage.  He  even  visited  this  prince, 
and  obtained  his  promise  to  support  the  Romans,  as  soon  as 
they  invaded  the  territories  of  Carthage,  with  an  adequate 
force. 


# 


70  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROBfAN   EMPIRE. 

The  Carthaginians  had  hitherto  regarded  the  war  with 
comparatively  little  concern,  but  now  became  fully  awake  te 
their  danger.  Commercial  pursuits  were  neglected,  and  the 
community  resolved  to  defend  their  country.  No  means, 
however,  had  been  employed  to  strengthen  it  against  the  in- 
vader ;  and  Laelius,  whom  Scipio  sent  to  secure  a  proper  sta- 
tion for  the  Roman  forces,  seems  to  have  met  no  resistance 
in  conducting  a  fleet,  with  a  considerable  number  of  soldiers, 
into  the  harbour  of  Hippo,  a  city  built  under  the  Fair  Pro- 
montory, about  fifty  miles  south-west  of  Carthage.  Utica, 
deemed  a  more  eligible  position  for  the  troops,  was  seated 
about  half  way  between  Hippo  and  Carthage.  Lselius 
reached  'it ;  but  soon  found  his  army  in  great  danger ;  for  the 
surrounding  country  was  deserted  and  desolate,  affording  no 
means  of  subsistence,  and  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  Cartha- 
ginians, commanded  by  Asdrubal,  son  of  Gisgo,  threatened 
to  approach  him,  as  soon  as  they  were  joined  by  fifty  thou- 
sand under  Syphax. 

Woman  is  powerful  in  all  nations,  and  had  considerable 
influence  in  the  fate  of  Carthage  on  this  occasion.  Sophonis- 
ba,  daughter  of  Asdrubal,  the  chief  man  in  Carthage,  dis- 
tinguished by  her  beauty,  and  still  more  by  a  proud  aspiring 
spirit,  had  pledged  her  affections  to  Massinissa,  a  prince  of 
Numidia,  during  the  time  that  he  had  resided  for  his  educa- 
tion in  the  city.  He  was  the  enemy  of  Syphax,  who  had,  on 
Asdrubal  promising  to  give  him  his  daughter,  joined  Car- 
thage ;  and  Massinissa,  in  revenge,  offered  his  services  to  Sci- 
pio ;  and,  by  the  forces  accompanying  him,  greatly  augmented 
the  power  of  the  Romans.  Scipio  directed  his  fleet  and  nu- 
merous army,  loaded  with  provision,  to  sail  for  Utica,  and  on 
approaching  the  coast  took  possession  of  a  peninsula  in  the 
vicinity.  The  soldiers  of  Asdrubal  and  Syphax  were  in  the 
vicinity,  lodged  in  huts,  covered  with  brushwood  and  palm- 
leaves.  The  Romans  were  not  strong  enough  to  attack  them 
openly,  and  waited  for  reinforcements  from  Rome.  In  the 
meantime,  Scipio  resolved  to  imitate  the  infidelity  which  char- 
acterised the  Carthaginians,  and  induce  them  to  believe  them- 
selves secure  in  their  camps,  which  they  were  indisposed  to 
leave  till  the  winter  had  passed.  Designing  to  set  their 
camps  on  fire  in  the  darkness  of  night,  and  to  attack  them  in 
the  confusion  which  would  follow,  he  sent  messengers  with 

{>roposals  of  peace,  but  with  instructions  to  examine  accurate- 
y  the  ground  and  the  state  of  the  army.  The  apparent  dis- 
tress of  his  situation  justified  the  confidence  which  Asdruba' 


i 


#  # 


THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN   EMPIRE.  71 

placed  in  Lis  expressed  desire  of  peace.  Having  obtained 
the  requisite  information,  Scipio,  however,  regarded  not  the 
negotiation,  and,  proceeding  with  his  army,  he  set  Asdrubal's 
camp  on  fire,  in  several  places.  The  soldiers,  supposing  the 
fire  to  be  accidental,  unarmed,  ran  every  where  to  extinguish 
it  Thus  unprepared,  the  Romans  fell  on  them,  and  dis- 
persed them  with  great  slaughter.  Those  who  escaped,  aa 
well  as  the  army  of  Syphax,  were  soon  after  defeated,  and 
the  kingdom  of  Syphax  seized  by  Massinissa. 

These  misfortunes  were  ascribed  by  the  citizens  of  Car- 
thage to  Asdrubal,  and  to  escape  their  vengeance  he  retired 
from  the  service  with  about  eight  thousand  men.  All  hope 
for  Carthage  now  depended  on  the  presence  of  Hannibal. 
Expresses  were  instantly  sent  him  and  his  brother  Mago,  to 
return  with  all  their  forces  to  defend  their  country.  What- 
ever  were  his  feelings  on  leaving  Italy,  he  hasted  to  obey  the 
summons.  Indeed  he  appears  to  have  expected  it,  for  he  had 
ships  prepared  to  receive  his  troops.  His  arrival  in  Africa 
revived  the  hopes  of  his  countrymen  ;  but  he  knew  their  weak 
ness,  that  they  had  no  courage  and  fortitude  to  surmount 
great  difficulties,  or  patiently  endure  severe  privations  and 
distress.  When,  therefore,  he  observed  that  existing  circum- 
stances were  such  as  were  sufficient  to  dispose  the  Romans  to 
peace,  he  sought  an  interview  with  their  general.  They 
were  at  this  time  stationed  far  into  the  country,  having  retired 
on  the  approach  of  Hannibal,  and  were  surrounded  with  ene- 
mies, and  could  not  expect  to  procure,  without  great  risk,  ne- 
cessary supplies.  The  Romans,  however,  were  accustomed 
to  suffer,  and  had  recently  learned  that  Carthaginian  faith 
was  deception.  The  senate  had  entered  into  a  treaty  of  peace 
previously  to  the  return  of  Hannibal,  On  his  appearance 
the  people  were  elated,  and,  in  utter  violation  of  their  engage- 
ments, seized  all  the  Roman  vessels  that  entered  the  bay,  and 
insulted  the  messengers  sent  to  complain  of  this  outrage.  It  is 
not  therefore  surprising,  that  while  Scipio  courteously  met 
Hannibal,  he  insisted  on  conditions  of  peace  too  mortifying 
to  meet  the  views  and  expectations  of  the  lofty-minded  Cartha- 
ginian. They  separated,  not  to  meet  again  till  the  one  or  the 
other  was  the  conqueror.  The  armies  were  encamped  near 
Zama,  about  seventy-five  miles  from  Carthage.  This  place 
gave  name  to  the  tremendous  contest,  which  terminated  the 
second  Punic  war,  b.  c.  202,  after  a  duration  of  seventeen 

J  rears  ;  for  Hannibal  became  convinced  that  Carthage  was  no 
onger  able  to  contend  with  her  powerful  rival.     On  retreat- 


m- 


» 


72  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN   BMPmE. 

ing  to  the  cky,  in  the  meetingr  of  senate  ha  gave  his  advice  to 
accept  whatever  terms  were  proposed  by  Scipio,  and  these 
were  exceedingly  humbling;  for  he  demanded  that,  while 
Carthage  should  retain  in  Africa  all  her  former  possessions, 
and  continue  to  be  governed  by  her  own  laws,  she  should  re- 
store all  the  ships  or  property  of  the  Romans  seized  in  violation 
of  the  late  truce — deliver  all  captives,  deserters,  or  fugitive 
slaves — surrender  her  whole  fleet,  except  ten  galleys — deliver 
all  the  elephants  in  the  stalls,  and  cease  from  training  any 
more  of  these  animals — ^make  no  war  on  any  nation  without 
the  consent  of  the  Romans — indemnify  Massiaissa  for  all  his 
losses  sustained  in  the  war — pay  Rome  ten  thousand  talents, 
or  about  two  millions  sterling,  at  the  rate  of  two  hundred  ta- 
lents every  fifty  years — give  such  hostages  as  Scipio  should 
select — and  pay  and  support  the  Roman  forces  in  Africa  till 
the  treaty  should  be  ratified.  On  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
being  read  in  the  senate,  many  of  the  members  were  in  tears  ; 
but  Hannibal  was  observed  to  smile.  Being  questioned  on 
this  insult  of  public  distress,  he  said  "  That  a  smile  of  scorn 
for  those  who  felt  not  the  loss  of  their  country  until  it  aflfected 
their  private  concerns,  was  an  expression  of  sorrow  for  Car- 
thage." 


m- 


CHAPTER    V. 

THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE,  CONTINUED. 


CARTHAGE  REDUCED. 

SciPio,  honoured  for  his  victories  in  Africa  with  the  name 
Africanus,  had  reduced  Carthage  to  a  state  of  apparent  subjec- 
tion to  the  dictation  of  Rome, — an  event  which  permitted 
the  stream  of  Roman  ambition  almost  suddenly  to  appear  a 
mighty  river,  ready  to  inundate  the  globe.  The  fifty  succeed- 
ing years  beheld  the  Romans  the  chief  conquering  power  in 
Europe,  Africa,  and  Asia.  Boundless  dominions  opened 
to  their  insatiable  ambition.  Little  existed  in  the  state  of  the 
known  world,  at  least  in  their  eyes,  to  repress  their  desires  arid 
expectations  of  universal  empire,  except  the  internal  commo- 
tions of  the  state,  and  especially  of  Rome,  and  the  unexpected 
resuscitation  of  Carthage.  The  last  was  imagined  incom- 
patible with  the  stability  of  Roman  greatness,  and  the  first 
utterly  subversive  of  the  Roman  power. 

While  the  Romans  were  seen  everywhere  engaged  in  war, 
the  Carthaginians  traversed  every  sea,  pursuing  with  unwea- 
ried activity  the  varied  objects  of  a  most  lucrative  commerce. 
The  attainment  of  immense  wealth,  and  the  indulgences  of 
luxurious  pleasures,  are  riot  adapted  to  reconcile  the  human 
mind  to  humiliating  or  insulting  treatment,  especially  from 
those  inferior  in  power  as  well  as  riches.  Could  the  Romans 
demand  strict  adherence  to  the  letter  of  a  treaty,  which  re- 
quired the  Carthaginians  to  submit,  without  retaliation,  to  the 
most  unjust  and  dishonourable  proceedings  of  the  adjacent 
poor,  rude,  and  barbarous  states  ?  This  was  perhaps  con- 
ceived impossible  by  the  chief  men  of  Carthage.  If  so,  they 
had  not  carefully  studied  the  manifest  policy,  or  the  implacable 
and  revengeful  character  of  the  Roman  people.  But  the  rulers 
of  Carthage  had  no  alternative  when  their  rights  were 
infringed  by  their  neighbours,  but  to  appeal  to  Roman  justice 
and  humbly  implore  liberty  to  defend  themselves.     Can  they 

VOL.  n.  7 


74  THE  FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN   EHFIRE. 

be  condemned  for  acting  in  violation  of  a  treaty,  when  their 
appeal  to  justice  was  contemned  ?  This  was  the  crime  which 
the  Romans  pretended  sufficient  to  justify  them  in  commencing 
the  third  Punic  war,  and  in  utterly  destroying  the  metropolis 
of  their  rival.  Never  have  a  great  people  displayed  more 
flagrant  injustice,  or  practised  more  barbarous  cruelty. 

On  the  restoration  of  peace  to  Carthage,  Hannibal  zeal- 
ously employed  his  great  and  varied  talents  to  advance  the 
interests  and  restore  the  glory  of  his  country.  His  citizens 
soon  acknowledged  him  to  be  not  less  skilful  in  politics  than 
accomplished  in  the  art  of  war.  He.was  exalted  to  the  princi-  ' 
pal  place  in  the  state,  and  distinguished  himself  as  the  able 
corrector  of  abuses,  and  the  patron  of  every  measure  calculated 
to  promote  the  commerce  of  the  country,  and  the  comfort 
of  the  community.  But  he  had  to  contend  against  a  powerful 
party,  the  hereditary  enemies  of  his  family,  who  envied  his 
greatness,  and  suffered  from  the  reformations  which  he  effected, 
for  they  could  no  longer  enrich  themselves  at  the  expense  of 
the  state.  The  Romans  observed,  with  not  more  agreeable 
feelings,  his  power,  and  ascribed  to  him  the  correspondence 
of  Carthage  with  Antiochus  the  Great,  which  they  had 
detected  about  a  year  after  the  conclusion  of  the  late  war. 
To  ascertain  the  real  designs  of  Carthage,  messengers  were 
sent  under  the  pretence  of  settling  some  differences  between 
that  state  and  Massinissa.  These  messengers  were  authorised 
to  demand,  if  they  deemed  it  expedient,  that  Hannibal  should 
be  delivered  yp  to  the  Romans,  who  accused  him  of  having 
formed  a  conspiracy  against  the  peace  of  both  republics. 
This  great  man  was  fully  aware  of  the  views  and  intentions 
of  the  Romans,  and  of  the  inability  of  his  friends  to  prevent 
his  rivals  in  the  senate  from  betraying  him  into  their  power. 
He  therefore  resolved  to  flee  from  the  storm.  On  the  day  that 
the  Roman  ambassadors  arrived,  he  discharged,  with  no 
appearance  of  embarrassment,  all  the  functions  of  his  high 
office;  but  in  the  night  he  embarked,  and  sailed  for  Asia-Minor, 
where  he  hoped  to  retaliate  on  his  powerful  enemies. 
Il  The  deceit,  injustice,  and  malignant  designs  of  the  Romans 

were  soon  discovered  by  the  total  disregard  which  their 
ambassadors  discovered  for  the  peace  and  prosperity  of 
Carthage,  which  they  pretended  to  have  been  sent  to  establish 
and  secure.  Massinissa  had  seized  the  richest  province  of  the 
Carthaginian  state.  He  had  no  claim  on  it,  except  that  it  had 
been  violently  wrested  by  his  father  from  Carthage,  who 
seems  to  have  assigned  it  to  Syphax,  by  whom  it  had  beeu 


1 


THE    FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN    EMPIRE.  75 

restored  to  Carthage.  His  conduct  was  allowed  by  the  Ro- 
mans to  be  unjust,  but  they  secretly  approved  of  it ;  and  lis- 
tened with  indifference  to  the  complaints  and  representations 
of  the  Carthaginians.  Such  treatment  was  intolerable  to  the 
most  wealthy  people  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  Nevertheless, 
they  endured  it  for  one  generation;  but,  at  last,  unhappily  they 
attempted  to  acquire  by  their  arms  what  their  frequent  appli- 
cations to  Rome  could  not  procure.  They  led  an  army 
against  Massinissa,  who  in  his  ninetieth  year,  placed  himself 
at  the  head  of  his  troops,  and  obtained  a  signal  victory.  This 
was  the  ostensible  cause  of  the  third  Punic  war,  which  com- 
menced about  B.  c.  149,  and  fully  exhibited  "the  great  iron 
teeth  of  the"  nameless  beast,  destined  to  devour,  "break 
in  pieces,  and  stamp  the  residue  of"  the  three  former  wild 
beasts,  which  preyed  over  all  the  earth. 

Had  Massinissa  been  defeated,  doubtless,  Rome  would  have 
hastened  to  assist  him,  ahhough  it  is  probable,  that  they  were 
pleased  to  see  both  parties  prosecute  plans  which  destroyed 
their  respective  energies  and  diminished  their  powers  of  de- 
fence or  resistance.  It  was  the  policy  of  Rome  not  to  permit 
the  rise  of  any  powerful  kingdom,  in  any  country  which  they 
looked  on  as  their  own.  And,  however  loudly  they  pro- 
claimed that  sacred  respect  for  the  rights  of  nations  directed 
their  counsels  and  regulated  their  measures,  certain  it  is,  that 
in  their  deliberations  on  their  differences  with  other  kingdoms, 
the  object  which  they  sought  to  determine  was,  almost  uni- 
versally, not  the  right,  but  the  expediency  of  declaring  war 
against  them.  This  was  especially  the  case  when  the  senate 
assembled  to  decide  what  was  to  be  done  in  relation  to  the  Car- 
thaginians in  consequence  of  what  they  called  the  daring  vi- 
olation of  the  treaty  of  peace.  No  senators  questioned  the 
right  of  the  Romans  instantly  to  proclaim  war  against  that  pre- 
sumptuous and  haughty  people  ;  but  all  agreed  that,  previous- 
ly to  coming  to  a  decision,  deputies  ought  to  be  sent  to  Africa 
to  procure  information  by  which  they  might  be  able  to  form 
a  sound  judgment  on  the  subject.  The  report  of  these  depu- 
ties, on  their  return  to  Rome,  being  laid  before  the  senate,  an 
important  discussion  ensued.  One  of  the  most  enlightened 
senators,  Scipio  Nasica,  strongly  insisted  that  it  was  the  in- 
terest of  Rome  to  maintain  peace  with  Carthage,  and  not  to 
seek  its  ruin.  That  state,  he  said,  had  no  forces  sufficient  to 
alarm  the  Romans ;  and  even  were  they  greater  than  they 
were  known  to  be,  they  were  "  no  more  than  were  required 
to  call  forth  into  action  or  keep  alive  the  virtues  of  a  people 


#= 


t6  THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   tMPtRE. 

who,  for  want  of  proper  exertion,  were  already  begun  to  de- 
cline in  strength,  vigilance,  discipline,  and  valour."  Cato, 
who  had,  as  one  of  the  deputies,  visited  Carthage,  declared 
that  he  was  astonished  at  the  greatness,  wealth,  and  populous- 
ness  of  that  republic,  and  not  less  at  the  amazing  fertility  of 
its  territories;  and,  presenting  a  parcel  of  figs,  he  exclaimed, 
"  These  are  the  produce  of  a  land  that  is  but  three  days  sail 
from  Rome.  Judge  what  Italy  may  have  to  fear  from  a  coun- 
try whose  produce  is  so  much  superior  to  its  own !  That 
country  is  now  in  arms ;  the  sword  is  drawn  against  Massinis- 
sa ;  but,  when  thrust  in  his  side,  will  penetrate  to  you.  Your 
boasted  victories  have  not  subdued  the  Carthaginians,  but 
given  them  experience,  taught  them  caution,  and  instructed 
them  how  to  disguise,  under  the  semblance  of  war,  a  war 
which  you  will  find  marshalled  against  you  in  their  docks 
and  in  their  arsenals."  He  concluded  his  ardent  address  with 
the  memorable  and  often  repeated  sentence :  Delenda  est  Car- 
thago, "  Carthage  must  be  destroyed."  The  opinion,  some- 
what modified,  of  the  stern  patriot,  the  unchanging  enemy  of 
eloquent  literature,  refined  society,  luxury,  and  intemperance, 
prevailed  ;  for  it  accorded  with  the  ambitious,  proud,  and 
vengeful  spirit  of  the  great  majority  of  his  hearers.  And 
thus  he  hastened,  as  we  shall  see,  and  as  Scipio  Nasica  fore- 
saw and  predicted,  that  very  state  of  society  of  which  he  ab- 
horred the  very  idea,  laboured  to  withstand,  and  would  have 
sacrificed  his  life  to  avert.  The  senate,  assuming  an  appear- 
ance of  much  moderation,  resolved  to  destroy  the  city  of  Car- 
thage, but  not  till  they  had  removed  its  inhabitants  to  a  new 
city,  to  be  built  ten  miles  from  the  sea.  It  was  agreed  that  this 
resolution  should  be  kept  a  secret  until  effectual  means  were 
prepared  for  its  execution. 

That  the  wretched  people,  whose  destruction  they  had  de- 
creed, might  not,  if  possible,  penetrate  their  dark  counsels, 
without  any  declaration  of  war,  they  instructed  the  consuls 
to  convey  their  forces  to  Sicily.  And,  to  attain  the  same  fatal 
object,  these  leaders  proceeded  to  act  with  consummate  du- 
plicity. But  the  arrival  of  the  troops  in  Sicily,  considering  its 
position  in  relation  to  Africa,  clearly  indicated  that  the  Ro- 
mans had  no  good  intentions  respecting  Carthage.  The  Car- 
thaginians were  haughty  and  cruel  in  prosperity ;  their  very 
religion  cherished  the  malignant  passions  ;  and  they  were  not 
accustomed  to  compassionte  the  weak  or  to  regard  the  cries 
of  the  wretched.  And  we  may  therefore  conclude,  that  they 
were  not  only  destitute  of  benevolence,  but  also  of  respect  for 


1 


I 


THE    FOURTH,    OF    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  77 

the  approbation  or  censure  of  mankind.  Can  it  then  be  suj- 
prising  that  in  adversity  they  were  pusillanimous  or  reckless. 
Few  among  them  appear  to  have  valued  patriotism  or  nation- 
al honour.  The  inhabitants  were  not  united  by  any  one  great 
object  of  common  interest.  Hencej,  the  people  of  Utica  no 
sooner  heard  that  the  Roman  army  had  passed  to  Sicily  than 
they  sent  a  deputation  to  invite  the  consuls  to  take  possession 
of  their  harbour  and  city.  The  senate  and  popular  assembly 
of  Carthage  were  now  distracted  by  opposite  counsels;  npne 
had  courage  or  fortitude  to  suggest  the  propriety  of  sacrificing 
every  consideration  to  maintam  the  honour  of  their  country. 
To  propitiate  the  Romans  they  banished  Asdrubal  because 
he  was  the  chief  advocate  of  the  war  with  Massinissa.  Twen- 
ty thousand  soldiers  are  said  to  have  withdrawn  with  him 
from  the  city.  Ambassadors  were  sent  to  Rome,  empowered 
to  express  regret  for  offensive  measures  of  their  senate  and 
people,  and  to  implore  forgiveness.  Before  listening  to  any 
proposition  from  Carthage,  the  Romans  demanded  for  a 
pledge  of  her  fidelity  and  desire  of  peace,  three  hundred  chil- 
dren of  the  chief  families.  Compliance  with  this  barbarous 
request  brought  no  hope  to  the  Carthaginians,  for  the  Roman 
fleet  speedily  entered  Utica,  and  the  commanders  of  the  army 
answered  the  deputies  who  arrived  there  from  Carthage,  that 
they  could  only  grant  that  state  protection,  on  condition  of  the 
docks  being  destroyed  and  the  arsenals  emptied.  Even  this 
demand  was  not  resisted  by  the  mean-minded  rulers  and  das- 
tardly race  of  Carthnge.  Trusting  to  the  word  and  honour 
of  the  Romans,  whose  imitation  of  their  own  disregard  for 
truth  and  honour  had  already  repeatedly  ensnared  and  de- 
graded them,  they  surrendered  all  the  articles  employed  in 
war;  among  which  were  two  thousand  suits  of  armour,  a  like 
number  of  catapultte,  or  engines  for  throwing  missiles,  an  im- 
mense store  of  arrows,  darts,  u  nd  other  warlike  missiles.  The 
Romans  no  longer  judged  it  necessary  to  dissimulate ;  their 
victims  appeared  resolutely  helpless.  They  were  insultingly 
e.xhorted  to  bear  with  equanimity  inevitable  evils,  and  instant- 
ly leave  their  city,  and  retire  and  build  a  new  one,  in  any 
spot  which  they  chose,  ten  miles  from  the  sea.  The  depu- 
ties of  Carthage  were  overwhelmed  ;  and  having  in  vain  pros- 
trated themselves  before  the  Roman  officers,  and  appealed  to 
their  pledged  faith  and  Roman  reputation  for  generosity,  hon- 
our, and  humanity,  they  finished  their  mission,  in  the  lan- 
guage of  despair.  "  We  go  then,"  they  said,  "  to  certain  death 
which  we  have  merited  by  having  persuaded  our  fellow-citi 

7* 


I 


-% 


78  •     THE    FOITRTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 


zens  to  resign  themselves  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans 
But  if  you  mean  to  have  your  commands  obeyed,  you  must 
be  ready  to  enforce  them  ;  and  by  this  means  you  may  save 
an  unfortunate  people  from  exposing  themselves,  by  any  act 
of  despair,  to  worse  sufferings  than  they  have  yet  endured." 

The  report  of  the  deputies  was  followed  by  universal  grief, 
anguish,  and  rage.  The  citizens  burst  into  the  senate,  and 
put  to  death  every  member,  who  had,  with  even  their  own 
consfent,  submitted  to  the  degrading  impositions  of  the  Ro- 
mans. Anarchy  and  tumult  reigned ;  a  few  only  were  capa- 
ble of  self-control  and  reflection.  These  had  the  precaution 
to  shut  the  gates,  to  stretch  the  chain  which  protected  the  en- 
trance of  the  harbour,  and  to  make  a  collection  of  stones  on 
the  battlements,  these  being  the  only  weapons  they  had  left  to 
repel  the  first  attacks  of  the  Romans.  The  remnant  of  the 
senate  too,  without  reflecting  on  the  desperate  state  of  their  af- 
fairs, resolved  on  war.  Despair  and  frenzy  succeeded  in 
every  breast  to  dejection  and  meanness.  Assemblies  were 
called  to  reverse  the  sentence  of  banishment  lately  pronounced 
against  Asdrubal,  and  against  the  troops  under  his  command. 
These  exiles  were  entreated  to  hasten  their  return  for  the  de- 
fence of  a  city  bereft  of  arms,  ships,  military  and  naval  stores. 
The  people,  in  the  mean  time,  with  an  ardour,  which  reason 
and  the  hopes  of  success  during  the  prosperity  of  the  republic 
could  not  have  inspired,  endeavoured  to  replace  the  arms  and 
the  stores  which  they  had  so  shamefully  surrendered.  They 
demolished  their  houses  to  supply  the  docks  with  timber. 
They  opened  the  temples  and  other  public  buildings,  to  ac- 
commodate the  workmen ;  and,  without  distinction  of  sex, 
condition,  or  age,  became  labourers  in  the  public  works,  col- 
lected materials,  furnished  provisions,  or  bore  a  part  in  any 
labour  that  was  thought  necessary  to  put  the  city  in  a  state 
of  defence.  They  supplied  the  founders  and  the  armourers 
with  the  brass  and  iron  of  their  domestic  utensils;  or,  where 
these  metals  were  deficient,  brought  what  they  could  furnish 
of  silver  and  gold.  They  joined  their  hair  with  the  other  ma- 
terials which  were  used  in  the  roperies,  to  be  spun  into  cord- 
age for  the  shipping,  and  into  braces  for  their  engines  of 
war.  The  Roman  consuls,  apprised  of  what  was  in  agita- 
tion, willing  to  await  the  return  of  reason,  and  to  let  these  first 
ebullitions  of  frenzy  subside,  for  some  days  made  no  attempts 
on  the  city.  But,  hearing  of  the  approach  of  Asdrubal,  they 
thought  it  necessary  to  endeavour,  before  his  arrival,  to  pos- 
sess themselves  of  the  gates.     Having  in  vain  attempted  to 


THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  7^ 


scale  the  walls,  they  were  obliged  to  undergo  the  labours  of 
a  regular  siege;  and,  though  they  made  a  breach,  were  re- 
pulsed in  attempting  to  force  the  city  by  storm. 

Asdrubal  nobly  sustained  the  cause  of  his  country  several 
years.  During  two  of  these,  the  Romans,  by  their  utmost  ef- 
forts, approached  not  one  step  nearer  their  object ;  and  the 
Carthaginians,  aUhough  apparently  robbed  of  all  their  re- 
sources, by  having  merely  displayed  a  proper  "  spirit,  were 
reinstated  in  their  rank  among  the  nations,  and  had  negotia- 
tions with  the  neighbouring  powers  of  Mauritania  and  Nu- 
midia,  whose  aid  they  solicited  with  alarming  reflections  on 
the  boundless  ambition,  and  invidious  policy  of  the  Romans. 
They  even  conveyed  assurances  of  support  to  the  Achaeans, 
to  the  pretended  Philip,  an  impostor,  who,  about  this  time, 
laid  claim  to  the  throne  of  Macedonia  ;  and  they  encouraged 
with  hopes  of  assistance  the  subjects  of  that  kmgdom,  who 
were  at  this  time  in  arms  to  recover  the  independence  of  their 
monarchy. 

The  Roman  people  were  never  much  depressed  by  disap- 
pointments. Persuaded  that  they  had  hitherto  failed  at  Car- 
thage from  the  successive  commanders  appointed  over  the 
troops  having  proved  themselves  unqualified  for  the  service, 
thev  sent  thither  Scipio,  by  birth  the  son  of  iEmilius  Paullus, 
and  by  adoption  the  grandson  of  Scipio  Africanus.  He  was 
ten  years  under  the  legal  age  for  a  general.  But  having 
showed  by  his  deeds  that  he  was  eminently  endowed  with 
the  qualities  requisite  for  the  office,  the  forms  of  law  were  dis- 
pensed with,  as  they  had  been  in  the  case  of  the  celebrated 
man  to  whom  he  owed  his  name ;  and  in  two  years  he  justi- 
fied the  judgment  of  his  fellow  citizens.  After  surmounting 
every  difficulty  he  obtained  an  entrance  into  the  city.  "  The 
inhabitants,  during  six  days,  disputed  every  house  and  every 
passage,  and  successively  set  fire  to  the  buildings  whenever 
they  were  obliged  to  abandon  them.  Above  fifty  thousand 
persons  of  difl[erent  sexes,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  citadel, 
at  last  accepted  of  quarter,  and  were  led  captive  from  thence 
in  two  separate  divisions,  one  of  twenty-five  thousand  women, 
and  another  of  thirty  thousand  men.  Nine  hundred  deser- 
ters, who  had  left  the  Roman  army  during  the  siege,  having 
been  refused  the  quarter  which  was  granted  to  the  others, 
took  post  in  a  temple  which  stood  on  an  eminence,  with  a  re- 
solution to  die  with  swords  in  their  hands,  and  with  the  great- 
est effiision  of  blood  to  their  enemies.  To  these  Asdrubal, 
followed  by  his  wife  and  his  children,  joined  himself;  but  not 


r 


89  'mR^  FQUHTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIB^ 

having  the  courage  to  persist  in  the  same  purpose  with  these 
deserters,  he  left  the  temple,  and  accepted  of  quarter."  His 
magnanimous  wife  disdained  to  accompany  him,  preferring 
to  perish  with  her  country.  Richly  dressed,  as  if  the  day  oi 
her  death  was  a  day  of  triumph,  she  presented  herself  to  view, 
and  within  the  hearing  of  the  Roman  general  and  her  husband, 
exclaimed,  "Base  coward,  the  mean  things  which  thou  hast 
done  to  save  thy  life  shall  not  avail  thee  ;  thou  shall  die  in  this 
instant,  at  least  in  thy  two  children."  Then  stabbing  them  with 
adagger,  while  they  struggled  in  the  agonies  of  death,  she  threw 
them  from  the  summit  of  the  temple,  and  leaped  after  them  into 
the  flames  of  the  fire  kindled  by  the  deserters,  who  chose  also 
thus  to  die  rather  than  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  their  indignant 
and  sanguinary  countrymen.  The  city  continued  burning 
seventeen  days,  and  was  wholly  given  up  for  a  prey  to  the 
conquering  army,  the  general  reserving  nothing  for  himself 
or  the  state,  except  the  precious  metal  statues  or  other  most 
valuable  ornaments  that  escaped  the  conflagration.  The  sim- 
ple report  of  Scipio  to  the  senate  was,  "Carthage  is  taken. 
The  army  waits  your  further  orders  ;"  and  this  was  sufficient 
to  diffuse  ecstatic  joy  over  Rome. 

The  territories  of  Carthage  were  declared  a  Roman  pro- 
vince ;  and  from  this  time  the  Romans  threw  oflf  their  flimsy 
disguise,  and  almost  everywhere  acted  the  part  of  ancient  con- 
querors, and  made  the  nations  feel  that  they  were  the  sover- 
eigns of  the  earth.  In  this  same  year,  b.  c.  145,  the  splendid 
city  of  Corinth  perished,  and  about  the  same  time  the  feeble 
rays  of  Grecian  liberty  almost  vanished.  "  The  fortifications 
of  Thebes,  and  of  some  other  towns  disaffected  to  the  Ro- 
mans, were  at  the  same  time  demolished ;  and  the  arrange- 
ments to  be  made  in  the  country  of  Greece  were  committed 
to  deputies  from  the  Roman  senate.  By  their  order,  the 
Achaean  league  was  dissolved,  and  all  its  conventions  annul- 
led. The  states  which  had  composed  it  were  deprived  of  their 
sovereignty,  subjected  to  pay  a  tribute,  and  placed  under  the 
government  of  a  person  annually  sent  from  Rome  with  the 
title  of  the  Prastor  of  Achaia." 


CHAPTER  VI. 


THE  FOURTH   OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE,  CONTINUED. 


THE    FIRST   GEEAT   INTERNAL    CONFLICTS. ^TIBERIUS   GRACCHUS, 

MARIUS,    AND   STLLA. 

Man's  greatest  opponent  to  his  attainment  of  nioi:;al  excel- 
lence is  found  in  his  own  heart.  An  analogous  observation 
seems  applicable  to  the  Roman  people.  Rome  herself  was 
the  last  and  mightiest  power  which  she  had  to  overcome  in 
her  ascent  to  the  throhe  of  universal  empire.  While  the  na- 
tions first  in  commerce  and  wealth,  or  in  wisdom  and  milita- 
ry science,  learning,  and  civilization,  were  either  crushed  by 
her  iron  sceptre,  or  prostrated  before  her  majesty,  and  reluc- 
tantly submissive  to  her  mandates,  she  struggled  long  to  sus- 
tain her  life  amidst  the  strifes,  contentions,  disorders,  wars, 
proscriptions,  and  murders  of  her  own  citizens. 

On  the  fall  of  Carthage,  Rome  doubtless  regarded  herself 
mistress  of  Europe  and  Africa;  and  she  had  before  this  time 
raised  her  throne  in  Asia.  While  the  Romans  thus  triumphed 
every  where,  and  extended  their  dominions  almost  equal 
to  their  ambition,  and  most  probably  far  beyond  their  most 
sanguine  expectations,  the  fi^ry  process  was  kindling  which 
consumed  the  liberty  of  every  subject  of  the  empire,  and  exhi- 
bited to  mankind  the  fourth  beast,  in  all  the  terrific  features 
in  which  he  was  portrayed  by  the  prophetic  Spirit. 

The  victorious  race  of  the  Romans  were  satisfied  with  a 
shadow  of  the  patriotism,  moderation,  patience,  faith,  genero- 
sity, and  justice,  which  were  the  boast  and  glory  of  their  an- 
cestors ;  and  their  descendants  were  soon  characterised  and 
degraded  by  selfishness,  pride,  intemperance,  treachery,  ava- 
rice, injustice,  cruelty,  and  blood;  In  past  times,  the  idea  of 
honour  was  recalled  by  the  title  citizen ;  and  the  officers  of 
the  state  were  open  to  the  ambition  of  all  classes  of  citizens. 
The  patrician  assumed  no  superiority  over  the  plebeian,  ex- 
cept to  show  himself  willing  to  sacrifice  his  all  for  the  safety 


i 


f 


=1» 


lis  THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROBIAN    EMPIRE. 

and  exaltation  of  the  community.  Those  raised  to  the  first  of- 
fices cheerfully  retired  at  the  time  fixed  by  law  to  perform  the 
meanest  offices,  and  to  associate  with  the  lowest  classes,  in 
their  toils,  enjoyments,  and  amusements.  The  consul  and 
chief  general  of  the  one  year  served  in  the  next  as  tribune,  an 
inferior  office,  and  even  as  a  private  soldier.  The  supreme 
magistrate  withdrew  from  office  to  direct  the  plough,  and  to 
place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  table  with  his  children,  free- 
men, and  slaves.  All  ranks  quietly  submitted  to  eat  the  food, 
and  wear  the  clothes,  and  furnish  their  houses,  according  to 
the  rules  prescribed  by  the  censor,  whom  they  had  called  to 
control  them.  The  comitium,  or  public  assembly,  cheerfully 
left  the  senate  the  chief  direction  and  government  of  the  great- 
est affairs  of  the  state  ;  and  the  latter  assembly,  consisting  -of 
patricians  and  ennobled  plebeians,  committed  to  the  former 
the  power  to  judge  all  who  were  accused  of  any  crime,  and  to 
prevent  the  execution  of  any  plan,  which  they  deemed  disad- 
vantageous to  the  state. 

This  state  of  republican  simplicity,  and  political  virtue,  was 
undermined  by  the  growing  majesty  and  wealth  of  the  citi- 
zens who  held  office,  and  by  the  augmentation  in  number  and 
poverty  of  the  other  classes.  Between  these  naturally  arose, 
and  were  cherished  alienation  of  affection,  suspicions,  and 
eager  pursuit  of  conflicting  interests.  From  the  vast  accumu- 
lation of  wealth  which  poured  intoltalyfromevery  quarter  of 
the  world,  the  citizens  looked  an  all  other  countries  as  their 
own  property,  and  declined  to  tax  themselves.  This  left  the 
officers  of  state  scarcely  any  other  alternative  than  to  pursue 
the  course  of  conquest,  and  impose  oppressive  tribute  on  the 
conquered.  Innumerable  opportunities  were  thus  presented 
for  the  principal  servants  of  the  state  to  acquire  fame  and 
riches;  but  having  permitted  themselves  to  taste  the  sweets  of 
>vealth,  ease,  and  pleasure,  they  generally  sought  office  to  gra- 
tify their  avarice  rather  than  advance  the  honour  of  the  state. 
And  as  those  who  attained  distinction  and  wealth  became  nu- 
merous, they  withdrew  from  the  multitude,  or  merely  em- 
ployed them  to  procure  for  themselves  the  highest  dignities  of 
the  state.  Hence  they  became  objects  of  envy  to  the  poor 
class,  who,  though  they  sold  their  services  to  the  highest  bid- 
der, yet  preferred  to  unite  in  ^any  scheme  which  promised  to 
support  them  in  idleness  or  pleasure,  and  retain  the  power - 
and  mortify  the  pride  and  vanity  of  the  rich.  By  consequence, 
while  the  patricians  and  nobles  could  not  but  dread  the  power 
invested  by  the  state  in  the  comitia,  and  devise  measures  to 


^ 


# 


THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN   EMPIRE.  83 

weaken  it,  those  of  them  who  were  checked  by  their  associates 
in  their  ambition,  sought  the  support  of  the  people  by  flatter- 
ing them  that  to  their  assembly,  and  not  to  the  senate,  proper- 
ly belonged  the  sovereignty  of  the  state. 

The  first  great  manifestation  of  the  alienation  of  the  ple- 
beians from  the  nobles,  was  occasioned  by  an  act  of  flagrant 
injustice  of  the  senate,  which  was  resented  by  one  of  the  most 
virtuous  of  their  number.  The  Romans,  having  destroyed 
Carthage,  not  only  claimed  all  that  part  of  Spain  which  had 
submitted  to  that  state,  but  determined  to  possess  the  whole  of 
that  country.  In  this  scheme,  they  were  opposed  by  Viria- 
thus,  whose  valour  has  been  celebrated  by  his  enemies. 
Though  ultimately  vanquished,  yet  he  long  resisted  the  Ro- 
man power,  and  at  one  time  compelled  the  commander  of 
their  army  to  submit  to  resign  every  part  of  Spain  to  him,  ex- 
cept what  the  Romans  had  previously  conquered.  This  peace 
the  noble  Viriathus  granted,  when  he  could  have  either  put 
to  death  or  reduced  to  slavery,  the  Roman  general,  the  consul 
Servilianus,  and  his  whole  army.  The  treaty  was  ratified  by 
the  Roman  government ;  but  in  a  short  time  violated,  without 
the  least  provocation.  The  Spaniard  once  more  defeated 
them,  and  granted  them  an  honourable  peace.  But  the  senate 
refused  to  confirm  the  treaty,  and  under  pretension  of  sacred 
respect  for  honour  or  justice,  ordered  the  consul  Mancinus, 
who  had  accepted  it,  and  all  his  officers,  to  return  naked  and 
in  chains  to  Spain,  and  deliver  themselves  up  to  their  victor. 
He  nobly  disdained  to  punish  the  innocent ;  and  one  of  the 
disgraced  officers  resolved  to  be  avenged  on  his  own  class, 
who  had  exposed  the  Roman  name  to  the  execration  of  man- 
kind. Tiberius  Gracchus  had  served  quaestor,  under  Man- 
cinus, and  was  condemned  with  him ;  but  he  appealed  from 
the  judgment  of  the  senate  to  the  comitia,  and  was  saved  from 
the  disgrace  and  danger  to  which  the  sentence  exposed  him. 
From  this  time  he  embraced  with  ardour  the  cause  of  the  peo- 
ple. Though  by  descent  he  was  one  of  them,  yet  his  father 
had  raised  his  family  to  the  highest  dignity,  and  they  were 
allied  by  marriage  to  the  principal  persons  in  the  state.  His 
mother,  who  was  admired  and  praised  for  every  Roman  vir- 
tue, belonged  to  the  family  of  the  first  Scipio  Africanus,  and 
his  sister  was  the  wife  of  the  second  Scipio  Africanus. 

If  the  people  had  cause  to  complain  bitterly  of  the  haughty 
pride  of  the  rich,  and  the  oppressive  condujct  of  the  powerful, 
they  appeared  to  possess  sufficient  means,  if  wisely  employed, 
to  ameliorate  their  condition  ;  for  their  number,  and  the  ex- 


1 


84  THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROBIAN   EMPIRE. 

traordinary,  almost  incontroUable  influence  of  their  tribunes, 
could  compel  the  senate  to  comply  with  whatever  they  might 
demand.  The  number  of  enrolled  citizens  in  Rome  or  other 
parts  of  Italy,  had  rapidly  risen  from  three,  to  more  than  four 
hundred  thousand.  The  great  majority  of  these,  especially 
in  the  metropolis,  were  idle,  extremely  poor,  ignorant,  super- 
stitious, and  profligate.  The  buildings  covered  a  circuit  of 
fourteen  miles ;  and  laws  were  rviquired  to  restrain  individuals 
from  encroaching  on  streets,  squares,  and  other  spots  reserved 
for  the  convenience  of  the  public.  The  population  was  dis- 
proportionately increased,  and  deteriorated  by  a  variety  of 
causes.  The  more  active  the  nobles  were  in  procuring  pro- 
perty, as  well  as  power,  they  felt  the  necessity  of  conciliating 
the  good  will  of  the  people.  This  gave  rise  to  the  custom, 
which  became  common  for  the  government,  to  collect  and  dis- 
tribute large  quantities  of  provision  to  the  poorer  class.  And 
all  who  sought  popularity  expended  immense  wealth  in  reli- 
gious processions,  or  attractive  shows.  The  votes  of  the  citi- 
zens were  now  of  much  value,  and  were  purchased  by  those 
who  desired  offices,  which  their  merit  could  not  procure,  but 
which  secured  them  wealth  by  the  rewards  attached  to  these 
offices,  especially  the  principal  ones  in  the  distant  provinces. 
All  these  things  induced  the  most  worthless  of  the  Roman 
citizens  belonging  to  the  country  to  reside  in  the  capital.  Now 
these,  and  indeed  all  the  poor  citizens  considered  all  the  con- 
quests, and  honours,  and  riches  of  the  state,  as  theirs  by  right, 
in  common,  at  least,  with  the  patricians ;  for  were  they  not 
chiefly  procured  by  the  toil,  and  valour,  and  blood  of  the  peo- 
ple ?  It  is,  therefore,  not  surprising  that  the  comitia  enthusi- 
astically received  and  approved  the  motion  of  their  favourite 
tribune  Gracchus,  to  allot  to  every  family  a  portion  of  land, 
and  prohibit  any  one  from  possessing  more  than  a  certain  de- 
finite quantity. 

About  two  centuries  and  a  half  before  Tiberius  Gracchus, 
the  Licinian  law,  so  named  from  its  author  Licinius,  had 
been  sanctioned  by  the  republic.  It  restricted  every  gitizen 
to  five  hundred  jugara,  or  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  acres 
of  land,  one  hundred  large,  and  five  hundred  small  cattle. 
The  reformer  desired  at  first  only  the  restoration  of  this  law 
in  a  modified  form,  adapted'somewhat  to  the  avaricious  dis- 
positions, luxurious  habits,  and  ostentatious  manners  of  the 
age.  His  scheme  provoked  the  indignation  of  all  who  pos- 
sessed, expected,  or  aspired  to  the  distinction  usually  accom- 
panying rank,  property,  or  wealth.     The  nobles  combined  to 


I 


J 


®= 


THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE.  85 

counteract  his  influence  ;  and,  by  prevailing  on  his  most  inti- 
mate friend,  the  tribune  M.  Octavius,  to  desert  him,  and  ex- 
ercise the  right  of  his  office,  thus  enabled  him  to  prevent  the 
obnoxious  law  from  being  read  in  the  public  assembly.  Thus 
unexpectedly  defeated,  having  entire  confidence  in  his  own 
strength,  Gracchus  determined  to  revive,  in  all  its  vigour,  the 
Licinian  law,  without  the  least  respect  to  the  views,  passions, 
or  interests  of  his  order.  In  personal  appearance,  amiable 
manners,  correct  deportment,  no  Roman  had  stronger  claims 
on  the  esteem  of  his  fellow  citizens ;  and  no  one  equalled  him 
in  popular  eloquence.  He  was  ably  supported  by  Appius 
Claudius,  the  chief  priest,  whose  daughter  he  had  married, 
and  by  the  only  consul  in  Rome,  Mutius  Scievola.  Thus 
armed,  after  repeated  attempts  to  recover  the  assistance  of  Oc- 
tavius, he  persuaded  the  comitia  to  degrade  him  from  his  of- 
fice. This  being  eftected,  the  law  passed  ;  and  he,  his  brother 
Caius,  and  his  father-in-law,  Appius,  were  appointed  commis- 
sioners to  execute  it.  They  advanced  slowly  in  their  work, 
for  they  were  obstructed  in  every  step  by  the  senators,  who 
impatiently  waited  a  fit  opportunity  to  cancel  the  law.  Their 
wrath  was  inflamed  into  fury  and  vengeance  by  other  reforms 
which  Gracchus  introduced  or  proposed,  and  especially  by 
his  resolution  being  carried,  that  the  treasury  of  the  kingdom 
of  Pergamus,  granted  by  the  will  of  its  last  sovereign  to  the 
Roman  people,  should  be  distributed  to  the  poor. 

To  preserve  himself  from  the  machinations  of  his  strong 
and  numerous  enemies,  whom  he  knew  to  be  resolved  on  his 
destruction,  he  employed  every  possible  means  to  secure  his 
re-election  to  the  office  of  tribune  for  another  year.  The  life 
of  a  tribune  was  held  sacred,  and,  whoever  was  guilty  of  ta- 
king it,  provoked  the  indignation  and  revenge  of  the  entire 
community.  The  house  of  Tiberius  was  guarded  by  his 
friends  night  and  day;  and  f)ur  thousand  protected  him  to 
and  from  the  public  assembly.  The  day  of  the  election  of 
tribune  passed  over  without  any  decision  regarding  him.  On 
the  next  morning,  the  senate  met  to  devise  measures  to  secure 
the  peace  and  safety  of  the  republic.  On  receiving  a  report, 
doubtless  raised  at  their  suggestion,  that  the  reformer  was 
about  to  assume  the  sovereignty  of  the  empire,  the  senate  called 
on  the  consul  to  provide  means  to  maintain  the  constitution. 
He  declined  to  use  force  against  a  tribune,  and  merely  said, 
"If  the  people  shall  come  to  any  violent  or  illegal  determina- 
tion, I  will  employ  the  whole  force  of  my  authority  to  prevent 
its  effect."   No  sentiment  could  be  less  acceptable  to  those  ad* 

VOL.  u.  8 


li 


I 


86  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

dressed.  All  demanded  the  punishment  of  the  violators  of 
the  public  law,  and  the  disturbers  of  the  peace.  Scipio  Nisica 
exclaimed,  "  The  consul  deserts  the  republic ;  let  those  who 
wish  to  preserve  it,  follow  me."  The  senators  all  arose,  and, 
being  joined  by  their  clients,  proceeded  with  him  to  the  comi- 
tium.  The  people  awed  by  their  presence,  withdrew.  Ti- 
berius in  vain  attempted  to  escape  by  flight ;  he  and  about 
three  hundred  were  killed,  and  their  bodies  thrown  into  the 
river. 

The  senate,  conscious  of  havinor,  under  pretence  of  zeal  for 
the  law,  violently  outraged  its  majesty,  endeavoured  to  pacify 
the  wrath  of  the  people,  whose  admired  leader  had  been  mur- 
dered. No  one  proposed  to  abolish  the  Licinian,  or  Agrari- 
an law.  Instead  of  Tiberius  and  Appius,  who  had  recently 
died,  F.  Flaccus,  and  P.  Carbo,  the  most  daring  of  the  popu- 
lar leaders,  were  chosen  commissioners  to  divide  the  land. 
Scipio  Nisica  was  sent  to  Pergamus,  and  died  an  honourable 
exile.  The  reformation  or  revolution  attempted  by  Tiberius 
Gracchus  may  be  regarded  as  the  commencement  of  the  most 
dreadful  and  sanguinary  contest  between  the  patricians  and 
plebeians,  or  the  senate  and  comitium,  which  raged,  with 
short  intervals,  till  both  assemblies  became  utterly  powerless, 
and  Rome,  with  all  her  allies  and  tributaries,  was  ruled  by 
the  iron  rod  of  despotism,  and  the  peace  that  succeeded  the 
many  storms  was  more  ominous  of  evil  than  the  fiercest  tem- 
pest that  had  ever  desolated  the  empire.  But  it  was  doubt- 
less hailed  by  the  unreflecting,  and,  as  we  shall  have  occasion 
to  observe,  prepared  the  Fourth  Beast  to  accomplish  his  pro- 
per work,  and  fulfil  his  destiny.  The  senate  had  still  to  re- 
new the  combat  for  the  preservation  of  its  dignity  and  power, 
notwithstanding  their  triumph  over  Tiberius  Gracchus.  The 
popular  course  which  he  had  chosen  was  steadily  pursued 
by  F.  Flaccus,  and  most  vigorously  by  his  own  brother  Caius, 
who  was  scarcely  inferior  to  him  in  talent,  and  superior  in 
fixedness  of  purpose  and  ardour  in  action.  Caius  and  Flac- 
cus resolved  to  subvert  the  power  of  the  nobles  ;  and,  among 
the  other  measures  to  effect  this,  proposed  to  raise  all  the  Ital- 
ian allies  of  Rome  to  the  rank  of  citizens :  and  other  popular 
measures  they  most  perseveringly  advocated.  They  were  ac- 
cused of  having  been  guilty  of  murder  in  a  popular  tumult ; 
and  refused  to  appear  before  the  tribunal  of  justice.  Having, 
with  numerous  partizans  in  arms,  taken  refuge  on  the  Aven- 
tine  hill,  they  were  proclaimed  enemies  of  th^republic.  Their 
weight  in  gold  was  promised  to  one  or  more  who  should 


THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

either  kill  or  secure  them.  They  were  attacked ;  Caius  Grac- 
chus fell  by  his  own  hand,  or  by  that  of  a  faithful  servant. 
Fulvius  Flaccus  was  taken  and  killed.  Those  who  carried 
their  heads  to  the  consul  received  the  promised  reward. 
Three  thousand  two  hundred  and  fifty  of  their  followers  were 
slain  in  the  streets ;  great  numbers  were  cast  into  prison  and 
strangled  ;  their  bodies  were  thrown  into  the  river,  and  their 
estates  confiscated.  The  house  of  Fulvius  was  razed,  and  the 
ground  appropriated  for  public  uses.  Thus,  b.  c.  121,  the 
system  of  proscription  began,  by  which  afterwards  the  prin- 
cipal citizens  of  the  Republic  were  cut  off,  without  any  ap- 
peal to  justice  or  equity,  or  mercy.  The  thirst  of  the  Roman 
beast  for  blood  was  insatiable ;  and  he  swallowed  that  of  his 
own  kind  as  greedily  as  he  did  that  of  those  whom  he  reck- 
oned his  proper  prey,  in  foreign  lands. 

The  functions  of  government  were  allowed  to  move  freely 
for  a  few  years,  for  a  deep  feeling  of  common  danger  pervaded 
all  ranks.  The  sanguinary  war  with  the  brave  Jugurtha,  in 
Africa,  occupied  the  attention  of  the  Romans;  and  the  move- 
ments of  the  large  and  mighty  armies  of  the  Gauls,  beyond 
the  Alps,  in  the  region  named  Transalpine  Gaul,  and  still 
more,  the  revolt  of  the  allies  in  Italy,  filled  them  with  fearful 
apprehensions.  But  in  these  wars,  which  terminated  in  the 
triumph  of  Rome  over  these  fierce  foes,  were  trained  two  of 
her  leaders,  Marius  and  Sylla,  who  inflicted  on  her  far  more 
dreadful  evils  than  she  had  perhaps  ever  endured.  Marius 
was  a  fellow-citizen  with  Cicero,  of  Arpinum,  a  town  of  Cam- 
pania, seated  on  the  river  Liris.  He  was  of  mean  descent, 
and,  in  common  with  his  class,  uneducated,  but  he  was  evi- 
dently formed  to  command  the  admiration  or  dread  of  the 
multitude,  with  a  huge  body,  and  extraordinary  strength,  he 
was  remarkable  for  the  usual  fierceness  of  his  countenance 
and  the  roughness  of  his  voice.  He  was  not  less  distinguish- 
ed by  strong  intellectual  powers,  great  ambition,  courage,  and 
fortitude,  urging  him  on  to  undertake  any,  the  most  hazar- 
dous enterprise,  by  the  accomplishing  of  which  he  had  hope 
of  popular  applause.  He  seemed  capable  of  breathing  only 
in  the  tempest ;  and  strife,  contention,  and  war,  constituted  the 
very  element  of  bis  life.  His  natural  alliances  were  made 
with  the  bold  and  fiery  spirits  of  the  storms  which  raged  in 
his  time  ;  and  he  invisibly  or  openly  directed  the  waves  which 
dashed  to  pieces,  or  removed  from  their  place,  the  pillars  of 
the  state,  and  dispersed,  destroyed,  or  engulphed  almost  every 
precious  ornament  of  the  community.     But  he  occasionally 


■^ 


§P  IHE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

sought  the  friendship  of  those  whom  he  deemed  and  pro* 
claimed  to  be  his  natural  enemies  ;  and,  to  win  their  confi- 
dence, his  mighty  mind  enabled  him  to  appear  to  have  sup- 
pressed every  passion,  and  to  have  castaway  every  prejudice. 
And  when  he  judged  it  expedient  to  secure  the  support  of  the 
people,  by  condescension,  kindness,  and  courtesy  rather  than 
by  haughtiness,  austerity,  and  wrath,  he  exchanged  the  ter- 
rible aspect  of  the  lion  for  the  gentleness  of  the  lamb.  Nor 
did  he  hesitate,  in  the  pursuit  of  his  chief  object  of  desire,  to 
throw  off  the  robe  of  deception,  without  the  least  respect  for 
truth,  consistency,  or  honour.  He  publicly  despised  the  su- 
periority of  noble  descent,  the  advantages  of  literature  and 
science,  the  pleasures  and  luxuries  procured  by  wealth,  and 
all  the  elegances  and  refinements  unattainable  by  the  class  of 
society  to  which  lie  originally  belonged  ;  while,  at  the  same 
time,  his  whole  energies  were  employed,  and  his  life  was  ex- 
posed, as  a  thing  of  no  value,  to  obtain  the  first  honours  of 
the  state,  and  the  power  to  manage  and  control  all  the  affairs 
of  government.  No  one  perhaps  found  it  more  difficult  to 
persuade  the  people  to  appoint  him  a  tribune  ;  they  were  as- 
tonished and  provoked  that  one  of  such  mean  parentage 
should  presume  to  stand  candidate  for  any  office  of  dignity. 
But  the  wisdom,  courage,  and  rectitude  with  which  he  dis- 
charged the  duties  of  that  office  and  afterwards  that  of  prce tor, 
failed  not  to  recommend  him  to  the  esteem  of  all  who  sincerely 
loved  their  country ;  and  his  great  and  splendid  deeds  on  the 
theatre  of  war  rendered  his  name  illustrious,  so  that  the  peo- 
ple at  last  called  him  a  god.  While  absent  from  the  city,  he 
was  repeatedly  chosen  consul,  and  seven  times  he  was  raised 
to  this  most  exalted  office.  But  who  is  the  man  that  lives  and 
labours  merely  for  personal  aggrandisement  that  secures  per- 
manent glory  for  himself  or  happiness  for  his  country  ? 

The  transcendant  military  talents  of  Marius  were  first  duly 
appreciated  by  the  second  Scipio  Africanus,  under  whom  he 
served  ;  but  he  owed  more  to  Gl.  C.  Metellus,  one  of  the  most 
venerated  and  most  upright  patriots  of  Rome.  This  patrician 
was  equally  distinguished  as  a  wise  and  tried  statesmen,  and 
an  accomplished  and  victorious  general.  When  appointed  to 
the  government  of  the  Roman  province  in  Africa,  he  chose 
Marius  for  the  lieutenant-general  of  the  army  placed  under 
his  command.  On  his  departure,  the  Romans  exulted  in  the 
confident  expectation  that  he  would  speedily  wipe  away  and 
revenge  the  disgrace  which  their  arms  had  suffered  in  the 
war  with  the  renowned  Jugurtha,  who  had  defeated  their  army 


» 


m 


THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE.  89 

under  the  command  of  successive  consuls.  His  first  report  to 
the  senate  announced  the  complete  overthrow  and'  dispersion 
of  the  enemy's  forces,  and  the  certain  prospect  of  peace  In 
a  brief  period,  however,  it  appeared  that  the  consummate  pol- 
icy of  Jugurtha  rendered  the  subjection  of  his  kingdom  as 
uncertain  as  it  had  hitherto  been.  The  Romans  became  in- 
dignant, and  not  unwillingly  listened  to  the  friends  of  Ma rius, 
who  insinuated,  at  his  suggestion,  that  the  past  success  of  the 
army  was  effected  by  his  exertions,  and  that  Jugurtha  would 
have  been  easily  reduced  had  Metellus  been  inclined  to  ter- 
minate the  war.  The  ignorant  and  volatile  multitude  now 
scarcely  spoke  of  the  wise  and  admired  commander  with  re- 
spect, while  their  unmeasured  praises  of  the  bravery  of  Marius 
filled  the  city.  The  traitor  and  calumniator  of  his  friend  knew 
well  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  and  resolved  to  seize  the 
opportunity  to  apply  for  the  office  of  consul,  with  a  view  to 
obtain  the  command  of  the  army  in  Africa.  Metellus  had 
suspicions  of  his  treacherous  designs,  and  it  required  all  his 
arts  to  deceive  to  procure  leave  to  return  to  Rome.  By  bri- 
bery or  intrigue  he  attained  his  object,  although  opposed  by 
the  senate.  The  Romans  had  already  lost  almost  all  sense 
of  true  honour;  money  could  procure  for  any  one  the  high- 
est offices  in  the  state,  and  the  services  of  those  who  held 
them.  Many  who  held  these  offices  sold  their  power  and  in- 
fluence to  the  enemies  of  their  country.  This  is  intimated 
by  one  of  the  sayings  of  Jugurtha.  He  had  corresponded 
with  many  of  the  principal  men  by  messengers  or  letters,  and 
had  personal  intercourse  with  them  when  he  was  in  Rome. 
His  experience  and  observation  convinced  him  that  almost 
all  of  them  were  prepared  to  betray  their  country  for  riches. 
On  leaving  the  city  he  exclaimed,  "  Here  is  a  city  to  be  sold, 
if  any  buyer  can  be  found."  The  people  ceased  to  respect 
either  rank,  character,  office,  law,  or  indeed  any  thing  that 
imposed  restraint  on  their  appetites  or  passions.  Marius,  by 
reproaching  the  higher  ranks,  calumniating  the  most  worthy, 
especially  his  friend  Metellus,  and  flattering  the  prejudices  of 
the  people,  obtained  the  office  of  consul,  and  the  appointment 
to  conduct  the  war  against  Jugurtha.  In  procuring  a  re-en- 
forcement for  the  army,  he  preferred  the  lower  class  to  the 
respectable,  who  alone  had  in  past  ages  been  admitted  into  the 
army.  This  violation  of  the  laws  and  customs  was  over- 
looked, because  those  in  honourable  stations  and  comfortable 
circumstances  were  become  averse  to  a  soldier's  life.  The 
necessitous,  the  most  depraved,  and  the  outcasts  of  society, 
8* 


90  THE   FOURTH,    OF   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

flocked  to  the  standard  of  Marius  ;  and  such  were  the  persons 
who  from  this  time  formed  the  majority  in  the  Roman  army. 
When  a  general  knew  how  to  manage  these,  almost  univer- 
sally an  unprincipled  race,  he  could  as  easily  lead  them 
against  their  own  countrymen  as  against  the  enemies  of  their 
country.  This  was  soon  proved  by  the  civil  wars,  which 
threatened  the  entire  dissolution  of  tne  state. 

While  Marius  successfully  prosecuted  the  war  in  Africa, 
he  was  joined  by  Sylla,  whose  services  contributed  greatly  to 
the  complete  triumph  of  the  Romans.  This  officer  was  of 
noble  birth,  and  apparently  resolutely  determined  to  maintain 
the  dignity  and  power  of  his  order ;  but  hitherto  he  had  not 
augmented  the  glory  of  the  patricians,  for  he  had  'degraded 
himself  in  the  eyes  of  the  few  surviving  patriots  of  Rome  by 
pursuing  Grecian  literature,  and  in  the  eyes  of  all  ranks  by 
his  profligacy.  Having,  however,  secured  the  office  of  quaes- 
tor, he  renounced  licentious  pleasures  for  the  objects  of  ambi- 
tion, and  quickly  showed  that  he  possessed  all  the  qualities  o) 
a  great  warrior  and  commander.  He  was  the  chief  instru- 
ment in  terminating  the  African  war,  by  persuading  the  ally 
and  relation  of  Jugurtha  to  betray  and  deliver  him  into  his 
hand.  Sylla  quickly  became  the  idol  of  the  soldiers,  and  his 
name  was  associated  with  Marius  in  the  exultation  of  the  Ro- 
mans, when  they  beheld  the  latter  lead  Jugurtha  in  chains, 
accompanied  by  his  children.  From  this  time  Marius  and 
Sylla  were  rivals  for  power,  and  each  was  regarded  as  the 
chief  of  a  party. 

Circumstances  favoured  the  continued  ascendancy  of  the 
rude  and  daring  Marius.  Myriads  of  barbarians  had,  like 
meteors,  suddenly  entered  Europe,  and,  for  some  years,  had 
spread,  wherever  they  appeared,  universal  desolation.  They 
covered  Gaul,  whose  natives,  from  fear  or  inclination,  agreed 
to  unite  with  them  in  seizing  or  laying  waste  the  fair  fields 
and  rich  cities  of  Italy.  The  Roman  armies,  under  two  con- 
suls, attacked  them  on  the  Rhone,  and  were  defeated,  with 
the  loss  of  eighty  thousand  soldiers,  besides  forty  thousand  at- 
tendants, who  were  massacred  without  resistance.  The  re- 
port of  this  disaster  filled  Rome  with  amazement  and  terror ; 
the  citizens  imagined  that  they  beheld  the  savage  enemy  at 
the  gates.  Every  citizen  was  summoned  to  assume  the  mil- 
itary garb ;  but  their  only  hope  of  safety  was  Marius.  He 
was  called  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army.  His 
first  great  battle  with  one  division  of  the  barbarians  and  Gauls, 
terminated  in  their  destruction ;  two  hundred  thousand  of 


THE    FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  91 

them  were  said  to  be  slain,  and  ninety  thousand,  with  one  of 
their  kings,  were  taken  prisoners.  The  other  division  of  their 
forces  were  opposed  by  a  Roman  army,  under  Catullus. 
Their  number  and  terrible  aspect  terrified  the  Romans ;  they 
were  seized  with  a  panic,  and  many  fled.  Marius  hastily 
raised  troops  and  led  them  to  the  army,  attacked  and  over- 
came the  enemy.  One  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  fell  on 
the  field  of  battle ;  sixty  thousand  were  made  captives ;  and 
the  remainder,  a  great  number  of  whom  were  women  and 
children,  perished  by  their  own  hands.  Marius  returned  in 
triumph  to  Rome,  and  was  saluted  and  adored  as  a  god. 

The  Romans  escaped  ruin  from  the  whirlwinds  which 
rushed  on  them  through  Gaul,  only  to  be  exposed  to  successive 
and  tremendous  earthquakes  in  their  own  country,  in  which 
it  long  seemed  probable  that  ail  that  was  great  or  valuable  in 
the  republic  would  be  altogether  engulphed.  On  Marius'  re- 
turn to  Rome  he  appearently  determined  to  destroy  all  whom 
he  regarded  his  rivals.  Nothing  short  of  the  sovereignty  of 
the  empire  appeared  to  be  the  object  of  his  ambition.  He  as- 
sociated with  the  popular  leaders  of  the  people,  who  sought, 
by  every  means,  to  subvert  the  power  of  the  senate.  He  acted 
chiefly  through  the  agency  of  the  fierce  and  lawless  tribune 
Apuleius  Saturninus,  and  the  not  less  desperate  prietor  Glau- 
cia.  The  tribune  was  continually  guarded  by  freemen  of 
ruined  fortune,  who  had  served  in  the  army,  and  were  part- 
ners in  the  victories  of  Marius,  and  hoped,  when  the  popular 
party  prevailed,  to  obtain  wealth  and  comfortable  settlementa 
Dread  of  these  sanguinary  wretches  deterred  allthe  respecta-' 
ble  and  influential  part  oi  the  people  from  frequenting  the  co- 
mitia,  and  none  had  courage  in  these  assemblies  to  oppose 
the  faction  of  Marius.  They,  therefore,  carried  every  motion 
which  they  proposed,  and  among  others,  every  senator  was 
required  to  swear  that  he  would  confirm  every  act  of  the  co- 
mitia  within  five  days  after  it  was  passed.  Marius,  as  consul, 
declaimed  in  the  senate  against  the  aged  and  the  venerable 
Metellus,  who  declined  to  take  the  oath,  and  many  other  sen- 
ators followed  his  example.  But  he  soon  deserted  them, 
and  beheld,  with  pleasure,  Metellus  forced  to  go  into  exile. 
Marius  was  equally  treacherous  to  his  principal  emissaries ; 
for  when  Saturninus  and  Glaucia  raised  a  sedition  in  the  city, 
he  left  them  to  suffer  the  just  punishment  of  their  crime.  He, 
however,  deplored  their  death,  for  his  schemes  were,  for  the 
time,  bafiled,  and  the  senate  recovered  in  some  degree  its 
power. 


#= 


I 


92  THE    FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

But  the  peace  of  Rome  was  transitory.  The  proposition  to 
acknowledge  all  the  Italian  allies  citizens,  repeatedly  brought 
before  the  public  assemblies,  was  rejected.  This  produced  the 
revolt  of  the  mortified  allies;  and  many  of  their  cities  formed 
an  aUiance,  and  assumed  the  lofty  title  of  the  Ilalian  Republic, 
of  which  they  proclaimed  Confinum  the  capital.  This  city  lay 
a  considerable  distance  north-east  from  Rome,  not  far  from 
Sulmo,  the  present  Salmona,  in  Naples.  Here  the  senate, 
consisting  of  five  hundred  members  of  the  new  republic, 
assembled,  and  "elected  two  consuls.  The  Romans  took 
their  first  suspicion  of  a  design  in  agitation  among  their  allies, 
from  observing  that  they  were  exchanging  hostages  among 
themselves.  The  proconsul  Servilius,  who  commanded  in 
the  Picenum,  having  intelligence  to  this  purpose  from  Ascu- 
lum,  repaired  thither,  in  order,  by  his  presence,  to  prevent  any 
commotion ;  but  his  coming,  in  reality,  hastened  the  revolt. 
His  remonstrances  and  his  threats  made  the  inhabitants  sen- 
sible that  their  designs  were  known,  and  that  the  execution  of 
them  could  no  longer  in  safety  be  delayed.  They  accordingly 
took  arms,  and  put  to  the  sword  the  proconsul  Servilius,  with 
his  lieutenant  and  all  the  Roman  citizens  who  happened  to  be 
in  the  place.  The  alarm  immediately  spread  throughout  all 
the  towns  that  vwere  concerned  in  the  plot;  and,  as  upon  a  sig- 
nal agreed,  the  Marsi,  Peligni,  Vestini,  Marcini,  Picentes, 
FerentanaB,  Hirpini,  Pompeiani,  Venusini,  Apuli,  Lucani, 
and  Samnites,  took  arms,  and  sent  a  joint  deputation  to  Rome 
to  demand  a  participation  in  the  privileges  of  Roman  citizens ; 
of  which  they  had,  by  their  services,  contributed  so  largely  to 
increase  the  value.  In  answer  to  this  demand,  they  were 
told  by  the  senate,  that  they  must  discontinue  their  assemblies, 
and  renounce  their  pretensions,  otherwise,  that  they  must  not 
presume  to  send  any  other  message  to  Rome.  War  being 
thus  declared,  both  parties  prepared  for  the  contest.  The 
allies  mustered  a  hundred  thousand  men,  in  different  bodies, 
and  under  diflferent  leaders.  The  Romans  found  themselves 
in  an  instant  brought  back  to  the  condition  in  which  they 
had  been  about  three  hundred  years  before ;  reduced  to  a 
few  miles  of  territory  round  their  walls,  and  beset  with  ene- 
mies more  united,  and  more  numerous  than  ever  had  assailed 
them  at  once  on  the  same  ground.  But  their  city  was  like- 
wise enlarged,  their  numbers  increased,  and  every  individual 
excellently  formed  to  serve  the  state,  as  a  warrior  and  a  citi- 
zen. AH  of  them  assumed,  upon  this  occasion,  the  sagum, 
or  military  dress ;  and  being  joined  by  such  of  the  latins 


m 


#  » 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  93 

as  remained  in  their  allegiance,  and  by  such  of  their  colo- 
nies, from  different  parts  of  Italy,  as  continued  to  be  faith- 
ful, together  with  some  mercenaries  from  Gaul  and  Numidia, 
they  assembled  a  force  equal  to  that  of  the  revoked  subjects." 
The  unnatural  civil  war  which  followed  lasted  three  years. 
Although  Marius,  and  especially  Sylla,  were  victorious  in 
the  cause  of  Rome,  several  other  generals  were  defeated. 
The  result  of  this  bloody  contest  was  doubtful,  till  the  Ro- 
mans made  such  concessions  as  induced  the  allies  to  submit 
and  dissolve  their  confederacy. 

Notwithstanding  this  unexpected  and  happy  termination  of 
what  in  history  is  called  the  social  war^  the  sufferings  of  the 
degenerate  Romans  accumulated,  and  few  things  are  more 
astonishing  in  the  annals  of  mankind  than  that  their  power 
was  not  crushed  by  their  own  wickedness.  The  leaders  of  the 
people  learned  to  act  on  plans  skilfully  formed  to  annihilate 
the  senate,  and  render  law  powerless.  The  most  active  of 
these  ambitious  and  turbulent  men,  at  this  time  was  the 
tribune,  P.  Sulpicius.  Besides  a  multitude  armed  and  ready 
to  obey  his  mandates,  he  retained  in  pay  three  thousand  gla- 
diators, whose  trade  was  in  human  blood  as  well  as  in  the 
blood  of  wild  beasts.  Supported  by  this  lawless  force,  he 
usurped  the  entire  power  of  government,  and  whatever  he 
willed  was  law.  Marius  had  the  art  to  engage  this  instru- 
ment of  confusion  to  humble  his  rival  Sylla,  whose  rising 
glory  provoked  his  envy  and  hatred.  Sylla  was  now  the 
idol  of  the  soldiers,  and  the  confidence  of  the  senate.  By 
their  patronage  he  had  been  appointed  to  command  the  army 
destined  for  Pontus  to  oppose  Mithridates.  Before  they  left 
Campania,  Sulpicius  persuaded  the  comitium  to  revoke  the 
decree  in  favour  of  Sylla,  and  to  transfer  his  army  to  Marius. 
Sylla  and  his  soldiers  were  indignant  on  receiving  the  infor- 
mation that  he  was  ordered  to  give  place  to  Marius.  Com- 
missioners sent  to  require  their  submission  to  the  decree  of 
the  people,  were  slain  in  the  camp.  On  the  report  of  this 
outrage  reaching  Rome,  some  of  Sylla's  relations  and  friends 
were  murdered.  He  resolved  to  be  revenged,  and  imme- 
diately requested  the  army  to  march  to  the  city.  Marius 
summoned  all  ranks,  slaves  as  well  as  free  men,  to  oppose  him. 
The  senate  entreated  Sylla  to  encamp  without  the  walls.  To 
deceive  his  opponents,  he  ordered  his  array  to  hah,  while  he 
sent  a  detachment  to  seize  the  gates.  The  army  soon  fol- , 
lowed  and  rushed  into  the  city.  They  raised  a  conflagration, 
which  confounded  the  people,  and  the  Marian  party  were 


%- 


1 


f 


% 


^1  THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

dispersed.  Passing  along  the  streets,  which  flowed  with 
blood,  Sylla  entered  the  senate-palace  and  assembled  the  sena- 
tors, whom  he  persuaded  to  declare  Marius  and  his  principal 
adherents  enemies  of  their  country,  and  that  they,  or  any  one 
attempting  to  conceal  them,  should  be  seized  and  put  to  death, 
without  form  of  law. 

When  Sylla  conceived  that  he  had  re-established  the  au- 
thority of  the  senate,  and  the  peace  of  the  city,  he  departed 
with  his  army  for  Pontus.  He,  perhaps  to  conciliate  the 
people,  had  unhappily  permitted  Cinna,  a  known  enemy  of 
the  nobles,  to  be  chosen  one  of  the  consuls,  after  he  had 
pledged  himself  to  pursue  peaceful  measures.  Many  of  the 
Italians  had  not  yet  been  admitted  to  the  rights  of  citizens,  and 
not  a  few  who  were,  had  been  only  enrolled  in  those  tribes 
whose  influence  was  scarcely  felt  in  the  state.  Cinna  moved 
in  the  senate  that  every  inhabitant  of  Italy  should  participate 
in  all  the  privileges  of  the  most  honoured  and  most  respecta- 
ble citizens ;  and  that  Marius  and  other  exiles  should  be  re- 
called. His  colleague  Octavius,  with  a  majority  of  the  sena- 
tors, withstood  him,  and  were  so  strongly  supported  by  the 
people  that,  after  fierce  contention,  in  which  some  were  slain, 
Cinna  left  the  city,  and  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  a  party, 
which  rapidly  became  powerful,  and  re-kindled  the  flames  of 
civil  war.  How  improbable  was  it,  judging  from  present 
appearances,  that  Italy  should  actually  become  the  seat  of 
universal  empire,  may  be  imagined,  when,  to  preserve  tran- 
quillity;(  it  was  deemed  necessary  to  maintain  an  immense 
army,  divided  into  three  detachments,  stationed  in  different 
places  under  the  command  of  three  famed  generals,  Metellus, 
Cn.  Strabo,  and  Ap.  Claudius!  And  indeed,  the  appointed ' 
protectors  were  almost  dreaded,  as  if  they  were  destroyers; 
for  the  army,  "consisting  chiefly  of  indigent  citizens,  become 
soldiers  of  fortune,  were  very  much  at  the  disposal  of  their 
leaders,  in  whose  name  they  had  been  levied,  to  whom  they 
had  sworn  the  military  oath,  and  on  whom  they  depended 
for  the  settlements  and  rewards  which  they  were  taught  to 
expect  at  the  end  of  their  services.  They  were  inclined  to 
take  part  in  the  cause  of  any  faction  that  was  likely  to  be 
most  successful." 

The  troops  under  Claudius  joined  the  multitude,  who 
armed  to  support  Cinna ;  and  the  power  of  his  party  was 
greatly  augmented  by  the  arrival  of  Marius.  This  extraordi- 
nary man  in  his  seventieth  year  had  wandered  over  many 
countries,  every  where  hunted  by  the  adherents  of  the  senate 


If 


• 


THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  95 

and  nobles.  From  the  greatness  of  his  name,  and,  as  some 
sa^,  by  the  dreadfulness  of  his  aspect,  no  one  had  courage  to 
seize  him;  he  had  escaped  every  snare;  and  on  landing  in 
Italy  was  welcomed  by  the  great  majority  of  the  people.  On 
arriving  at  Home,  he  refused  to  enter  until  the  decree  against 
him  was  repealed.  Having  thus  put  his  enemies  off  their 
guard,  while  the  votes  were  collecting  to  restore  him  to  the 
rights  of  a  citizen,  he  suddenly  entered  the  city  with  an  armed 
band,  ordered  the  gates  to  be  shut,  and  proceeded  to  take 
vengeance  on  all  who  had  procured  his  banishment.  Many 
senators  found  means  to  escape;  but  the  city,  for  five  days, 
presented  the  most  horrid  scene.  Cries  of  rage,  terror,  and 
agony,  resounded  in  every  direction.  Sylla's  house  was  de 
molished,  and  a  number  of  his  friends  perished.  No  respect 
was  paid  to  rank,  office,  age,  or  sex.  Cinna  and  Sertorius, 
and  other  senators  who  were  associates  of  Marius,  were 
shocked  at  the  sight  of  the  carnage,  but  vain  were  their  en- 
deavours to  restrain  his  wrath  and  revenge,  till  they  employed 
military  force,  who  drove  all  the  agents  of  confusion  and  death 
into  squares,  inclosed  places,  or  narrow  streets,  and  murdered 
them  in  great  numbers,  without  inquiry  or  distinction.  Ma- 
rius and  Cinna  were  appointed  consuls :  but  the  former  per- 
sisted in  destroying,  without  form  of  law,  all  whom  he  deemed 
his  enemies.  Diabolical  as  was  his  nature,  and  habituated 
as  he  was  to  crime,  he  could  not  utterly  eradicate  or  subdue 
in  himself  the  capacity  to  judge,  or  the  power  of  conscience 
to  accuse  and  condemn,  his  dreadful  deeds.  Unable  to  en-' 
dure  reflection  and  remorse,  "he  passed  from  the  agitation  of 
fury,  and  gave  signs  of  a  distracted  mind.  Some  one,  he 
imagined,  in  the  words  of  a  poet,  continually  sounded  in  his 
ears,  '  Horrible  is  the  dying  lion's  den ;'  which  being  applied 
to  himself,  seemed  to  announce  his  approaching  dissolution. 
He  took  to  the  excessive  use  of  wine,  contracted  a  pleurisy, 
and  died  on  the  seventh  day  of  his  illness,  in  the  seventeenth 
day  of  his  last  or  seventh  consulate,  and  in  the  seventieth 
year  of  his  age  ;  leaving  the  tools  he  had  employed  in  sub- 
verting the  government  of  his  country  to  pay  the  forfeit  of 
his  crimes." 

Cinna  alone  held  now  the  hehn  of  the  empire,  and  he 
called  up  all  his  energies  and  resources  to  conduct  the  vessel 
through  the  new  storm  which  was  visibly  approaching,  and 
which  proved  more  destructive  than  any  that  had  hitherto 
fallen  on  the  republic.  He  was  completely  and  irrevocably 
committed  against  the  order  of  iiatricians  and  nobles  as  well 


#= 


•= 


96  I  HE   FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

as  Sylla,  who  had  been  proclaimed  the  enemy  of  his  coun- 
try ;  and  he  knew  well  the  power  and  resoluteness  of  this 
chief  enemy,  who  was  not  only  at  the  head  of  a  large  and 
triumphant  army,  but  had  also  a  numerous  and  strong  party 
in  Rome  and  Italy  in  eager  expectation  of  his  return.  Nor 
was  it  unknown  to  him  that  Sylla  would  appear  to  revenge 
the  mjury  inflicted  on  his  friends  as  soon  as  he  had  forced 
Mithridates  to  repair  the  wrongs  whicii  he  had  done  the  Ro- 
mans and  their  allies.  Cinna  accordingly  mustered  a  mighty 
force  of  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  men  to  resist  him. 
This  force  consisted  of  several  armies  stationed  in  different 
places  to  protect  all  Italy.  None  of  them,  however,  ventured 
to  prevent  Sylla  from  landing,  or  even  from  marching  through 
the  country.  He  was  accompanied  by  numbers  of  the  prin- 
cipal persons  who  had,  in  the  past  season  of  danger,  sought 
refuge  in  his  army,  and  many  others  joined  him  on  his 
march.  On  reaching  Canusium,  the  modern  Canosa,  situa- 
ted not  far  from  Cannie,  famous  for  the  defeat  of  the  Romans  by 
Hannibal,  he  was  withstood  by  the  division  of  the  army  com- 
manded by  the  consul  Norbanus  and  young  Marius.  His 
victory  over  them  was  complete  ;  six  thousand  of  them  were 
slain.  After  several  successful  conflicts  with  other  divisions 
of  the  army,  he  advanced  on  Rome,  whose  gates  were  thrown 
open  to  him  ;  for  the  principal  supporters  of  the  popular  party 
had  withdrawn  from  the  city.  He  assembled  the  citizens, 
and  assured  them  that  he  would  speedily  deliver  them  from 
the  disturbers  of  the  peace  and  the  enemies  of  the  state.  The 
property,  however,  which  belonged  to  this  class  was  either 
given  up  to  his  army  or  declared  forfeited.  A  number  of 
his  principal  supporters  were  shut  up  in  Praeneste,  the  present 
Palestrina,  situated  about  twenty  miles  east  of  Rome.  He 
left  the  city  to  join  his  troops  that  besieged  that  city.  A  large 
army  ordered  to  support  the  besiegers  inmediately  marched 
to  oppose  him.  He  no  sooner  learned  this  than  he  led  his 
army  against  them,  and  after  a  desperate  combat  defeated  them, 
leaving  eighty  thousand  dead  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  ta- 
king eight  thousand  prisoners.  When  this  event  was  known 
in  Praeneste,  the  party  then  surrendered,  and  were  all  put  to 
death.  Sylla,  victorious  everywhere,  was  now  master  of 
Rome,  and  proceeded  to  kill  every  one  who  was  known  or 
suspected  by  him  to  belong  to  the  Marian  party.  Six  thou- 
sand were  enclosed  in  the  circus,  and  slain.  Their  cries 
made  the  senators  start  from  their  seats  in  the  temple  of  Bel- 


# 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  97 

^ona,  where  they  had  met.  Many  others  were  subjected. to 
the  most  cruel  and  barbarous  kinds  of  death. 

This  bloody  scene  filled  all  ranks  with  grief  and  terror ; 
but  C.  Metellus,  a  young  man,  alone  had  courage  to  appeal 
to  the  feelings  of  Sylla,  whose  gaiety  and  delight  in  every 
species  of  amusement  seemed  to  increase  in  proportion  to  the 
greatness  and  universality  of  the  miseries  which  he  inflicted 
on  others.  "Make  known,"  he  said,  "the  extent  of  your 
designs,  and  how  far  these  executions  are  to  be  carried.  We 
intercede  not  for  the  condemned ;  we  only  entreat  that  you 
would  relieve  out  of  this  dreadful  state  of  uncertainty  all 
those  whom  in  reality  you  mean  to  spare."  Sylla,  without 
being  offended  at  this  freedom,  published  a  list  of  those  he 
had  doomed  to  destruction,  offering  a  reward  of  two  talents 
for  the  head  of  each,  and  denouncing  severe  penalties  against 
every  person  who  should  harbour  or  conceal  them.  Hence 
arose  the  practice  of  publishing  lists  of  the  persons  to  be 
massacred,  which,  under  the  odious  name  of  proscription, 
was  afterwards  imitated  with  such  fatal  effects  in  the  subse- 
quent convulsions  of  the  state.  The  present  proscription, 
although  it  promised  some  security  to  all  who  were  not  com- 
prehended in  the  fatal  list,  opened  a  scene,  in  some  respects, 
more  dreadful  than  that  which  had  been  formerly  acted  in 
this  massacre.  The  hands  of  servants  were  hired  against 
their  masters,  and  even  those  of  children  against  their  pa- 
rents. The  mercenary  of  every  denomination  were  encour- 
aged, by  a  great  premium,  to  commit  what  before  only  the 
ministers  of  public  justice  thought  themselves  entitled  to  per- 
form ;  and  there  followed  a  scene,  in  which  human  nature 
had  full  scope  to  exert  all  the  evil  of  which  it  is  susceptible, 
treachery,  ingratitude,  distrust,  malice,  and  revenge;  and 
would  have  retained  no  claim  to  our  esteem  or  commiseration, 
if  its  character  had  not  been  redeemed  by  contrary  instances 
of  fidelity,  generosity,  and  courage,  displayed  by  those  who, 
to  preserve  their  friends  and  benefactors,  or  even  to  preserve 
strangers  who  took  refuge  under  their  protection,  hazarded 
all  the  dangers  with  which  the  proscribed  themselves  were 
threatened.  In  consequence  of  these  measures,  about  five 
thousand  persons  of  consideration  were  put  to  death,  among 
whom  were  reckoned  forty  senators,  and  sixteen  hundred  of 
the  equestrian  order.  All  the  ordinary  offices  of  state  were 
vacated  by  the  desertion  or  death  of  those  who  had  held 
them. 

The  character  of  Sylla  was  certainly  singular,  if  not  inex- 

■  v6l.  It.  9 


# 


m- 


# 


f 


98  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

plicable.  He  is  said  to  have  been  amiable,  candid,  and  hu 
mane  in  his  private  life  and  general  conduct ;  but  who,  pos- 
sessed of  power,  ever  indicated  less  compassion,  or  more  plea- 
sure in  the  infliction  of  just  punishment,  or  in  the  unrestrained 
indulgence  of  revenge?  Till  he  actually  retired  from  public 
.ife,  his  ambition  must  have  been  viewea  boundless,  and  ne- 
vertheless he  voluntarily  resigned  absolute  sovereignly.  Was 
he  ambitious  of  greatness  rather  than  magnificence  ;  to  aston- 
ish and  confound  the  conceptions  of  mankind  rather  than  pro- 
cure their  admiration  and  applause?  Or,  it  may  be  that  he 
is  to  be  regarded  much  more  in  the  light  of  an  enthusiastic 
patriot  than  that  of  an  aspiring  conqueror  or  enlightened 
statesman. 

When  every  victim  of  his  vengeance  had  perished,  Sylla 
withdrew  from  the  city,  that  the  senate  might  assemble  with 
apparent  freedom,  and  proceed  to  restore  the  laws  of  the  re- 
public. In  order  to  attain  this  great  object,  they  chose  Vale- 
rius Flaccus  to  the  head  of  the  government  under  the  title  of 
Interrex.  Sylla  quickly  intimated  to  him  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  appoint  a  dictator  for  an  indefinite  period,  and  that  he 
was  ready  to  assume  the  awful  office,  which  gave  him  who 
held  it  a  discretionary  power  over  the  persons,  fortunes,  and 
lives  of  all  ranks  in  the  empire.  This  office,  unknown  in  the 
state  for  more  than  a  century,  and  which  had  originated  in 
the  total  inefficiency  of  the  constitution  to  avert  the  entire  ruin 
of  the  republic,  was  at  once  conferred  on  Sylla,  whose  will 
was  law.  He  presented  himself  in  the  city  in  all  the  terrible- 
ness  of  the  dictator's  office,  preceded  by  twenty-four  lictors, 
armed  with  the  axe  and  the  rods,  and  accompanied  with  a  nu- 
merous military  guard.  Satisfied  that  the  people  were  suffi- 
ciently humbled  and  awed,  he  left  the  public  assemblies  to  fill 
up  the  usual  lists  of  office.  Sylla,  however,  ceased  not  to  ex- 
ercise the  despotic,  uncontrolled  power  of  his  high  office;  but 
his  object  appears  to  have  been  to  re-establish  the  constitution 
and  laws  of  the  republic.  He,  however,  also  instituted  new 
laws  which  were  calculated  to  strengthen  and  render  the  con- 
stitution permanent.  But  some  of  his  measures  had  an  op- 
posite tendency.  He  distributed  among  the  soldiers  all  the 
lands  forfeited  by  the  Marian  party ;  and  thus  encouraged  the 
military  to  consider  the  country  as  their  own  property ;  an 
opinion  which  the  army  generally  acted  on  while  the  repub- 
lic existed.  Ten  thousand  slaves  belonging  to  the  condemned 
party  received  the  entire  privileges  of  citizens.  The  muni- 
ficence of  Sylla  to  his  friends  was  only  equalled  by  his  ven- 


THE   FOURTH,   OR    ROMAN   EBIFIRE.  99 

geance  on  his  opponents.  It  is  calculated  that  he  proscribed 
and  put  to  death  ninety  senators,  about  two  thousand  Roman 
knights,  and  buried  multitudes  in  the  ruins  of  their  cities. 
Believing  his  object  accomplished,  in  less  than  two  years  he 
resigned  the  office  of  dictator,  retired  from  public  life,  and 
two  years  later  died  at  the  age  of  sixty.  He  was  buried  at 
the  public  expense,  regretted  by  all  ranks.  The  inscription 
on  his  tomb,  suggested  by  himself,  was  short  and  expressive: 
"  Here  lies  Sylla,  who  never  was  outdone  in  good  offices  by 
his  friends,  nor  in  acts  of  hostility  by  his  enemies." 

The  government  of  Rome  was,  b.  c.  78,  left  by  Sylla,  not 
more  adapted  than  in  past  ages  for  universal  empire.  The 
Romans  were  manifestly  capable  of  conquering,  but  not  of  re- 
taining in  subjection,  the  world,  by  their  republican  institu- 
tions. It  is  questionable  if  from  among  their  numerous  citi- 
zens there  could  have  been  collected  nobles  or  representatives 
qualified  to  maintain  the  union  and  peace  of  Italy  alone.  And 
those  invested  with  the  powers  to  select  legislators,  rulers,  or 
military  officers,  had  no  intellectual  or  moral  fitness  to  dis- 
charge with  discernment  and  fidelity  their  important  trust 
The  Roman  people  were  at  once  remarkable  for  extreme  ig- 
norance and  haughtiness,  abject  confidence  in  the  grossest 
superstition,  the  strongest  and  vilest  passions,  the  most  profli- 
gate manners,  and  intense  pleasure  in  the  most  barbarous  and 
brutal  customs.  Were  these  proper  electors  of  representatives 
distinguished  by  intelligence,  integrity,  and  humanity?  or 
who  should  even  cordially  unite  to  enforce  any  one  system  of 
rule,  which  assuredly  was  indispensable  to  preserve  conquered 
nations,  in  subjection  to  the  laws  of  their  conquerors  ?  Some- 
thing more  was  obviously  still  required  to  consolidate  the 
iron  power  of  the  fourth  empire  that  its  destiny  might  he  fut 


m-. 


41 


CHAPTER   VII. 

THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE,  CONTINUED. 

THE  REVOLUTION. — POMPEY  THE   GREAT  AND   JULIUS   CESAR. 

The  comparatively  small  race  of  the  Romans  astonished 
mankind  not  more  by  their  physical  and  intellectual  vigour, 
than  by  their  enthusiastic  devotion  to  national  fame.  That 
their  supremacy  over  all  other  races  in  Italy  and  the  surround- 
ing countries  should  have  survived  the  frightful  revolutions 
and  convulsions  of  the  state  which  we  have  briefly  noticed, 
seems  marvellous :  and  these  were  only  a  few  of  the  many  which 
attacked  the  state,  several  of  which,  from  their  violence  or  dura- 
tion, were  sufficient  to  destroy  its  energy  and  extinguish  its  vitali- 
ty. How  then  must  he  who  was  only  superficially  acquainted 
with  the  Roman  people,  have  been  confounded  to  behold  them, 
even  in  the  most  calamitous  eras  of  the  commonwealth,  almost 
uninterruptedly  extending  their  dominions,  and  enlarging 
their  resources  in  every  direction,  hundreds  and  thousands  of 
miles  beyond  their  metropolis !  Indeed,  to  such  an  one,  the 
unparalleled  circumstance  of  the  power  of  Rome  being  felt  ir- 
resistible throughout  her  numerous  and  most  remote  provinces, 
at  the  very  times  that  her  citizens  were  without  a  regular  go- 
vernment, and  struggling  for  continued  existence,  doubtless, 
was  at  once  inexpressible,  surprising,  and  inexplicable.  His- 
tory unveils  this  mystery,  for  it  distmctly  shows  that  all  the 
principal  authors  of  the  unexampled  series  of  sufferings  en- 
dured by  the  Romans  in  their  own  country,  were  agreed  in 
the  unchanging  purpose  to  promote  and  increase  the  national 
glory.  They  successively  or  contemporaneously  strived  for 
superiority  in  the  state,  and  exulted  in  the  slaughter  of  rivals 
or  opponents ;  but  if  any  other  race  presumed  to  dispute  by 
force  the  unfounded  claims  of  the  Romans  to  the  sovereignty 
of  the  world,  the  disturbers  of  the  republic  rushed  on  in  one 
band  to  repel,  overcome,  and  destroy  them.  It  is,  however, 
certain,  that  the  entire  acquisition,  and  especially  the  perm»- 


#■ 


THE   FOUKTH,   OB,   KOMAN    EMPHLE.  iW^ 

nent  possession  of  universal  empire,  was  incompatible  with 
the  frequent,  and,  it  may  be  said,  perpetual  recurrence  of  tu- 
mult, sedition,  and  civil  war  in  the  seat  of  the  empire.  The 
recent  bloody  scenes  in  Rome  and  Italy  had  left  comparative- 
ly {ew  persons  qualified  to  perform  the  functions  of  govern- 
ment, and  were  similar  scenes  to  be  often  witnessed,  every 
semblance  of  rule  and  law  must  inevitable  disappear.  That 
Rome  should  continue  mistress  of  the  most  distinguished  races 
of  men,  and  the  Romans  the  successors  of  the  mighty  rulers 
of  Asia,  an  essential  change,  a  complete  revolution  in  their 
political  institutions  was  evidently  indispensable.  And,  to  ef- 
fect this,  the  most  appropriate  instruments  were  being  prepared, 
and  near  at  hand.  The  chief  of  these  were  Pompey  the 
Great  and  Julius  Cesar. 

The  ruling  passion  common  to  these  far-famed  men  was 
ambition  ;  the  sovereignty  of  the  globe  would  not  have  fully 
allayed  their  burning  thirst  for  renown.  Nor  was  the  one 
distmguished  from  the  other  in  the  means  employed  to  attain 
this  object  of  their  life,  by  the  one  discovering  more  than  the 
other  the  least  degree  of  sincere  love,  or  even  respect  for  truth, 
justice,  or  humanity.  Nevertheless,  a  radical  difference  in 
their  characters  was  manifest  to  intelligent  observers  of  pass- 
ing events.  The  record  of  these  actions  distinctly  indicates 
that  the  grand  stimulus  of  the  ambition  of  Pompey,  was  van- 
ity, and  that  of  Cesar,  pride ;  and  from  this  opposite  quality 
01  their  ambition  resulted  the  greater  appearance  of  moral  ex- 
cellence in  the  former  than  in  the  latter.  Pompey  could  pro- 
bably have  enjoyed  httle  pleasure  on  the  throne  of  the  world, 
unless  all  ranks  appeared  to  concede  that  he  alone  was  worthy 
of  the  dignity ;  Cesar  ascended  it  as  his  right,  for  he  imagined, 
or  believed,  that  no  man  was  his  equal,  and  he  held  in  low 
estimation  the  opinion  of  all.  The  first  eagerly  desired  that 
the  shadow,  at  least,  of  virtue  might  be  visible  in  his  proceed- 
ings, and  sedulously  concealed  any  of  his  schemes  which  ex- 
hibited the  features  of  meanness,  vice,  or  infamy:  the  last 
pursued  any  measures  which  circumstances  suggested  to  be 
expedient  or  adapted  to  advance  his  object,  unmoved  by  the 
feelings  excited  in  spectators.  The  opposition  of  his  actions 
to  mankind's  ideas  of  right,  or  their  tendency  to  injure  others, 
or  even  to  reflect  on  himself  disgrace,  gave  him  no  uneasiness, 
if  he  deemed  them  necessary  to  accomplish  his  fixed  purpose. 
Dissimulation  was  one  of  the  weapons  which  Pompey  occa 
sionally .  used ;  Cesar  reckoned  it  common  with  all  others 
which  he  could  command  or  construct.     He  was  unquestioP' 

9* 


I 


102  THE   FOTJRTH,   OR   ROMAN   EBfPIRE. 

ably  far  superior  to  his  rival  in  every  capacity  and  art  which 
delude  the  human  race.  Exhaustless  virere  his  powers  to  de- 
vise plans,  to  anticipate  favourable  or  unfavourable  contingen- 
cies, to  discern  suitable  agents  and  means,  and  to  raise  the 
resources  required  to  command  the  agency  of  the  one  and  the 
application  of  the  other,  for  the  execution  of  his  projects. 
Forcibly  was  this  illustrated  and  proved,  by  the  fact,  that  he 
prevailed  on  Pompey  to  do  almost  whatever  he  pleased,  long 
after  each  clearly  showed  himself  resolved  to  occupy  the  first 
place  in  the  state,  or  perish.  Indeed,  Pompey  was  perhaps 
as  strongly  fascinated  by  Cesar  as  the  greater  number  of  his 
emissaries  ;  for  he  was  persuaded  by  him  to  regard  the  acts 
which  he  performed  for  his  aggrandizement  actually  neces- 
sary to  advance  and  render  permanent  his  own,  till  he  found 
himself  so  ensnared  that  his  utmost  efforts  failed  to  avert  his 
utter  destruction. 

Pompey  was  the  son  of  Pompeius  Strabo,  one  of  Rome's 
most  eminent  patricians,  consuls,  and  military  commanders. 
He  was  first  noticed  and  admired  for  the  intensity  of  his  filial 
affection.  Having  accompanied  his  honoured  father  to  the 
field  of  battle,  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  saving  his  life  by  risk- 
ing his  own.  He  was  not  more  than  nineteen  years  of  age 
when  Sylla  returned  from  Asia  to  revenge  himself  on  his  ene- 
mies. By  his  rank,  noble  aspect,  and  agreeable  manners,  he 
already  possessed  considerable  influence,  by  which  he  was 
enabled  to  collect  a  considerable  body  of  soldiers,  and  perform 
such  important  services  for  Sylla  as  procured  him  strong 
proofs  of  the  esteem  of  that  great  general,  and  from  this  time 
he  rapidly  rose  to  distinction  in  the  state  and  the  army.  He 
was  sent  with  an  army  to  Sicily  to  rescue  that  island  from  the 
power  of  some  of  the  Marian  party,  who  had  seized  it.  Hav- 
ing conquered  them,  his  clemency  to  the  vanquished  increased 
his  popularity  more  than  the  display  of  his  great  military  tal- 
ents. He  was  soon  called  to  more  important  services.  Jar- 
bas,  an  African  prince,  having  defeated  the  Romans,  Pompey 
was  sent  against  him,  and  speedily  triumphed.  Sylla,  jealous 
of  his  growing  glory,  commanded  him  to  disband  his  army. 
The  soldiers  were  indignant,  and  urged  him  to  conduct  them 
to  Rome,  where  they  would  make  him  master  of  the  empire. 
He  resisted  the  temptation  to  adopt  a  scheme  which  he  knew 
would  have  been  offensive  to  all  ranks.  His  moderation  was 
universally  applauded.  Sylla  instantly  decreed  that  he  should 
return  with  his  army  to  Italy.     On  his  approaching  Rome 


9- 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  103 

Sylla  and  many  senators  met  him,  and  hailed  him  with  the 
pompous  title  of  Pompey  the  Great. 

The  splendid  funeral  pile  of  Sylla  had  heen  scarcely  con- 
sumed, and  his  ashes  deposited  in  its  urn,  when  the  consul 
Lepidus  aspired  to  the  lofty  place  from  which  the  late  dicta- 
tor had  chosen  to  descend,  perhaps  because  he  perceived  thai 
it  was  not  safe  to  occupy  it  longer.  Lepidus  had  previously 
awakened  the  suspicion  of  the  senators,  by  proposing  the  re- 
peal of  all  the  laws  which  Sylla  had  enacted,  with  the  obvi- 
ous design  of  restraining  the  power  and  turbulence  of  the 
people  ;  and,  to  remove  him  from  the  city,  they  had  appoint- 
ed him  to  the  command  of  Transalpine  Gaul.  On  his  arri- 
ving there,  he  made  preparations  on  such  an  extensive  scale, 
that  the  senate  called  him  to  resign  the  command  of  the  army 
and  return  to  the  city.  Instead  of  obeying,  he  led  the  troops 
into  Italy,  and  advanced  to  the  gates  oi  the  capital,  where  he 
was  repulsed  by  Catulus  and  Pompey,  and  his  forces  dis- 
persed. While  Rome  had  thus  escaped  the  sword  of  her 
lawless  and  sanguinary  soldiers,  her  chief  men  were  agitated 
by  apprehensions  that  the  sovereignty  of  the  world  was  to 
pass  to  Spain,  and  their  dignity  and  honors,  to  the  Lusitanian 
race. 

No  phenomenon  connected  u  ith  Roman  history  was  pro- 
bably more  singular  and  extraordinary  than  that  seen  at  this 
time  in  Lusitania, — a  republic  avowedly  constituted  to  super- 
sede that  of  Rome,  and  claiming  right  to  all  its  authority  ajid 
dominions.  This  was  not  the  work  of  an  enemy,  or  a  rival, 
or  a  fool,  but  of  one  of  the  most  illustrious  of  her  citizens, 
Sertorius,  who  equalled,  if  he  did  not  excel  in  patriotism 
and  every  pagan  virtue,  the  most  virtuous  of  pagans. 

This  illustrious  man  had  joined  Marius  and  Cinna,  but 
when  he  could  not  restrain  them  in  their  sanguinary  course, 
he  willingly  engaged  to  secure  the  Roman  dominions  in  Spain. 
Sylla  sent  thither  to  oppose  him  a  large  army  under  the  com- 
mand of  Caius  Annius,  who  compelled  him  to  withdraw' 
from  Spain.  After  various  vain  endeavours  to  find  an  asy- 
lum where  he  might  find  the  comforts  of  a  retired  life,  he 
joined  the  people  of  Mauritania,  who  had  cast  off  the  yoke 
of  their  king,  one  of  the  most  tyrannical  rulers.  He  succeed- 
ed in  procuring  them  liberty,  and  left  them  to  regulate  their 
affairs  according  to  their  own  pleasure,  after  receiving  from 
them  such  honors  and  rewards  as  they  were  disposed  to  give. 
His  fame  had  been  carried  across  the  sea  t6  Spain,  and  the 
Lusitanians  urged  him  to  lead  their  armies  against  Anniua 


t 


«= 


#• 


104  THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN   EmItSS^ 

who  had  rashly  attempted  to  conquer  their  country.  Hie' 
gladly  obeyed  the  call,  for  he  delighted  to  support  the  cause 
of  the  oppressed..  He  was  one  of  the  most  generous  and 
affectionate  of  men  ;  and  this,  it  is  said,  he  chiefly  owed  to 
his  noble  and  enlightened  mother.  When  he  was  a  child, 
his  father  died,  and  his  mother  most  tenderly  watched  over 
him,  and  employed  every  means  which  wealth  could  com- 
mand to  cultivate  and  improve  his  mind.  Such  was  his  love 
for  her,  that  at  the  very  time  that  he  had  completely  defeated 
Pompey  and  Metellus,  who  were  then  the  most  celebrated 
generals  of  the  Roman  republic,  he  proposed  to  withdraw 
into  private  life,  on  condition  that  he  was  permitted  to  return 
to  his  paternal  dwelling.  The  ardour  of  his  filial  love  was 
still  more  affectingly  manifested,  sometime  afterwards,  when 
he  was  informed  of  his  mothers  death.  For,  though  his 
affairs  were  most  prosperous,,  yet  he  became  inconsolable, 
wept  bitterly,  lay  on  the  ground  seven  days,  regardless  of  the 
most  earnest  entreaties  and  expostulations  of  his  numerous 
friends,  who  included  almost  every  officer  of  his  army  and 
persons  of  distinction,  who  surrounded  his  tent,  to  persuade 
him  to  resume  the  duties  of  his  high  office. 

Having  apparently  established  the  independence  of  Lusi- 
tania,  with  the  consent  of  the  principal  natives,  and  the  con- 
currence of  many  senators  and  other  citizens  of  Rome,  who 
had  fled  to  him  for  safety,  he  adopted  the  form  of  the  Roman 
government,  and  proclaimed  his  state  the  legitimate  Roman 
republic,  and  denounced  Sylla  and  his  party  usurpers.  In 
treating  with  Mithridates,  who  proposed  an  alliance,  prom- 
ising him  the  greatest  advantages,  he  declined  to  accept  any 
condition  which  derogated  from  the  dignity  of  the  Roman 
race. 

During  the  brief  period  of  the  triumph  of  Sertorius,  he 
showed  that  he  merited  the  honor  of  the  head  of  the  repub- 
lic. He  civilized,  to  a  considerable  degree,  the  barbarous 
Lusitanians ;  formed  a  regular  well  disciplined  army,  pre- 
vailed on  them  to  lay  aside  their  own  rude  dress  and  assume 
the  Roman  toga  or  gown ;  established  a  school  for  the  race 
of  nobles,  supplied  it  with  able  teachers  of  Roman  and  Gre- 
cian literature,  and  bestowed  the  most  liberal  rewards  on 
the  youth  most  distinguished  for  their  progress  in  educa- 
tion. 

Though  he  proved  himself  superior  to  Rome's  ablest  gene- 
rals in  war,  yet  he  was  destroyed  by  the  treachery  of  his 
friends.     His  chief  general  Perperna,  ambitious  to  supplant 


^ 


m 

him,  succeeded  in  persuading  a  nurhbier  of  the  officers  of  the 
state  to  conspire  against  the  hfe  of  their  general,  and  finally- 
assassinated  him  during  a  public  festival. 

Perperna  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army.  He 
was  soon  conquered  by  Pompey,  who  boasted,  without  just 
cause,  of  having  triumphantly  terminated  a  war,  in  which  he 
had  suffered  great  disgrace,  whenever  he  presumed  to  attack 
Sertorius.  But  he  procured  hmiself  more  justly  the  applause 
of  the  Romans,  by  burning  a  large  list,  without  reading  it, 
of  citizens  who  had  corresponded  with  that  eminent  warrior 
and  statesman.  That  list  with  all  the  other  papers  of  Serto- 
rius, the  base-minded  Perperna  had  given  Pompey,  with  the 
vain  hope  of  having  his  life  spared.  This  was  one  of  the 
few  noble  acts  of  Pompey,  for  it  doubtless  saved  many  from 
terror,  exile,  and  death. 

Among  the  most  instructive  as  well  as  amusing  anecdotes 
of  Sertorius,  is  that  of  his  tamed  deer.  Though  he  hfghly 
valued  intellectual  knowledge,  yet  he  had  no  desire  to  enlight- 
en the  multitude.  Like  almost  all  ancient  rulers  and  legisla- 
tors, he  deemed,  that  knowledo^e  was  one  of  the  good  things 
to  which  the  men  of  rank  alone  had  right  to  aspire.  He 
accordingly  cherished,  rather  than  destroyed  the  ignorance 
and  superstition  of  the  Lusitanians ;  and  employed  all  the 
common  arts  of  divination  to  delude  and  fascinate  them.  His 
leer  was  one  of  the  most  effectual  instruments  of  deception. 
It  was  a  beautiful,  milk  white  animal,  and  he  had  assidu- 
ously trained  it,  so  that  it  followed  him  every  where,  in  the 
city  and  the  field  of  battle.  This  scene  attracted  the  notice, 
and  excited  the  wonder  of  the  ignorant  barbarians.  Taking 
advantage  of  their  credulity  and  superstitous  temper,  he 
made  it  to  be  circulated,  with  an  air  of  mystery,  that  Diana 
had  sent  him  the  deer  to  discover  to  him  important  secrets. 
To  confirm  this  report,  on  receiving  private  intelligence  of 
the  enemy's  motions,  or  of  victory  gained  by  any  of  his  offi- 
cers, at  a  distance,  he  said  that  it  was  communicated  to  him 
by  his  deer,  whom  he  sometimes  crowned  with  flowers,  and, 
presenting  it  to  his  soldiers,  called  them  to  thank  the  gods  for 
having  favoured  him  with  an  all-wise  guide.  By  this,  and 
other  equally  deiieptive  plans,  he  acquired  a  complete  ascen- 
dancy over  the  multitude,  who  were  more  inclined  to  regard 
him  a  god  than  a  mortal  man. 

Had  Sertorius  survived  a  few  years,  instead  of  his  exploits 
being  denominated  a  farce  by  historians,  it  would  have  been 
less  wonderful  had  he  raised,  his  republic  equal,  if  not  supe- 


^^ 


106  THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

rior  to  that  of  Rome,  than  that  the  latter  should  attain  to  the 
undisputed  sovereignty  of  the  world,  an  event  necessary  to 
confirm  the  sure  w^ord  of  prophecy.  Though  he  failed  in 
his  object,  yet  he  spread  the  fame  of  the  Romans,  and  per- 
haps, contributed  to  strengthen  their  power,  to  extend  the 
civilization  of  man,  and  prepare  the  races  of  Spain  for  the 
reception  of  divine  knowledge,  in  the  approaching  age. 

While  the  number  of  the  foreign  enemies  of  the  Roman 
power  had  decreased,  it  had  still  great  difficuhies  to  contend 
with  and  surmount  in  Italy.  In  the  centre  of  that  country, 
Spartacus,  a  Thracian,  and  famous  gladiator,  raised  an  alarm- 
ing insurrection  among  the  slaves.  His  army,  at  one  time, 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men.  Tney 
laid  waste  the  greater  part  of  Italy,  and  were  not  conquered 
by  Crassus  till  many  thousands  of  them  were  slain  in  battle. 
The  few  who  escaped  were  destroyed  or  subdued  by  Pompey, 
who^  with  his  usual  vanity,  boasted  that  he  had  restored  peace 
to  his  country. 

These  two  generals  divided  the  army  of  Italy  between 
them ;  and,  as  each  was  desirous  to  be  the  first  person  in  the 
state,  both  declined  to  disband  the  troops.  Pompey  was  the 
most  popular ;  but  Crassus  was  the  richest  citizen,  and,  to 
procure  public  favour,  expended  vast  sums  in  providing 
amusements  for  the  people.  Though  covetous,  yet  he  pre- 
pared a  splendid  and  rich  feast,  where,  at  ten  thousand  tables 
he  entertained  all  who  pleased  to  share  of  his  bounty ;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  distributed  corn  sufficient  to  maintain  the 
mnumerable  poor  three  months.  Concealing  their  alienated 
feelings  from  one  another,  these  great  men  proceeded  to  pro- 
pitiate the  citizens  by  attacking  the  power  of  the  nobles. 
Pompey  had  till  this  time  supported  his  order ;  but  he  was 
now  most  active  to  procure  the  repeal  of  the  most  valuable 
laws  of  Sylla,  passed  by  him  to  arrest  the  people's  efforts  to 
subvert  the  authority  of  the  senate.  And  in  this  violent  and 
destructive  proceeding  they  were  soon  apparently  cordially 
united,  and  exceedingly  encouraged,  by  the  advice  of  Julius 
Cesar,  who  was  rapidly  rising  in  public  favour,  partly  by  his 
eloquence  and  military  talents,  but  still  more  by  his  perseve- 
rance in  undermining  the  influence  of  the  senate  and  nobles. 
This  great  man,  distinguished  by  insatiable  ambition,  versal- 
^^y  of  genius,  and  destitution  of  moral  excellence,  boasted 
that  his  remote  ancestors  had  descended  from  a  god  ;  and 
some  events  in  his  life  were  conclusive  proof  to  many  vota- 
ries of  superstition  that  he   was  specially  protected  by  the 


1 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROBCAN   EMTIRE.  107 

gods.  He  had  married  the  daughter  of  Cinna,  and  was 
nearly  related  to  Marius,  whose  wife  was  his  aunt.  Sylla 
had  commanded  him  to  separate  from  his  wife,  as  the  condi- 
tion of  escaping  the  fatal  lot  of  his  friends.  He  refused,  and 
would  have  suffered  death,  had  not  some  friends  of  both  par- 
ties prevailed  on  Sylla  to  spare  him.  In  conceding  to  their 
wishes,  he  at  once  intimated  the  greatness  of  the  favour,  and 
showed  that  he  knew  well  the  character  of  Cesar  ;  for  he 
said,  "  Beware  of  that  young  man,  for  in  him  there  are  many 
a  Marius."  A  few  years  later,  Cesar,  on  his  passage  from 
Rome  to  Rhodes,  where  he  purposed  to  imp'^ve  in  elocution, 
under  a  celebrated  master  of  eloquence,  was^ken  by  pirates, 
whom,  after  threatening  and  amusing,  he  persuaded  to  libe- 
rate him  for  about  ten  thousand  pounds.  On  landing  at 
Miletus,  he  collected  a  few  armed  vessels,  pursued  and  over- 
came his  captors,  and  put  them  all  to  death  by  crucifixion. 
His  preservation  was  perhaps  still  more  remarkable  at  the 
time  when  he  strongly  insisted  that  those  implicated  in  the 
Cataline  conspiracy  should  be  leniently  treated  ;  for,  being 
suspected  to  have  secretly  encouraged  Cataline  the  guards  of 
the  senate,  on  his  leaving  it,  were  prepared  with  naked 
swords  to  kill  him,  and  only  allowed  him  to  escape  in  conse- 
quence of  Cicero,  who  was  then  consul,  showing  his  disap- 
probation of  their  conduct.  Though  Cesar,  Crassus,  and 
Pompey  genally  acted  together  for  a  time,  yet  each  had  a 
distinct  party  who  sedulously  laboured  to  promote  the  sepa- 
rate interest  of  their  respective  patron.  The  most  illustrious 
orator  of  Rome,  Cicero,  favoured  Pompey;  and  notwith- 
standing his  attachment  to  the  cause  of  the  patricians,  his 
desire  to  please  all  classes  impelled  him  to  support  the  lofty 
pretensions  of  his  friend,  and  apologise  for  his  dubious  con- 
duct by  asserting  that  Pompey  was  to  be  less  feared  than 
Cesar. 

The  highest  legitimate  honours  of  the  state  were  viewed 
by  Pompey  as  not  at  all  equal  to  his  merits,  or,  at  least,  to 
the  transcendant  talents  and  virtues  which  he  wished  all  to 
believe  that  he  was  possessed  of;  and  that  therefore  he  ought 
to  be  raised  above  the  most  exahed  dignitaries  of  the  state. 
But  the  time  was  not  quite  arrived  that  the  Romans  should 
voluntarily  cast  away  their  liberty  and  honour.  These  ob- 
jects were  now  indeed  slightly  valued  by  the  community. 
Riches,  luxury,  and  licentious  pleasures  were  the  most  popu- 
lar gods  ;  and  except  the  celebrated  Cato,  and  the  small  band 
who  admired  and  imitated  his  stern  virtue  and  unconquerabla 


• 


108  THE  FOURTH,  OB.  ROMAN  EMfSk 

fortitude,  few  even  of  the  senators  would  have  sacrificed  peV- 
sonal  aggrandisement  or  sensual  gratifications  to  the  shrine 
of  rational  liberty.  But  it  was  not  in  the  nature  of  Pompey 
resolutely  to  pursue,  without  disguise,  a  scheme  of  illegiti- 
mate ambition  in  the  presence  and  in  defiance  of  the  opinion 
of  such  men  as  Cato.  Accordingly,  on  entering  the  consu- 
late with  Crassus,  he  singularised  himself  by  taking  an  oath 
that  he  would  not,  at  the  expiration  of  his  office,  accept  of 
any  government- in  the  provinces;  and,  after  his  year  was 
finished,  he  s\^  nearly  two  years  as  a  private  citizen,  sel- 
dom appearin  ^^.  public ;  but  when  he  did,  it  was  always  in 
great  state.  Probably  by  thus  acting  he  wished  the  people  to 
regard  his  conduct  as  a  decisive  evidence  that  he  was  a  per- 
son whom  they  might  safely  trust  with  the  greatest  power 
and  dignity ;  and  that  as  they  could  not,  as  he  supposed,  do 
without  his  services,  it  would  be  their  wisdom  to  intrust  him 
with  power  unknown  to  the  laws. 

Two  years  was  he  allowed  to  keep  his  oath  inviolate,  and 
keenly  to  suflfer  for  his  vain  presumption  ;  for  retirement  had 
no  real  charms  for  him.  To  avoid  the  charge  of  perjury, 
and  find  an  opportunity  of  adding  to  his  glory,  he  suggested 
to  his  friends  to  procure  him  the  authority  to  suppress  and 
put  an  end  to  piracy.  This  was  an  office  almost  unknown 
in  the  state,  and  consequently  the  holding  of  it  was  apparently 
consistent  with  his  oath.  The  crime  of  piracy  had  long  pre- 
vailed ;  but  it  had  recently  become  intolerable,  producing  in- 
calculable sufferings  in  many  countries.  The  pirates  were 
so  numerous  that  they  seemed  masters  of  the  Mediterranean 
and  its  coasts.  They  spared  no  temple  famed  for  its  riches 
in  Italy,  Greece,  or  Asia.  "  They  entered  harbours,  destroyed 
shipping,  and  pillaged  the  maritime  towns.  Ostia,  the  port 
of  Rome,  had  been  plundered  by  them.  All  the  coasts  of  the 
empire  were  open  to  their  depredations.  The  Roman  niagis- 
trates  were  made  prisoners  in  passing  to  and  from  their  pro- 
vinces ;  and  citizens  of  every  denomination,  when  taken  by 
them,  were  forced  to  pay  ransom,  kept  in  captivity,  or  put  to 
death.  The  supply  of  provisions  to  Italy  was  rendered  ex- 
tremely difficult,  and  the  price  in  proportion  enhanced.  Every 
report  on  these  subjects  was  exaggerated  by  the  intrigues  of 
Pompey,  who  perceived,  in  this  occasion  of  public  distress,  the 
object  of  a  new  and  extraordinary  commission  to  himself" 
By  the  efforts  of  his  numerous  friends,  he  was  commissioned 
and  invested  almost  with  sovereign  and  absolute  power,  under 
the  unimposing  title  of  pro-consul,  to  make  war  on  the  pirates 


THE   FOURTH,   OK   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  109 

To  prevent  this  dangerous  experiment,  the  senate  indeed  made 
the  most  strenuous  exertions.  The  people,  however,  not  only 
compelled  the  nobles  to  pass  the  resolutions  of  his  friend  Ga- 
binius,  the  tribune,  supported,  it  is  said,  by  Cesar,  but  also 
to  confer  on  him  more  than  even  his  most  zealous  advocates 
were  disposed  to  ask.  He  was  intrusted  with  supreme  com- 
mand, for  three  years,  over  all  the  fleets  and  armies  of  the  re- 
public, in  every  sea,  and  on  every  coast,  within  fifty  miles 
from  land;  and  was  authorised  to  equip  five  hundred  ships, 
raise  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men,  and  choose 
about  twenty  senators  for  his  lieutenants,  and  two  quaestors. 
Before  he  left  Rome,  he  received  a  large  sum  of  money  for 
the  public  service.  In  his  journey  through  Italy  to  Brundu- 
sium,  he  exhibited  the  magnificence  and  dignity  of  a  monarch, 
and  was  every  where  received  with  acclamations  by  all  ranks. 
In  less  than  six  months  he  cleared  all  the  seas  of  the  empire 
of  pirates.  "Seventy-two  galleys  were  sunk,  three  hundred 
and  six  were  taken,  and  a  hundred  and  twenty  piratical  har- 
bours or  strongholds  on  shore  were  destroyed.  Ten  thou- 
sand of  the  pirates  were  killed  in  action,  and  twenty  thousand, 
who  had  surrendered  themselves,  remained  prisoners  at 
the  end  of  the  war.  These  Pompey,  having  sufficiently  de- 
prived of  the  means  of  returning  to  their  former  way  of  life, 
transplanted  to  different  parts  of  the  continent,  where  the  late 
or  present  troubles,  by  thinning  the  inhabitants,  had  made 
room  for  them.  Upon  this  occasion  he  repeopled  the  city  of 
Soli  in  Cilicia,  vrliicih  had  boen  lately  laid  v^raste,  and  forcibly 
emptied  of  its  inhabitants  by  Tigranes,  to  replenish  his  newly 
established  capital  of  Tigranocerta  in  Armenia.  After  this 
re-establishment  of  Soli,  the  place,  in  honour  of  its  restorer, 
came  to  be  known  by  the  name  of  Pompeiopolis."  Many 
thousand  Roman  citizens,  several  of  whom  were  of  the  high- 
est rank,  were  rescued  from  l!ie  hands  of  the  pirates,  and  re- 
stored to  their  country  and  families. 

The  report  of  his  victories  had  no  sooner  reached  Rome, 
than  his  friends,  including  Cesar  and  Cicero,  in  compliance 
with  his  known  wishes,  proposed  to  augment  his  power,  and 
to  commit  to  him  the  government  of  the  provinces  of  the  in- 
terior of  Asia  Minor,  and  the  management  of  the  war  against 
Mithridates  and  Tigranes,  whom  the  accomplished  general 
LucuUus  had  overcome,  but  was  prevented  from  completely 
conquering  by  the  unexpected  mutiny  of  his  army.  Pompey's 
progress  in  Asia  and  Syria  was  almost  an  uninterrupted 
triumph  ;  and,  for  the  three  years  that  he  had  the  entire  direc- 

VOL.    11.  10 


110  T^   FOURTH,    OF    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

tion  of  the  affairs  of  these  vast  regions,  his  name  was  certain- 
ly the  most  celebrated  in  the  Roman  empire ;  and  his  glory 
and  influence  were  increased  when,  instead  of  leading  his 
army  though  Italy,  after  his  return  from  Asia,  he  disbanded 
them  at  Brundusium,  with  instructions  to  attend  him  at  his 
triumph,  and  advanced  to  Rome  with  the  ordinary  equipage 
pf  his  proconsular  rank.  His  request  of  a  triumph  was  will- 
ingly granted;  and  his  procession,  \vhich  lasted  two  days, 
"  was  by  far  the  most  magnificent  that  had  been  seen  in  Rome. 
Before  his  chariot  marched  three  hundred  and  twenty-four 
captives  of  great  distinction,  among  whom  were  Aristobulus 
king  of  Judea,  and  his  son  Antigonus ;  Olthaces,  king  of 
Colchis ;  Tigranes,  the  son  of  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia, 
with  his  wife  and  daughter ;  five  sons  and  two  daughters  of 
Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus,  and  a  queen  of  Scythia.  The 
spoils  carried  before  him  were  valued  at  above  three  millions 
sterling ;  and  the  gold  and  silver  coin,  which  he  delivered  to 
the  quaestors,  amounted  to  thrice  that  sum,  not  reckoning  the 
large  donatives  which  he  bestowed  on  his  soldiers ;  for  he 
ordered  one  thousand  five  hundred  drachmas  to  each  soldier 
of  his  army,  that  is,  near  fifty  pounds  sterling,  and  rewarded 
all  the  officers  in  proportion.  He  did  not  put  any  of  the  cap- 
tives to  death,  according  to  the  practice  of  other  generals,  nei- 
ther did  he  keep  them  in  prison ;  but  sent  them  all,  except  Aristo- 
bulus and  Tigranes,  to  their' respective  countries  at  the  public 
expense."  The  ceremony  being  over,  he  resumed  the  manners 
of  a  private  citizen ;  in  hopes,  it  is  supposed,  that  the  sovereign- 
ty of  the  empire  would  be  forced  upon  him  by  the  community, 
from  the  consideration  that  he  alone  was  capable  to  preserve 
the  state  from  the  calamities  of  new  seditions  and  conspiracies. 
The  Romans  had  recently  been  rescued  from  one  of  the 
most  alarming  and  dangerous  confederacies  which  had  been 
formed  in  Rome.  Cataline,  a  man  of  noble  birth,  but  one  of 
the  most  profligate  in  a  most  degenerate  age,  had  seduced 
a  number  of  senators,  all  the  youths  of  Rome  who  had  by 
dissipation  consumed  their  property,  and  many  soldiers,  to  set 
fire  to  several  parts  of  the  city,  on  a  certain  day,  and,  in  the 
confusion  which  would  inevitably  follow,  to  murder  the  chief 
men  and  subvert  the  government.  Cicero,  the  timid  but  hon- 
est patriot,  displayed  much  wisdom  in  the  detection  of  this 
diabolical  plot,  and  fortitude  in  the  punishment  of  the  conspi- 
rators. In  revenge  for  his  adherence  to  the  cause  of  the 
senate,  Clodius,  instigated  by  Cesar,  some  time  after  procured 
his  exile,  which  he  had  not  courage  to  endure ;  and  his  ^rati- 


L 


% 


THE    FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 


til 


tude  to  those  through  whose  influence  he  was  restored  to 
Rome  led  him  to  approve  or  sanction  some  of  those  measures 
which  were  subversive  of  the  liberty  of  his  country. 

While  Pompey  was  in  Asia,  Cesar  laboured  most  assidu- 
ously to  recommend  himself  to  the  lower  classes  of  citizens, 
and  to  alienate  them  from  the  higher  orders,  who  generally 
viewed  him  with  suspicion,  and  endeavoured  to  defeat  his 
various  schemes  to  destroy  the  constitution  of  the  republic. 
He  had,  by  popular  influence,  risen  to  some  of  the  most  im- 
portant oflices,  and  had  been  intrusted  with  the  government 
of  Spain,  where  he  enlarged  the  territories  of  Rome,  by  sub- 
duing several  nations  that  had  either  not  been  attacked  by 
former  Roman  commanders,  or  had  succssfully  resisted  thent 
He  found,  on  returning  to  Rome,  that  the  power  was  chiefly 
divided  between  Crassus  and  Pompey ;  and  by  his  subtle  pol- 
icy, persuaded  them  to  pass  over  past  causes  of  alienation 
and  jealousy,  and  unite  with  him ;  by  which  union  they 
would  be  able  to  govern  the  whole  empire,  and  dispose  at 
pleasure  of  all  its  dignities,  employments,  riches,  and  honours. 
This  alliance,  formed  b.  c.  60,  was  denominated  the  First 
Triumvir  ate  J  the  government  of  three  men,  the  prelude  of 
the  overthrow  of  the  republic,  and  of  the  establishment  of  that 
complete  system  of  universal  despotism,  the  government  most 
appropriate  for  the  mighty  power  of  the  terrible  and  name- 
less beast,  whose  pleasure  consisted  in  rioting  alone  on  his 
prey.  The  authors  of  this  great  political  coalition,  in  order 
to  conceal  it  from  their  respective  opponents,  continued  to  act 
before  the  public,  each  as  the  head  of  his  party.  But  when 
those  known  to  be  rivals  were  observed  mutually  to  promote 
one  another's  interests  their  connexion  was  more  than  sus- 
pected, and  agitated  the  minds  of  the  few  who  were  sincere- 
ly attached  to  the  republic ;  for  what  hope  could  they  cherish 
of  being  able  to  resist  the  combined  power  of  the  triumvirate, 
each  of  whom  seemed  an  invincible  army?  It  is,  however, 
questionable  if  any  one  of  the  three  contemplated  or  desired 
the  permanent  division  of  power  ;  and  indeed  none  who  knew 
Cesar  believed  that  he  would  ever  rest  satisfied  with  any  thing 
less  than  the  exclusive  possession  of  sovereign  dominion. 
Each  most  probably  regarded  the  coalition  as  a  happy  experi- 
ment  by  which  he  would  be  able  more  speedily  to  reach  the 
ultimate  object  of  his  ambition  ;  and  Cesar  found  it  most  effec- 
tive to  carry  him  forward  in  his  aspiring  and  finally  victorious 
career.  Had  he  not  had  at  command  the  popularity  of  Pom- 
pey and  the  immens*^  riches  of  Crassus,  it  is  scarcely  probable 


112  TBE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 


^hat  he  would  have  successfully  defied  all  the  efforts  of  the 
'^Senate  to  limit  his  means,  and  arrest  his  progress,  to  ascend 
"tar  above  the  loftiest  seat  of  the  republic.  He  soon  was  ap- 
pointed consul,  and  by  carrying  laws  which  were  apparently 
most  equitable  in  their  nature,  and  beneficial  in  their  tendency, 
to  advance  the  happiness  of  all  classes  without  benefitting  him- 
self, he  became  the  idol  of  the  people,  and  disposed  them  to 
■^view  the  nobles  who  opposed  him  as  their  common  and  de- 
termined enemies.  And  thus  he  was  enabled  more  easily  to 
attain  what  he  considered  a  much  more  important  object,  and 
one  which  no  Roman  had  in  former  times  ever  presumed  to 
seek,  or  at  least  hope  to  obtain.  This  was  no  less  than  to 
place  himself  at  the  head  of  what  may  be  called  a  standing 
army,  stationed  so  as  to  overawe  or  control  the  proceedings 
of  his  powerful  opponents. 

Gaul  was  at  this  time  in  danger  of  being  overrun  by  a  race 
of  barbarians  named  Helvetii.  This  afforded  a  favourable 
opportunity  for  Cesar  to  proceed  with  his  plans.  His  friend 
Vatinius,  a  tribune,  moved  the  comitium  to  commit  to  him  the 
government  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  or  that  region  of  modern  Italy 
extending  from  the  Rubico,  the  present  Fiumesino,  to  the 
Alps,  with  the  title  of  pro-consul,  and  the  command  of  three 
legions  for  five  years.  This  proposition  of  violating  one  of 
the  most  wise  of  the  military  laws,  which  limited  the  com- 
mand of  armies  to  one  year,  was  most  offensive  to  the  senate. 
In  vain  they  tried  to  set  it  aside.  Probably  to  diminish  the 
power  of  Cesar,  by  augmenting  his  labour  and  care,  they  in- 
considerately produced  the  very  opposite  results,  by  commit- 
ting to  him  also  Transalpine  Gaul,  with  the  addition  of  only 
one  legion.  This  decision  of  the  senate  is  said  to  have  made 
Cato  exclaim,  "  Now  you  have  taken  to  yourself  a  king,  and 
have  placed  him  with  his  guards  in  your  citadel." 

On  the  restoration  of  Cicero  to  Rome,  he  complied  with 
the  strongly  expressed  wishes  of  the  people  to  move  in  the 
senate  that  Pompey  should  be  commissioned  with  unlimited 
power,  for  five  years,  over  all  the  ports  of  the  Mediterranean, 

I  to  supply  Rome  with  provisions.      To  this  motion  the  senate 

reluctantly  agreed.  This,  however,  could  not  prevent  the  di- 
minution of  Pompey's  influence ;  for  the  recollection  of  his 
splendid  deeds  was  almost  effaced  by  the  more  recent  extra- 
ordinary success  of  Cesar,  in  his  two  campaigns  beyond  the 
Alps.  By  the  prodigious  riches  which  he  had  collected, 
chiefly  by  robbing  the  temples  of  the  nations  whom  he  had 
conquered  in  Gaul,  and  which  he  lavishly  dispersed  in  Italy, 

i 


h 


THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  113 

he  purchased  the  friendship  or  support  of  many  persons  of 
distinction,  kept  up  constant  intercourse  with  Rome,  knew  the 
state  of  every  family  ;  and  when  he  could  not  reach  the  mas- 
ter, he  paid  his  court  to  the  mistress,  or  to  the  favourite  slave. 
When  not  engaged  in  prosecuting  the  war  in  Transalpine 
Gaul  or  Germany,  he  usually  spent  his  time  in  Cisalpine 
Gaul,  and  formed  a  close  connexion  with  the  principal  citi- 
zens of  Rome.  Accordingly,  we  are  informed  that  he  was 
surrounded  with  the  splendour  of  a  court  in  Lucca,  one  of 
the  northern  cities  of  Italy  Proper,  where  he  passed  the  win- 
ter. Not  fewer  than  two  hundred  senators  were  present  with 
him  at  one  time ;  and  so  many  of  them  were  members  of 
government,  that  the  lictors,  who  with  the  badges  of  office 
paraded  the  entrance  into  his  quarters,  amounted  to  one  hun- 
dred and  twenty. 

Under  the  pretence  of  proceeding  to  Sicily  and  Sardinia 
for  the  purchase  of  corn,  Pompey,  accompanied  with  Crassus, 
visited  Cesar  at  Lucca,  where  they  renewed  their  confederacy, 
and  resolved  that  Crassus  and  Pompey  should  secure  for 
themselves  the  office  of  consuls ;  and  that,  after  the  expiry 
of  the  terms,  the  former  should  assume  the  government  of 
Syria,  and  the  latter  that  of  Spain  and  Africa,  while  Cesar 
should  be  continued  in  his  present  command,  with  an  army 
sufficient  to  maintain  and  extend  his  power.  He  opened  his 
next  campaign  with  brilliant  success,  by  subduing  the  Gauls, 
occupying  the  coasts  opposite  Britain  ;  and  his  partners  in 
power  took  possession  of  the  consulate  by  force,  and  filled  all 
the  subordinate  offices  with  their  own  servile  followers.  Pom- 
pey sought  by  various  ways  to  recommend  himself  to  the 
people.  One  of  the  most  acceptable  to  the  debased  Romans 
was  "  the  opening  of  the  magnificent  theatre  which  he  him- 
self, or  his  freedman  Demetrius,  had  erected  for  the  accom- 
modation of  the  people  at  their  public  shows.  At  this  solem- 
nity were  exhibited  many  dramatic  performances  and  enter- 
tainments of  every  sort.  Among  these,  in  the  course  of  five 
days,  no  less  than  five  hundred  lions  were  let  loose  and  killed 
by  African  huntsmen ;  and  the  whole  concluded  with  the 
baiting  of  eighteen  elephants,  animals  that  seemed  to  have 
sagacity  enough  to  be  conscious  of  the  indignity  and  the 
wrong  which  they  suffered.  By  their  piteous  cries  they 
moved  compassion  in  the  breasts  even  of  that  barbarous  rab- 
ble for  whose  entertainment  they  were  slain." 

Crassus  and  Pompey,  notwithstanding  the  resistance  of  the 
friends  of  liberty,  even  to  the  loss  of  some  lives,  obtained  the 

10* 


114  THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

appointments  which  they  wished,  for  five  years,  and  they  im- 
mediately prevailed  on  the  people  to  continue  Cesar  in  his 
government  an  additional  five  years.  On  this  occasion  Cato 
said  to  Pompey,  "  You  are  preparing  the  burden  for  your 
own  shoulders.  It  will  one  day  fail  on  the  republic,  but  not 
till  after  it  has  crushed  you  to  the  ground."  Crassus  seems 
to  have  attained  pre-eminence  in  Rome  by  his  profuse  expen- 
diture, much  more  than  by  his  intellectual  capacity.  This 
may  have  made  him  suppose  that  wealth  constitutes  power. 
He  is  said  to  have  been  almost  as  remarkable  for  covetous- 
ness  as  for  wealth,  and  love  of  power  and  fame.  From  the 
hope  of  acquiring  great  increase  of  riches  in  the  East,  he 
was  not  only  gratified  by  his  official  appointment,  but  hasted 
to  reach  Syria.  All  the  regions  of  the  preceding  three  em- 
pires, except  those  held  by  the  king  of  Parthia,  were  now 
subjected  to  Rome,  and  enjoyed  comparative  peace.  Crassus 
nevertheless,  made  great  preparations  for  war;  exulted  in  the 
prospect  of  conquest,  and  vainly  talked  of  his  future  disposal 
or  sales  of  kingdoms  and  cities.  Hence  it  was  evident  that 
he  designed  to  attack  the  Parthians.  How  he  failed  in  his 
schemes,  exposed  his  army  to  disgrace,  and  perished  in  the 
conflict,  we  have  slightly  noticed  in  a  former  page. 

Pompey  was  not  less  elated  by  his  new  honours,  and  flat- 
tered himself  that  the  sovereignty  of  the  empire  lay  at  his 
feet ;  he  had,  in  his  imagination,  only  to  express  his  will,  and 
the  whole  army  would  hail  him  head  of  the  empire.  Pre- 
sumptuously confident,  he  said,  "  In  Italy  I  can  raise  forces 
with  the  stamp  of  my  foot."  In  the  meantime  the  measures 
which  he  pursued  were,  in  relation  to  the  soldiers,  certainly, 
although  not  visibly,  consuming  the  bonds  by  which  they  are 
usually  held  by  their  leaders.  He  raised  a  considerable  army 
for  the  protection  of  Spain  ;  but  he  placed  them  under  the 
command  of  his  officers.  And,  instead  of  proceeding  to  the 
seats  of  his  government  in  Spain  or  Africa,  he  remained  at 
Rome,  and  conducted  himself  as  if  he  had  the  exclusive 
right  to  direct  all  her  afiairs,  most  careful  at  the  same  time  to 
show  the  greatest  deference  for  the  authority  of  the  senate 
and  comitium. 

Cesar  exceedingly  surpassed,  as  a  politician,  his  partners 
in  power.  While  Crassus  indulged  romantic  expectations  of 
enlarging  his  power  by  the  accumnlation  of  weaUh,  and 
Pompey  assumed  almost  the  dignity,  and  far  more  than  the 
common  magnificence,  of  a  king,  Cesar  was  diligently  aug- 
menting his  army,  strengthening  their  passion  for  war  and 


-* 


THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  115 

Mood,  and  stimulating  their  vanity  and  pride,  by  leading  them 
to  combat  and  triumph  in  countries  unknown  to  the  Romans  ; 
adding  extensive  territories  and  various  nations  to  the  empire ; 
and  effectually  laying  under  restraint  the  barbarous  races 
who  rushed  from  the  north  or  east,  and  in  their  course  deso- 
lated every  land.  But  while  Germany  was  drenched  with 
the  blood  of  her  people,  and  part  of  Britain  was  conquered 
by  the  arms  of  Cesar,  he  was  assiduous  in  his  efforts,  and 
expended  incalculable  riches  to  render  his  name  either  be- 
loved, admired,  or  dreaded  by  every  Roman  citizen.  Besides 
the  sums  sent  his  numerous  emissaries,  he  caused  some  of 
the  finest  buildings  at  Rome  to  be  erected  at  his  expense, 
while  he  was  engaged  in  war  on  the  Rhine  and  on  the 
Thames.  And,  in  the  lapse  of  a  brief  period,  the  internal 
state  of  the  republic  opened  to  him, — the  near  approach  of 
what,  it  is  believed,  he  had  long  desired  and  prepared  for, — 
the  great  and  final  struggle  for  the  sovereignty  of  the  most 
mighty  and  most  illustrious  empire  which  had  ever  appeared 
on  the  globe. 

Pompey,  for  a  time,  concentrated  in  himself  the  entire 
influence  of  the  Triumvirate ;  for  the  retainers  of  his  col- 
leagues were  as  ready  as  his  own  to  support  him.  Hence,  by 
the  unreflecting,  he  was  acknowledged  the  greatest  man  in 
the  empire.  And  he  actually  assumed  the  majesty  and  mag- 
nificence becoming  his  apparent  greatness.  But  his  vanity 
could  not  be  satiated  while  he  was  not  publicly  acknowledged 
by  all  ranks  to  be  the  sole  head  of  the  empire.  That  the 
time  was  come  for  him  to  lay  hold  on  this  grand  prize  was 
probably  suggested  to  his  buoyant  mind  by  some  recent 
events,  which  induced  him,  if  we  may  credit  the  assertions 
of  his  opponents,  to  originate,  or,  at  least,  secretly  sanction 
certain  schemes  tending  to  plunge  the  republic  into  seemingly 
inextricable  difliculties^  disorder,  anarchy,  tumuk,  and  blood. 
The  death  of  Crassus  left  him  no  powerful  rival,  except  Ce- 
sar ;  and  the  chief  object  by  which  his  apparent  union  to  him 
had  been  maintained  had  disappeared  for  ever.  His  wife, 
the  sister  of  Cesar,  and  her  only  child,  had  lately  died.  And 
though  he  still  publicly  called  Cesar  his  friend,  yet  he  was 
no  longer  zealous  to  support  his  interests.  Cesar,  on  the 
other  hand,  not  only  increased  the  number  of  his  troops,  but 
employed  every  art  to  attach  them  to  his  person.  The  senate 
justly  viewed  this  as  a  strong  confirmation  of  the  suspicion, 
which  they  had  long  entertained,  that  he  contemplated  to  ef- 
fect by  force  what  he  had  sometimes,  inadvertently  or  w^ith 


■m  f 


116  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

design  to  intimidate,  confessed  to  be  his  purpose, — ^the  entire 
subversion  of  the  republic.  Pompey  not  only  sympathised 
with  the  fears  of  the  nobles,  and  avowed  intentions  to  weaken 
the  power  of  Cesar,  but  he.  resolved  to  raise  an  army  suffi- 
cient to  oppose  him  ;  and  in  order  that  he  might  be  able  to 
command  all  the  resources  of  the  state,  he  stimulated  his 
friends  to  demand  that  he  should  be  appointed  dictator.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  the  season  arrived  to  elect  consuls  for  the 
succeeding  year,  the  community  divided  into  parties,  and 
fierce  and  bloody  contentions  prevailed,  so  that  the  time 
passed  without  any  one  being  appointed  to  the  office.  Thus 
the  republic  was  deprived  of  the  principal  ministers  of  gov- 
ernment. The  senate  in  vain  proposed  the  only  legitimate 
scheme,  the  appointment  of  an  interrex,  which  was  the  title 
given  him  who  was  invested  with  authority  to  preside  in  the 
assembly  which  met  to  restore  the  supreme  magistracy.  The 
city  became  a  scene  of  utter  confusion  ;  the  senate  house  and 
other  public  buildings  were  burnt ;  and  the  lives  of  the  chief 
men  were  exposed  to  the  most  imminent  danger.  For  some 
days,  armed  multitudes  of  citizens  and  slaves  traversed  the 
streets  and  pillaged  every  place  into  which  they  could  find 
entrance.  The  retainers  of  Pompey  daily  renewed  their 
cries  to  name  him  dictator.  The  title  recalled  the  most  san- 
guinary days  of  Sylla,  and,  to  avoid  it,  Bibulus  moved  the  sen- 
ate to  elect  Pompey  sole  consul,  and  empower  him  to  choose, 
after  the  lapse  of  two  months,  a  colleague.  "  Cato,  to  the 
surprise  of  every  body,  seconded  this  motion.  He  observed, 
that  any  magistracy  was  preferable  to  none,  and  that  if  the 
republic  must  be  governed  by  a  single  person,  none  was  so 
fit  for  the  charge  as  the  person  now  proposed.  Pompey  be- 
ing present,  thanked  Cato  for  this  declaration  of  his  esteem, 
and  said  he  would  accept  of  the  charge,  in  hopes  of  being 
aided  by  his  counsel."  Cato  is  said  to  have  answered  that  he 
deserved  no  thanks  from  Pompey,  for  he  had  only  done  what 
the  times  aUowed  for  the  good  of  the  republic. 

Pompey  was  not  accustomed  to  ingraft  tyranny  on  power 
committed  to  him ;  and  in  accordance  with  his  general  con- 
duct, he  executed  his  high  trust  with  fidelity,  and  was  ap- 
proved by  his  constituents,  especially  by  those  of  the  higher 
classes.  They  probably,  from  this  time,  looked  to  him  as 
their  chief  strength  against  Cesar.  But  the  former  violated 
in  some  instances,  the  first  principles  of  the  constitution, 
which  he  always  pretended  to  respect,  and  supplied  the  latter 
with  most  plausible  arguments  to  justify  his  claims  to  autho- 


i 


:• 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROIIAN   EMPIRE.  117 

rity  and  power,  incompatible  with  the  national  liberty.  In- 
deed, Pompey  procured  for  himself  privileges  which  he 
instituted  laws  to  prevent  any  one  else  from  legitimately 
enjoying.  Thus,  at  his  suggestion,  it  was  decreed  that  no 
consul,  praetor,  or  quaestor  could  receive  a  lucrative  appoint- 
ment in  the  provinces,  till  five  years  after  he  had  served  the 
term  of  his  office.  Before,  however,  this  law  was  proposed, 
he  had  secured  his  continuance  in  the  government  of  Spain 
for  five  years  longer. 

It  is  not,  therefore,  surprising  that  Cesar  demanded  that  he 
should,  contrary  to  law,  be  admitted  to  the  consulate,  while 
he  remained  at  the  head  of  his  army.  This  was  no  more 
than  had  been  granted  Pompey;  and  he  insisted  that  his 
services  for  the  republic  merited  equal  honour.  His  bold- 
ness in  claiming,  as  his  right,  that  which  the  senate  alone 
had  authority  to  bestow  according  as  they,  in  their  collective 
wisdom,  judged  expedient  or  proper,  provoked  their  indig- 
nation, and  roused  their  fears;  and  led  on  by  Cato,  they 
resolved  to  call  on  him  to  resign  his  command  of  the  army, 
before  standing  candidate  for  consul.  Having  declined  this, 
they  ordered  him  to  disband  his  troops,  because  they  were 
not  now  needed,  and  his  time  to  hold  the  provinces  of  Gaul 
was  near  its  termination.  His  friends  replied  that  he  would 
obey,  when  Pompey  disbanded  his  army ;  for,  unless  this 
condition  was  complied  with,  he  could  not  consider  himself 
safe.  Their  opinion  was  corroborated  by  his  letter  to  the 
senate,  in  which  he  stated,  "  That  Cesar  should  be  allowed 
to  retain  the  honours  which  the  Roman  people  had  bestowed 
upon  him ;  that  he  should  be  left  upon  a  footing  of  equality 
with  other  officers,  who  were  allowed  to  join  civil  office  at 
Rome  with  military  establishments  in  the  provinces ;  and 
that  he  should  not  be  singled  out  as  the  sole  object  of  their 
distrust  and  severity."  This  language  was  regarded  as  pre- 
sumptuous, for  he  plainly  prescribed  to  the  senators,  and' 
many  of  them  considered  it  a  declaration  of  war.  After 
seven  days  disputing,  it  was  decreed  to  order  Cesar  to  dis- 
miss his  army,  and  by  a  certain  day  to  retire  from  his  pro- 
vinces, or  in  case  of  disobedience,  declaring  him  an  enemy 
to  his  country.  Tiie  tribunes,  Mark  Antony  and  Gluintus 
Cassius,  interposed  with  their  negative.  The  hands  of  the 
senate  being  thus  tied  up  by  the  prohibition  or  interdict  of 
the  tribunes,  it  was  moved  that  the  members  should  put  on 
mourning,  in  order  to  impress  the  people  with  a  deeper  sense 
of  the  calamity  which  was  likely  to  ensue  from  the  contu- 


118  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

macy  of  these  factious  officers.  This  likewise  the  tribunes 
forbade ;  but  the  senate  being-  adjourned,  all  the  members,  as 
of  their  own  accord,  returned  to  their  next  meeting  in  habits 
of  mourning,  and  proceeded  to  consider  in  what  manner 
they  might  remove  the  difficulty  which  arose  from  this  fac- 
tious interposition  of  the  tribunes.  In  the  conclusion  of  this 
deliberation,  it  was  determined  to  give  to  the  consuls  and 
other  magistrates,  together  with  Pompey,  in  the  character  of 
proconsul,  the  charge  usual  in  the  most  dangerous  conjunc- 
tures; to  preserve  the  commonwealth  by  such  means  as  to 
their  discretion  should  appear  to  be  necessary." 

The  tribunes,  who  had  advocated  the  cause  of  Cesar,  and 
the  profligate  young  patricians  whom  he  had  bribed  by  an 
immense  sum  to  betray  the  senate,  pretending  that  their  lives 
were  in  danger,  disguised  themselves  in  the  habit  of  slaves, 
and  fled  in  the  night  to  Cesar,  who,  with  a  small  number  of 
troops,  was  fixed  at  Ravenna,  at  that  time  a  seaport  of  Cis- 
alpine Gaul,  on  the  Adriatic.  He  presented  his  friends  to 
'his  soldiers,  informed  them  of  the  wrong  done  him  by  the 
senate,  and  asked  them  if  they  would  desert  him,  who  had 
for  nine  years  led  them  to  conquest  for  the  honour  of  their 
country.  They  loudly  proclaimed  that  they  were  ready  to 
revenge  the  injuries  inflicted  on  him  and  his  friends.  Two 
days  after,  he  occupied  Ariminum,  a  strong  fortress  near  the 
Rubicon,  the  celebrated  stream  that  divided  Italy  Proper 
from  Cisalpine  Gaul.  History  represents  Cesar  hesitating 
how  to  act,  when  he  reached  the  Rubicon.  This  is  not  pro- 
bable, considering  his  fearless  spirit ;  but  the  most  selfish  and 
inhuman  sometimes  feel  for  human  woe.  And  he  may  have 
said,  "  If  I  do  not  cross  the  river,  I  am  undone:  and  if  I  do 
cross  it,  how  many  calamities  shall  I  bring  on  Rome"  The 
consuls  C.  C.  Marcellus,  and  L.  C.  Lentulus  went  to  Pompey, 
who  was  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city,  delivered  to  him  the  de- 
cision of  the  senate,  and  committed  to  him  the  supreme  com- 
mand over  the  treasury  and  all  the  forces  of  the  republic,  in 
every  quarter  of  the  empire.  Thus  civil  war  became  obvi- 
ously inevitable ;  and  the  resuk  was  the  abolition  of  the  Ro- 
man republic,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Roman  dominion 
in  the  whole  empire. 

Cesar  assumed  henceforth  extreme  moderation,  lamented 
the  probable  calamities  of  a  civil  war,  and  made  repeated 
proposals  of  peace,  while  he  urged  his  military  operations 
with  even  more  than  his  usual  rapidity.  He  summoned  his 
army  to  join  him  in  Italy  ;  but  immediately  proceeded  with 


# 


THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE.  119 

his  small  band  to  take  possession  of  various  places  necessary 
to  procure  supplies  for  his  forces,  and  open  his  way  fo  Rome. 
His  movements  terrified  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  lying- 
between  him  and  the  nnetropolis ;  and  multitudes  fled  thither 
to  escape  his  vengeance,  for  they  apprehended  a  repetition  of 
the  dreadful  deeds  of  Marius,  Cinna,  and  Sylla.  They  knew 
not  the  character  of  *he  man  to  whom  they  were  now  called 
to  submit.  Courtesy,  clemency,  and  generosity  accompanied 
his  steps.  Human  life  he  indeed  valued  not ;  but  he  knew 
how  to  gain  the  confidence  of  man.  The  authority  of  the 
senate,  and  the  influence  of  Pompey  failed  to  collect  an  army 
adequate,  in  the  opinion  of  the  latter,  to  defend  Rome.  In- 
deed, many  of  the  troops  whom  he  levied  joined  the  standard 
of  his  popular  rival.  And  as  Pompey  seldom  risked  a  battle 
when  he  had  not  strong  reason  to  expect  victory,  he  resolved 
to  desert  the  city.  He  therefore  summoned  the  senate,  and 
called  on  all  who  chose  not  to  be  implicated  in  the  bloody 
acts  which  he  said  Cesar  might  commit,  to  depart  from 
Rome,  and  fix  the  seat  of  government  at  Capua,  where  he 
proposed  to  assemble  the  forces  of  the  republic. 

Cesar  continued  to  advance  on  Rome,  and  he  found  the 
gates  of  all  the  cities  and  towns  open  to  admit  him.  Peace 
was  still  on  his  lips ;  and  war  the  aelight  of  his  heart.  He 
spared  those  of  his  opponents  who  became  his  prisoners,  dis- 
missed them  with  all  the  honours  belonging  to  their  rank, 
and  touched  neither  personal  property  nor  the  public  money. 
The  fame  of  his  mild  and  disiuterested  conduct  spread  over 
Italy,  and  he  would  have  been  gladly  received  at  Rome. 
But  Pompey  had  left  Capua,  and  rapidly  marched  to  Brun- 
dusium,  having  sent  before  him  confidential  persons,  to  pro- 
vide vessels  in  which  he  purposed  to  embark  with  his  army. 
On  his  progress,  he  was  forsaken  by  not  a  few  of  his  offi- 
cers, who  hastened  to  enter  the  service  of  Cesar.  That  en- 
terprising- general  pursued  him,  prepared  to  besiege  the  city, 
and  published  an  address,  expressive  of  his  solicitude  for 
peace.  His  efforts  to  take  the  city  were  unsuccessful,  until 
Pompey,  the  greater  part  of  the  senate,  officers  of  st-ate,  and 
army,  had  sailed  for  Epirus.  Thus  Cesar  auspiciously 
reached  in  sixty  days  the  first  post  on  the  course,  at  the  ter- 
mination of  which  was  conspicuous  in  his  view  the  most 
splendid  of  all  prizes  to  his  aspiring  spirit, — the  sovereignty 
of  the  world.  Few  of  his  own  troops  had  arrived  to  aid 
him  in  his  enterprise ;  but  many  of  those  raised  to  oppose 
him  daily  joined  him,  and  transformed  his  daring  race  ai« 


«= 


# 


120  *         THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

most  into  a  triumphant  procession.  And  every  Roman, 
whose  bosom  was  animated  with  any  benevolence  or  com- 
passion, must  have  looked  on  the  insurrection  which  Cesar 
conducted  with  some  degree  of  pleasing-  astonishment,  when 
he  compared  it  with  the  least  sanguinary  and  destructive  of 
the  many  insurrections  recorded  in  the  annals  of  Rome.  All 
former  actors  resembled  so  many  lions  rioting  among  a  large 
flock  of  feeble  animals.  Such  was  the  consummate  policy 
of  Cesar  that,  utterly  destitute  as  he  was  of  humanity,  his 
vvoiJs  and  deeds  were  those  of  one  who  could  not  look  on 
human  blood  without  horror,  and  who  detested  every  form 
and  -pecies  of  cruelty.  He  evidently  wished  to  induce  all 
to  exclaim.  Who  would  not  willingly  have  this  man  for  his 
ruler?  He  continued  to  assume  the  character  of  the  man  of 
peace,  and  showed  more  respect  for  the  form  of  the  republic 
than  he  had  been  accustomed  to  do,  especially  in  relation  to 
the  senate.  Believing  that  he  had  less  reason  to  apprehend 
danger  from  those  who  had  fled,  and  left  him  as  entire  mas- 
ter of  all  Italy  as  he  had  been  for  some  time  of  all  Gaul, 
than  from  their  friends  in  Spain,  before  pursuing  the  former, 
he  determined  to  acquire  possession  of  that  country.  In  the 
meantime,  he  adopted  measures,  by  which  he  obtained  pos- 
session of  Sardinia  and  Sicily,  and  secured  the  tranquillity  of 
Italy.  Leaving  his  victorious  troops  to  rest  a  short  time,  and 
having  ordered  ships  to  be  collected  to  convey  them  to  Spain, 
he  proceeded  to  Rome,  and  summoned  all  the  senators,  who 
had  not  deserted  their  country  to  meet  him,  to  consult  on  the 
aflfairs  of  the  republic.  They  obeyed,  but  none  of  high  rank 
had  courage  to  welcome  his  approach.  His  father-in-law, 
Calpurnius  Piso,  did  not  even  countenance  him.  The  only 
important  officers  of  state  who  remained  at  Rome,  besides 
those  tribunes  who  were  his  own  agents,  were  M.  Marcus 
Lepidus,  praetor,  the  tribune  C.  Metellus,  who  wished  to  pre- 
serve the  public  peace.  Under  pretence  of  veneration  for 
ancient  customs,  Cesar  declined  to  enter  the  city,  and  selected 
the  suburbs  for  his  own  residence,  and  that  of  the  band  who 
had  accompanied  him.  Thither  the  citizens  crowded  to  be- 
hold the  conqueror,  after  an  absence  of  almost  ten  years. 
Marc  Antony,  his  most  able  and  active  emissary,  proposed 
that  the  senators  should  assemble  without  the  city,  that  they 
might  afford  him  an  opportunity  to  plead  his  own  cause  in 
their  presence.  He  opened  the  meeting  by  enumerating  the 
wrongs  which  had  been  done  him,  and  by  loading  his  oppo- 
nents with  the  guih  of  the  civil  war.     He  pourtrayed,  with 


^ 


®= 


THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROHAN   EMPIRE.  121 

his  usual  eloquence,  his  moderation  in  having  offered  to  re- 
sign his  command,  while  his  rival  officers  resolutely  retained 
theirs,  or  at  least  insisted  that  he  should  submit  to  conditions, 
which  would  have  made  him  dependent  on  their  pleasure ; 
they  had  thus  chosen  to  throw  the  state  into  confusion  rather 
than  acknowledge  him  their  equal,  notwithstanding  of  his 
zealous  and  numerous  services  to  advance  the  interests  and 
honours  of  the  republic.  Instead  of  expressing  resentment, 
he  strenuously  endeavoured  to  reconcile  all  classes  to  his 
cause,  and  affected  kindness  for  those  who  were  in  arms 
against  him.  He  earnestly  exhorted  the  senators  not  to  de- 
sert the  commonwealth,  nor  to  oppose  such  as,  in  concert 
with  him,  might  endeavour  to  restore  the  government;  but 
if  they  should  shrink  in  this  arduous  task,  he  should  not 
press  it  upon  them.  He  knew  how  to  act  for  himself  If 
his  opinion  were  followed,  deputies  should  be  now  sent  from 
the  senate  to  Pompey,  with  entreaties  that  he  would  spare  the 
republic.  He  knew  that  Pompey  had  formerly  objected  to 
his  having  any  such  deputation  sent  to  himself,  considering 
such  advances  as  a  concession  of  right  in  him  to  whom  they 
were  made,  or  of  fear  in  those  who  made  them.  "  These," 
he  said,  "  were  the  reflections  of  a  narrow  mind ;  for  his  own 
part,  as  he  wished  to  overcome  his  enemies  in  the  field,  so  he 
wished  to  excel  them  in  acts  of  generosity  and  candour." 

This  profound  dissimulation  increased  his  fame,  and  many 
contrasted,  much  to  his  advantage,  what  they  regarded  his 
generous  and  noble  conduct,  with  that  exemplified  by 
Pompey,  who,  considering  himself  intrusted  with  the  gov- 
ernment and  laws,  had  announced  his  purpose  to  vindicate 
the  honours  of  his  office,  and  enforce  reverence  for  the  laws, 
by  inflicting  the  severest  punishment  on  all  who  refused  to 
follow  him  from  Rome.  "Proscription  and  massacre  of 
every  one  who  adhered  not  to  the  senate  and  his  party,  were 
familiar  terms  at  his  head  quarters." 

Cesar  was  manifestly  solicitous  to  accomplish  all  his  de- 
signs without  so  violating  the  laws  of  the  state  as  to  rouse 
the  passions  of  the  multitude.  He  assembled  what  he  called 
the  senate,  to  procure  their  sanction  to  any  plans  which,  whe- 
ther they  approved  or  not,  he  was  resolved  to  adopt.  Ac- 
cordingly, when  they  dissented,  he  acted  independent  of 
them,  and  by  force  he  speedily  obtained  what  the  most  per- 
suasive or  artful  arguments  could  not  prevail  on  them  to 
grant.  "Pompey  had  been  authorised  to  draw  from  the 
treasures  of  the  commonwealth  whatever  money  he  wanted 

VOL.  u.  11 


^ 


122  THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

for  the  service.  At  his  departure,  he  ordered  the  whole  to 
be  removed ;  and  the  consul  Lentulus  was  about  to  execute 
this  order,  when  a  sudden  alarm  of  Cesar's  approach  obliged 
him  to  desist,  and  left  him  time  only  to  carry  away  the  keys 
of  the  public  repositories.  Cesar  now  moved  the  senate,  that 
the  treasury  doors  should  be  opened,  and  that  the  public 
money  should  be  issued  from  thence  to  defray  the  expense  of 
the  war.  To  this  motion  the  tribune  Metellus  Celer  opposed 
his  negative;  and  Cesar,  disdaining  any  longer  to  wear  a 
mask  which  subjected  him  to  the  observance  of  insignificant 
forms,  proceeded  to  the  treasury,  and  ordered  the  doors  to  be 
forced.  The  tribune  had  the  boldness  to  place  himself  in 
the  way,  and  was  about  to  reduce  Cesar  to  the  disagreeable 
alternative  of  being  disappointed  of  his  purpose,  or  of  ren- 
dering himself  the  object  of  popular  detestation,  by  violating 
the  sacred  person  of  a  tribune,  from  a  veneration  to  which  he 
himself  professed  to  have  undertaken  the  war.  On  this  oc- 
casion, contrary  to  his  usual  character,  he  appeared  to  have 
lost  his  temper,  and  threatened  Metellus  with  immediate 
death.  "  This,"  he  said,  "  is  easier  for  me  to  execute  than  to 
utter."  It  was  thought,  that  if  the  tribune  had  persisted,  not 
only  this  officer,  but  numbers  of  the  senators,  and  many  of 
the  more  respectable  citizens,  whom  he  considered  as  enemies 
and  promoters  of  the  tribune's  contumacy,  v^^ould  have  been 
involved  in  a  general  massacre.  "  Think  not,"  said  Curio, 
in  relating  these  particulars  to  Cicero,  "that  his  clemency 
proceeds  from  temper,  or  is  secured  to  you  by  any  real  dis- 
position of  his  mind.  It  is  a  mere  effect  of  his  policy :  he  is 
naturally  indifferent  to  blood,  and,  if  he  is  provoked,  will 
make  it  to  run  in  the  kennels."  The  tribune  Metellus,  how- 
ever, when  matters  were  coming  to  this  extremity,  suffered 
himself  to  be  removed.  The  doors  were  forced  open,  all  the 
money  was  taken  from  thence,  even  the  sacred  deposit  sup- 
posed to  have  remained  from  the  time  of  the  rebuilding  of 
Rome  after  its  destruction  by  the  Gauls,  and  still  kept  as  a 
resource  for  the  utmost  exigency  of  public  affairs,  was  now 
carried  off  I  have  subdued  the  Gauls,  said  Cesar,  and  there 
is  no  longer  any  need  of  such  provision  against  them.  He 
is  said,  on  this  occasion,  to  have  carried  off  in  bars,  25,000lb. 
of  gold,  35,0001b.  of  silver,  and  in  coin,  40,000,000  Roman 
money ;  or  about  one  million  sterling. 

Provoked  by  the  obstancy  of  the  principal  men  in  the  city, 
he  dreaded  to  make  an  appeal  to  the  multitude,  and  after  a 
few  days,  left  Rome  apparently  exceedingly  offended.     From 


THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  123 

this  time  intelligent  observers  of  passing  events  regarded  the 
republic  abolished,  and  Cesar  the  head  of  the  empire.  And 
as  no  one  of  her  great  genersds  had  ever  extended  its  domin- 
ion over  so  many  regions  unknown  to  the  Romans,  so  no  one 
had  hitherto  showed  himself  capable  of  thoroughly  establish- 
ing the  Roman  power  over  the  numerous  conquered  king- 
doms, nations,  and  provinces.  The  ages  of  military  prowess 
and  enthusiastic  admiration  of  liberty  which  characterised  the 
Romans  were  indeed  past ;  and  their  enervated,  sensual,  and 
licentious  decendants  were  prepared  to  carry  the  yoke  of  des- 
potism :  it  became  them  well ;  and  Cesar  was  fitted  to  make 
them  submit  to  it  with  all  the  visible  signs  of  joy  which  their 
ancestors  discovered  when  emancipated  from  the  tyranny  of 
their  ancient  kings. 

The  governors  of  all  the  provinces  owed  their  appointments 
to  Pompey,  and  might  be  expected  to  support  him.  But 
Spain  was  his  favourite  province ;  and  he  had  sent  there 
three  officers,  with  a  large  army,  to  act  as  his  deputy  govern- 
ors. Till  they  were  subdued,  Cesar  justly  concluded  thdt  his 
power  was  uncertain  in  Gaul  or  Italy ;  for  they  might  carry 
their  armies,  with  Pompey,  perhaps,  at  their  head,  into  these 
countries,  and  overcome  his  forces.  Having  intrusted  the 
government  of  Rome  to  the  prsBtor  Lepidus,  and  the  army 
necessary  to  preserve  peace  in  Italy,  to  M.  Antony,  he  march- 
ed into  Cisalpine  Gaul,  passed  the  Alps,  and  reached  the  im- 
portant city  of  Marseilles.  The  citizens  had  voluntarily 
placed  themselves  under  the  protection  of  Rome,  and  retained 
their  own  laws,  and  exemption  from  all  the  burdens  imposed 
on  conquered  countries.  To  Cesar's  request  to  be  admitted 
into  their  city,  they  replied  that  they  esteemed  alike  both  par- 
ties into  which  the  Romans  were  divided,  and  could  not 
therefore  show  more  respect  for  him  than  for  his  opponents. 
But  their  conduct  soon  proved  their  partiality  for  Pompey 
and  the  republican  party,  for  they  received  some  of  Pompey's 
adherents:  Cesar  therefore  resolved  to  reduce  the  city.  This 
enterprise  he,  however,  soon  left  to  subordinate  officers,  pro- 
ceeded to  Spain,  and  joined  the  army  under  Fabius,  whom  he 
had  sent  before  him.  He  found  his  army  stationed  not  far 
from  that  of  the  enemy,  near  Ilerda,  the  modern  Lerida,  a 
considerable  town  seated  on  the  river  Segra,  in  Catalonia. 
During  some  months,  his  affairs  presented  the  most  gloomy 
aspect ;  for  the  contests  of  his  troops  secured  him  no  advan- 
tage, and  scarcity  of  provisions  threatened  to  destroy  them. 
The   report  of  these  things   was   rapidly  circulated  every 


• 


124 


THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 


where,  and  induced  many,  who  were  undecided  in  mind,  to 
declare  for  Pompey.  But  he  speedily  surmounted  all  his  dif- 
ficulties, and  his  skilful  manoeuvres,  and  the  success  of  his 
plans,  confounded  the  opposing  army,  and  excited  the  admi- 
ration and  wonder  of  the  Spaniards.  Not  a  few  of  the  for- 
mer Joined  him ;  and  the  latter  readily  supplied  him  with 
provisions.  He,  at  length,  succeeded  in  placing  the  army 
commanded  by  Afranius  and  Petreius,  the  lieutenants  of  Pom- 
pey, in  a  position  the  most  dangerous  and  distressing,  from 
which  it  seemed  impossible  that  they  should  extricate  them- 
selves. After  passing  four  days  without  water  and  food,  they 
were  compelled  to  implore  his  clemency.  He  received  them 
rather  as  his  friends  than  enemies,  and  declared  "  that  he  de- 
manded nothing  else  but  peace ;  that  they  should  suffer  no 
injury,  provided  they  left  the  province,  and  became  bound 
not  to  serve  his  enemies  for  the  future  against  him  :  that  no 
one  should  be  forced  to  take  any  active  part  on  his  side  ;  that 
all  who  committed  no  injury  against  him  should  be  consid- 
ered as  his  friends  ;  and  ^hat  every  man  now  in  his  power 
should  be  at  liberty."  He  supplied  them  with  provisions,  and 
ordered  their  effects,  if  any  were  found  in  his  camp,  to  be  re- 
stored to  them.  He  paid  his  own  soldiers  a  high  price  for 
what  they  were  in  this  manner  desired  to  restore.  By  this 
measure  he  gained  several  advantages ;  he  lightened  his  bag- 
gage ;  he  made  a  gratification  to  his  own  men,  without  the 
imputation  of  bribery  ;  and  he  gained  his  late  enemies  by  an 
act  of  generosity.  The  vanquished  army  accordingly  came  to 
Cesar  with  all  their  complaints,  and  appealed  to  him  even 
from  their  own  officers.  It  was  impossible  for  mankind  to 
resist  so  much  ability,  insinuation,  and  courage." 

The  only  troops  of  Pompey  not  subdued,  were  stationed 
at  Gades,  now  Cadiz,  under  Varro.  Cesar  proceeded  thi- 
ther, and  received,  on  his  progress  the  submission  of  the  natives. 
One  of  the  legions  at  Gades  met  him  at  Hispalis,  the  present 
Seville,  and  offered  him  their  services.  At  Corduba,  or  Gor- 
dova,  Varro  resigned  to  him  all  the  forces  on  land  or  sea, 
which  were  under  his  command.  And  in  this  city  Cesar 
held  a  general  convention  for  the  settlement  of  Spain.  He 
thanked  the  people  for  the  favours  which  he  had  received 
from  them,  remitted  the  contributions,  and  withdrew  the  bur- 
dens which  had  been  imposed  on  them  by  the  lieutenants  of 
Pompey,  and  appointed  Gluintus  Cassius  governor,  with  five 
legions  raised  by  Varro.  Immediately  after  he  went  on  board 
the  fleet,  which  had  been  prepared  also  by  Varro,  sailed  to 


®= 


125 

Tarraco,  or  Terragona,  and  thence  proceeded  by  land  to  Nar- 
bonne  and  Marseilles.  The  latter  city,  which  resembled  one 
of  the  small  Grecian  republics,  had  nobly  resisted  the  most 
arduous  efforts  of  the  officers  of  Cesar  to  reduce  it ;  and 
though  they  had  lost  a  number  of  their  fleet,  and  had  other- 
wise suffered  much,  yet  they  boldly  repelled  the  besiegers,  till 
Cesar  arrived,  covered  with  the  glory  of  a  conqueror,  who 
seemed  to  delight  in  generous  deeds.  He  augmented  his 
fame  by  receiving  the  submission  of  Marseilles,  without  show- 
ing the  least  inclination  to  resentment  or  revenge.  While  he 
was  in  this  city  the  news  arrived  that  the  citizens  of  Rome 
had  proclaimed  him  dictator  of  the  republic,  and  he  hasted 
thither  to  be  invested  with  the  ensigns  of  this  high  office.  On 
his  journey  he  found  the  troops  stationed  at  Placentia,  alarm- 
ing the  inhabitants  by  their  violent  and  outrageous  conduct. 
He  soon  quelled  their  mutinous  spirit,  and  acquired  much 
praise  for  his  avowed  determination  to  protect  the  rights  of  the 
community.  And  he  gained  the  confidence  and  applause  of 
all  ranks  by  the  prudent  use  he  made  of  the  authority  con- 
ferred on  him  in  Rome,  and  especially  by  his  resigning  the 
office  of  dictator  as  soon  as  he  had  passed  some  laws  suited 
to  advance  the  public  good,  and  seen  the  government  intrust- 
ed to  legitimate  officers.  He  and  S.  Isauricus  were  chosen 
consuls  for  the  succeeding  year.  To  increase  the  number  of 
his  friends,  he  obtained  an  act  of  indemnity  for  all  oflTen^es 
committed  against  him  from  the  commencement  of  the  civil 
war,  nnd  a  vote  that  all  the  inhabitants  of  Cisalpine  Gaul 
should  enjoy  the  immunities  of  Roman  citizens.  In  less  than 
two  weeks  he  left  Rome  for  Brundusium,  where  he  had  or- 
dered his  troops  to  meet  him,  in  order  to  embark  in  pursuit  of 
Pompey.  That  general  had  now  under  his  command  a  pow- 
erful army  of  more  than  seventy  thousand  men,  and  a  large 
fleet  of  eight  hundred  ships.  He  had  likewise  "found  mag- 
azines of  provisions  collected  from  Thessaly,  Asia,  Egypt, 
Crete,  and  Cyrene.  The  principal  resort  of  his  land  forces 
was  at  Berrhoea,  on  the  fertile  plains  between  the  Axius  and 
Haliacmon,  that  run  into  the  bay  of  Thermae.  The  Roman 
senate  was  represented  at  Thessalonica  by  two  hundred  of 
that  body,  who,  together  with  the  two  consuls,  held  their  as- 
semblies, and  assumed  all  the  functions  of  the  Roman  state. 
The  Roman  people  were  likewise  represented  by  the  con- 
course of  respectable  citizens,  who  repaired  to  the  army  or  to 
this  place  "  Pompey  proposed,  as  early  as  convenient  to  in- 
vade Italy,  and  hoped,  by  his  mighty  army,  to  establish  the 

11* 


1^  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

higfh  reputation  which  his  mihtary  talents  and  success  had 
procured  him,  and  completely  subdue  his  opponents.  Bui 
while  he  supposed  Cesar  to  be  occupied  with  the  affairs  oi 
Rome  and  Italy,  that  enterprising  general  had  sailed  with  only 
seven  legions,  succeeded  in  escaping  the  notice  of  Pompey's 
fleet,  and  reached  a  very  dangerous  part  of  the  coast  of  Epi- 
rus,  where  he  was  least  expected,  under  the  lofty  promontory 
named  Acroceranus.  Though  the  army  under  his  personal 
command  were  generally  victorious,  yet  the  officers  whom  he 
had  sent  to  lUyricum  and  Africa  to  take  possession  of  these 
countries,  had  been  defeated.  In  these  circumstances,  he  pre- 
tended to  be  desirous  of  peace.  Accordingly,  before  he  land- 
ed his  troops,  he  sent  V.  Rufus,  an  officer  of  Pompey,  whom 
he  had  taken  captive,  to  his  general,  with  proposals  to  "  refer 
all  their  differences  to  the  senate,  in  Rome  ;  and  that  each  of 
them  should,  in  the  meantime,  swear,  at  the  head  of  their  re- 
spective armies,  that,  in  three  days,  they  should  disband  all 
their  forces,  in  order  that,  being  disarmed,  they  might  sever- 
ally be  under  a  necessity  to  submit  to  the  legal  government  of 
their  country ;  that  he  himself,  to  remove  all  difficulties  on 
the  part  of  Pompey,  should  begin  with  dismissing  all  the 
troops  that  were  under  his  command  whether  in  garrison  or 
in  the  field." 

By  thus  acting  he  expected  to  throw  the  whole  blame  of 
the  continuance  of  the  war  on  his  opponents.  He  well  knew 
that  they  would  not  listen  to  his  proposals ;  and  he,  therefore, 
immediately  landed  his  troops,  and  advanced^  to  Oricum, 
which  was  occupied  by  a  garrison  commanded  by  L.  Tor- 
quatus.  He  presented  hitnself  as  one  of  the  consuls  of 
Rome,  preceded  by  the  ensigns  of  this  office.  The  garrison 
instantly  surrendered.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  ApoUonia, 
whose  inhabitants,  disregarding  the  authority  of  their  Roman 
governor,  at  once  received  him.  These  examples  were  fol- 
lowed by  all  the  towns  of  Epirus;  so  that  he  was  at  liberty 
to  march  rapidly  on  to  Dyrrachium,  the  present  Dyrazzo,  a 
good  seaport  on  the  coast,  almost  opposite  Brundusium,  in 
Italy.  This  place  contained  the  principal  military  stores  and 
magazines  of  Pompey.  Cesar  was  exceedingly  disappointed 
on  approaching  the  port,  to  find  that,  notwithstanding  the 
rapidity  of  his  movements,  Pompey  was  encamped  under  its 
walls ;  and  had  sent  some  vessels  to  retake  or  block  up  the 
harbour  of  Oricum,  and  ordered  the  rest  of  his  fleet  to  be  so 
arranged  as  to  prevent  the  passage  of  any  more  troops  from 
Italy.     If  we  credit  the  most  eminent  historians,  Cesar  felt 


THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  127 

his  situation  now  most  critical,  from  the  apparent  inability  or 
indisposition  of  his  friends  to  send  him  re-enforcements. 
When  he  could  no  longer  endure  his  anxiety  and  suspense, 
he  adopted  the  extraordinary  resolution  of  proceeding  alone, 
and  without  the  knowledge  of  any  one,  to  Brundusium.  He 
procured  a  fishing  boat,  and  put  to  sea  in  the  night.  The 
rise  of  a  sudden  storm  rendered  unavailable  all  the  labours 
of  the  boatmen.  He  had  in  silence  witnessed  their  conduct, 
and,  to  encourage  them,  he  surprised  them  by  discovering 
himself  to  the  master,  and,  seizing  his  hand,  said,  "  Go  on 
boldly,  my  friend,  and  fear  nothing ;  thou  carrieet  Cesar  and 
his  fortune  with  thee."  The  mariners,  encouraged  by  Cesar's 
presence,  used  extraordinary  efforts,  and  got  out  to  sea ;  but 
the  storm  was  so  violent  that  Cesar,  despairing  of  being  able 
to  reach  Italy,  suffered  the  pilot  to  return  to  the  coast,  where 
his  soldiers  met  him,  and  expressed,  with  tenderness  and 
respect,  their  concern  to  see  him  so  uneasy  for  want  of  more 
troops,  as  if  he  could  not  gain  a  victory  with  those  who  were 
present."  He,  however,  soon  obtained  assistance  from  Italy ; 
for  the  scarcity  of  provisions  having  forced  the  fleet  of  Pom- 
pey  to  withdraw  from  the  shores  of  Brundusium,  M.  Antony 
and  Calenus  immediately  seized  the  opportunity  of  the  first 
favourable  wind  to  sail  with  four  legions  and  eight  hundred 
horse.  M.  Antony  successfully  avoided  the  opposing  fleet, 
safely  landed  the  greater  number  of  the  fsrces,  and  formed  a 
junction  with  Cesar,  who  now  eagerly  desired  to  hasten  on  a 
general  battle.  This,  however,  accorded  not  with  the  policy 
of  Pompey,  who  had  resolved  to  prolong  the  contest,  in  the 
full  confidence  that  the  strength  of  Cesar  would  speedily  be 
wasted,  from  the  want  of  means  of  subsistence  for  his  army. 
After  various  partial  actions,  Pompey's  camp,  situated  on  the 
sea  shore,  was  almost  cut  off  by  Cesar,  from  the  surrounding 
country ;  and  he  felt  compelled  to  attack  his  opponents,  whom 
he  completely  defeated. 

Many  considered  the  cause  of  Cesar  now  lost,  but  his 
courage  and  fortitude  never  failed.  Nevertheless,  he  found 
It  expedient  to  retire  from  the  coast ;  and  such  was  his  activity, 
that  as  soon  as  it  was  dark,  the  sick,  wounded,  and  baggage, 
and  one  legion,  were  sent  to  Apollonia,  a  distance  of  thirty 
miles ;  and  at  three  in  the  morning  the  whole  army,  in  pro- 
found silence,  left  the  camp,  and  followed  them.  They  were 
pursued  some  time  by  Pompey,  but  after  the  fourth  day  they 
were  allowed  to  proceed.  Cesar's  reputation  was  much 
lessened  by  his  late  losses,  and  he  found  it  difficuh  to  procure 


« 


128  THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE. 

provisions  on  his  march.  On  arriving  at  Gomphi,  the  first 
town  of  Thessaly,  although  the  citizens  had  been  formerly 
favourable  to  his  cause,  he  was  not  admitted.  In  a  few  hours 
he  compelled  the  garrison  to  surrender,  and  in  a  short  time 
all  the  towns  submitted  to  him,  except  Larissa  the  capital, 
which  was  possessed  by  Scipio  Metellus,  the  father-in-law  of 
Pompey.  In  the  centre  of  Thessaly  was  seated  the  city  of 
Pharsalia,  in  a  rich  plain  watered  by  the  Enipeus.  Here 
Cesar  encamped  his  troops,  and  waited  to  learn  the  move- 
ments of  his  opponents.  They  flattered  themselves  that  vic- 
tory was  theirs,  and  assembled  to  decide  whether  they  should, 
being  masters  of  the  sea  and  triumphant  on  land,  instantly 
return  to  Rome,  or  pursue  and  totally  destroy  him.  They 
determined  the  latter,  and  Pompey  followed  him  into  Thes- 
saly. He  was  every  where  on  his  march  hailed  as  victor ; 
and,  on  approaching  Larissa,  was  met  by  his  father-in-law, 
who,  with  his  army,  accompanied  him  to  Pharsalia.  Their 
united  armies,  amounting  to  forty-five  thousand  men  and  seven 
thousand  horse,  encamped  on  an  eminence  about  three  miles 
distant  from  Cesar's  army,  which  consisted  of  not  more  than 
twenty-two  thousand  men,  and  one  thousand  horse.  But 
many  of  the  soldiers  of  the  former  were  Asiatics,  and  few 
were  accustomed  to  war,  whereas  the  latter  were  veterans, 
who  had  fought  and  conquered  in  many  battles.  Pompey 
therefore  wisely  judged  that  he  would  more  easily  and  effect- 
ually accomplish  his  object  by  harassing  and  wearing  out  his 
enemy  than  by  encountering  them  in  battle.  And  this  policy 
pressed  so  hard  on  Cesar,  that  to  save  his  troops  from  famine 
he  determined  to  change  his  position,  and  move  where  he 
could  procure  subsistence,  and,  if  possible,  compel  Pompey  to 
fight.  His  plan  would  certainly  have  failed,  had  his  rival 
been  permitted  to  act  according  to  his  own  enlightened  judg- 
ment and  enlarged  experience  in  war.  Being  unhappily 
surrounded  with  many  Roman  senators  and  others  of  rank, 
who  were  incapable  of  comprehending  the  wisdom  of  his 
policy,  and  suspicious  that  love  of  power  actuated  him  more 
than  zeal  for  the  public  good,  he  was  not  always  at  liberty  to 
regulate  his  conduct  by  his  knowledge.  They  were  con- 
stantly urging  him  to  attack  the  enemy  and  finish  the  contest, 
which  they  maintained  was  completely  in  his  power.  His 
officers  and  troops  were  not  less  urgent  to  engage  in  battle, 
being  confident  of  success.  How  reluctantly  he  yielded  to 
their  wishes,  is  manifest  from  his  brief  address  to  his  army 
before  the  general  engagement,  which  may  be  said  to  have 


#  = 


i 


THE   FOURTH,    OR   ROHAN   EMPIRE.  129 

finally  dissolved  the  republic,  and  established  the  despotic 
government  and  the  iron  power  of  Rome  over  all  nations. 
<'  As  I  have  been  induced  by  your  ardour  to  venture  a  battle, 
contrary  to  my  own  judgment,  let  me  see  you  behave  in  il 
with  bravery.  As  you  surpass  the  enemy  in  numbers,  strive 
to  do  so  in  courage  and  resolution.  Look  back  with  pleasure 
on  the  glorious  battle  of  Dyrrachium  ;  maintain  the  glory  yoii 
there  acquired,  and  suffer  not  the  best  cause  to  sink  under  the 
desperate  attempts  of  one  whose  intention  is  to  deprive  you 
of  your  liberty,  and  change  the  republic  into  a  monarchy. 
Remember  that  Pompey  leads  you,  that  the  authority  of  the 
senate  supports  you,  and  the  gods  protect  you."  The  very 
day  fixed  by  Pompey  for  battle  was  that  on  which  Cesar  had 
purposed  to  remove  from  his  camp.  His  tents  were  taken 
down,  and  the  signal  for  marching  given,  when  he  observed 
signs  in  his  rival's  army  indicating  an  inclination  to  fight. 
He  instantly  gave  orders  to  halt,  exclaiming,  "  The  time  that 
we  have  so  earnestly  wished  for  is  come,  now  let  it  be  seen 
how  we  aje  to  acquit  ourselves."  Both  parties  presented 
similar  standards,  dress,  and  armour.  When  the  trumpets 
gave  the  signal  to  advance,  the  sounds  were  the  same,  and 
many  are  said  to  have  wept.  Fierce  was  the  onset,  and  san- 
guinary the  combat ;  but  the  army  of  the  republic  were 
speedily  vanquished,  and  fled  in  the  utmost  disorder  and  con- 
fusion. Those  who  could  not  escape  offered  to  capitulate, 
and  many  of  all  ranks  voluntarily  surrendered  to  the  con- 
queror. Of  those  who  had  been  formerly  his  prisoners,  some 
were  put  to  death,  and  others  spared  at  the  intercession  of 
their  friends  in  his  army,  to  each  of  whom  was  granted  one 
prisoner.  The  soldiers  swore  fidelity  to  Cesar,  and  were 
admitted  into  his  service.  The  principal  nobles  in  Rome  had 
fallen  in  the  conflict,  and  with  them  perished,  in  almost  every 
one  who  survived,  the  hope  of  restoring  the  republic.  Pom- 
pey is  reported  to  have  withdrawn  to  his  camp  in  utter  despair, 
as  soon  as  he  saw  his  cavalry  flee ;  his  mental  energy  departed 
from  him,  and  from  this  time  he  appears  to  have  been  con- 
cerned for  the  safety  of  his  friends  and  family,  rather  than  of 
his  own  honour  or  life.  In  a  disguised  dress,  he  rode  to  the 
coast  of  the  beautiful  valley  of  Tempe,  whence  he  sailed  with 
a  few  attendants  to  Amphipolis,  a  city  seated  at  the  mouth  of 
the  river  Strymon,  which  separated  Macedon  from  Thrace. 
His  proclamation  here  requiring  new  levies  to  be  made,  and 
all  the  youth  in  Macedon  to  rise  in  defence  of  the  republic, 
was  probably  issued  to  induce  his  enemy  to  pause  ere  he  pur- 


»  S 


130  THE    FOURTH,    OF    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

sued  him ;  for  he  evidently  had  no  design,  or  perhaps  hope^ 
of  raising  a  new  army  in  this  region.  He  remained  here 
only  one  night ;  in  the  morning  he  proceeded  to  Mitylene,  in 
the  island  of  Lesbos,  to  protect  his  wife  Cornelia  and  his 
youngest  son.  After  visiting  the  coast  of  Cilicia,  he  sailed  to 
Cyprus,  where  he  seized  all  the  public  money,  and  vessels 
sufficient  to  carry  two  thousand  soldiers,  whom  he  had  col- 
lected. With  these  he  departed  for  Egypt,  where  he  was 
treacherously  murdered  by  the  ministers  of  king  Ptolemy 
Auletes,  who  had  obtained  the  kingdom  chiefly  by  his  influ- 
ence. His  head  was  preserved  for  Cesar,  and  his  naked  body 
thrown  ignominiously  on  the  beach. 

While  he  lived,  Cesar  considered  his  ultimate  triumph 
doubtful,  and  accordingly,  three  days  after  the  battle  of  Phar- 
salia,  he  set  out  for  Asia  in  pursuit  of  him.  Learning  there 
that  Pompey  had  gone  to  Egypt  with  a  band  of  only  about 
four  thousand  men,  he  followed  him,  and  was  apparently  or 
really  grieved  on  receiving  information  of  his  miserable  end. 
He  immediately  procured  liberty  for  his  followers,  who  had 
been  taken  captive,  and  these  in  gratitude  entered  his  service. 
This  gave  him  an  opportunity  of  boasting,  as  was  his  custom 
in  his  letters  to  Rome,  that  the  greatest  pleasure  he  enjoyed 
was  every  day  to  save  the  lives  of  some  Romans  who  had 
taken  up  arms  against  him.  He  ordered  Pompey's  head, 
which  had  been  brought  to  him,  to  be  buried  with  great  cer- 
emony, and  erected  a  temple  to  Nemesis,  the  goddess  of  re- 
venge. The  ashes  of  Pompey's  burnt  body  were  afterwards 
sent  to  Italy,  and  delivered  to  his  wife,  who  deposited  them 
at  his  house  in  the  vicinity  of  the  city  of  Alba. 

Cesar  was  early  chained  to  Egypt,  and  risked  his  rising 
glory,  reputation,  and  life,  by  involving  himself  in  tumults 
and  war  to  gratify  the  vanity  and  ambition  of  the  infamous 
and  undeservedly  celebrated  Cleopatra.  This  princess  had 
claimed  the  right,  derived  from  the  will  of  her  father,  to 
share  the  kingdom  with  her  brother.  Instigated  by  his  nfiin- 
isters,  he  not  only  refused  her  request,  but  expelled  her  from 
Egypt.  She  retired  into  Syria,  raised  an  army,  and  led  them 
against  her  brother.  As  the  kingdom  was  under  the  pro- 
tection of  Rome,  Cesar  summoned  them  before  him,  and,  as 
the  chief  of  the  empire,  he  heard  their  respective  complaints, 
and  decided  that  they  should  reign  jointly ;  and  granted 
Cyprus  to  their  younger  brother,  called  also  Ptolemy,  and 
their  sister  Arsinoe.  This  decision  pleased  the  Egyptians ; 
but  they  were  easily  persuaded  by  Pathinus,  an  eunuch,  the 


J 


#= 


THE  FOURTH,  OR  ROMAN  EMPIRE.  iSl 

Rimister  who  chiefly  governed  their  king,  to  believe  that 
Cesar  designed  to  deliver  them  wholly  over  to  Cleopatra. 
He  persuaded  his  colleague  Achillas  to  lead  an  army  oi 
twenty  thousand  men  to  Alexandria.  Thus  originated  a 
sanguinary  war  with  Cesar,  who,  notwithstanding  the  small-* 
ness  of  his  army,  maintained  his  position  till  he  obtained  the 
assistance  of  a  fleet  and  army,  more  than  sufficient  to  destroy 
his  opponents,  and  enable  him  to  reduce  the  Egyptians  into 
subjection.  He  conferred  the  kingdom  on  Cleopatra;  and 
to  please  the  people,  who  were  averse  to  female  rule,  com- 
pelled her  to  marry  her  surviving  brother,  who  was  only 
eleven  years  old. 

The  Jews  having  efficiently  aided  Cesar  in  Egypt,  were 
highly  honoured  by  him ;  for  he  restored  them  to  the  full 
enjoyment  of  the  peculiar  privileges  which  had  been  granted 
them  by  the  first  kings  of  the  Grecian  dynasty.  And  to  their 
brethren  in  Judea  he  was  not  less  generous  and  courteous, 
when  he  passed  through  Syria  to  Asia  to  put  an  end  to  the 
commotions  which  were  excited  in  the  provinces  by  Phar- 
naces,  son  of  Mithridates  the  Great.  He  so  speedily  and 
completely  put  an  end  to  the  attempt  of  this  prince  to  recover 
Pontus  and  other  regions  over  which  his  father  had  reigned, 
that  in  a  letter  to  a  friend  he  thus  briefly  describes  his  suc- 
cess: "  Veni,  vidi,  vici,"  1  came,  I  saw,  I  conquered 

"  When  the  news  of  Cesar's  triumph  and  Pompey's  death 
reached  Rome,  the  senate  and  people  strove  who  should  be- 
stow most  honours  on  the  conqueror,  now  absolute  master  of 
their  liberties,  lives,  and  fortunes.  He  was,  by  the  unani- 
mous consent  of  all  the  orders  of  the  republic,  proclaimed 
consul  for  five  years ;  named  dictator,  contrary  to  the  ancient 
custom,  not  for  six  months  only,  but  for  a  whole  year ;  de- 
clared tribune  of  the  people,  and  head  of  that  college  for 
his  life ;  empowered  to  make  peace  and  war  with  whom  he 
pleased,  and  to  levy  what  forces  he  thought  necessary ;  so 
that  all  the  dignities  and  power  of  the  republic  now  centred 
in  Cesar,  who,  without  any  violence  or  proscriptions,  was 
raised  to  a  higher  pitch  of  power  and  authority  than  Sylla 
had  acquired  by  the  death  and  banishment  of  so  many  citi- 
zens. As  the  new  dictator  could  not  then  go  in  person  to 
Rome,  to  take  possession  of  the  many  dignities  conferred 
upon  him,  he  appointed  Marc  Antony  his  general  of  the 
horse,  and  sent  him  with  a  detachment  of  troops  to  the  capital, 
committing  to  him  the  government  of  Italy  during  his  ab- 
sence." 


# 


132  THE   FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

Having,  in  two  years,  settled  the  affairs  of  Egypt.  Syria, 
Asia,  and  Greece,  he  suddenly  returned  to  Rome,  laden  with 
wealth  and  the  trophies  of  many  victories.  The  news  of  his 
arrival  at  Tarentum  brought  him  many  Roman  citizens  to 
'  congratulate  him  on  his  triumphs,  and  not  a  few  to  implore 
his  clemency.  Among  the  latter  was  Cicero,  whom  he  re- 
ceived with  strong  expressions  of  pleasure.  His  presence 
was  longed  for  in  Rome,  whose  citizens  were  kept  in  a  state 
of  continual  agitation,  alarm,  and  terror,  by  the  arbitrary  and 
despotic  rule  of  M.  Antony,  and  the  violent  and  dissolute 
conduct  of  him  and  his  soldiers ;  and  not  less  by  the  ambi- 
tious and  turbulent  spirit  of  the  tribune  Dolabella,  who,  in 
opposition  to  Antony,  assiduously  laboured  to  persuade  the 
comitium  to  pass  a  decree  remitting  all  debts.  Cesar  entered 
the  city  without  any  parade,  accompanied  by  a  small  number 
of  his  soldiers.  Peace  was  instantly  restored ;  his  will  was 
law,  "  though  he  affected  to  govern  according  to  the  ancient 
laws  of  the  republic,  and  pretended  to  leave  the  senate  and 
people  in  possession  of  their  former  privileges.  Thus  no 
change,  in  appearance,  was  visible  in  Rome ;  yet  all  orders 
of  men  were  subjected  to  the  sovereign  will  of  the  dictator." 
Neither  the  assembly  of  the  senators  nor  that  of  the  people 
presumed  to  dispose  of  any  appointments  for  the  government 
of  the  city  and  provinces,  except  as  he  dictated.  While, 
however,  he  was  thus,  in  reality,  the  absolute  sovereign  of 
the  empire,  a  powerful  party  remained,  and  was  daily  ac- 
quiring strength,  to  render  uncertain  the  permanence  of  his 
power.  He  chose  not  to  leave  the  subduing  of  these  to  his 
officers ;  for  his  army  rarely  triumphed  when  he  was  not  at 
their  head.  Having  therefore  restored  tranquillity  to  Italy, 
he  ordered  his  troops  to  assemble,  and  ships  to  be  prepared 
for  their  embarkation,  at  Lillyboeum,  the  modern  Marsala,  a 
city  seated  on  the  western  extremity  of  Sicily,  nearly  oppo- 
site Carthage  in  Africa,  where  almost  all  the  surviving 
friends  of  Pompey  and  of  the  liberty  of  the  republic  had 
taken  refuge.  "  Three  hundred  citizens,  many  of  them  sen- 
ators, and  exiles  from  Italy,  as  well  as  settlers  in  that  pro- 
vince, had  assembled  at  Utica,  and  considering  every  other 
part  of  the  empire  as  under  the  influence  of  a  violent  usurpa- 
tion, stated  themselves  as  the  only  free  remains  of  the  Roman 
republic ;  held  their  meetings  in  the  capacity  of  senate  and 
people;  authorised,  under  these  titles,  the  levies  that  were 
made  in  the  province,  and  contributed  largely  to  supply  the 
expense  of  the  war.     Many  oflicers  of  name  and  of  rank, 


« 


T 


# 


THE  FOURTH,   OIL   ROMAN   EMFIRB.  138 

Labienus,  Afranius^  Petreius,  as  well  as  Scipio  and  Cato, 
with  all  the  remains  they  had  saved  from  the  wreck  at  Phar- 
salia,  were  now  ready  to  renew  the  war  on  this  ground.  The 
name  of  Scipio  was  reckoned  ominous  of  success  in  Africa, 
and  that  of  Cato,  even  if  the  origin  or  occasion  of  the  pres- 
ent contest  were  unknown,  was  held  a  sufficient  mark  to 
distinguish  the  side  of  justice,  and  the  cause  of  the  republic. 
These  leaders  of  the  republican  party  having  a  considerable 
force  at  sea,  and  having  access  to  all  the  ports,  not  only  ot 
Africa,  but  likewise  of  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  Spain,  had  fur- 
nished themselves  plentifully  with  all  the  necessaries  for  war. 
They  had  mustered  ten  legions,  which,  according  to  the  es- 
tablishment of  that  time,  may  have  amounted  to  fifty  thou- 
sand Roman  foot.  They  had  twenty  thousand  African 
horse,  a  great  body  of  archers  and  slingers,  with  a  hundred 
and  twenty  elephants."  They  expected  to  be  joined  by  Juba, 
king  of  Numidia,  whose  military  talents  had  been  displayed 
by  his  signal  victory  over  the  army  commanded  by  Curio, 
whom  Cesar  had  sent  to  take  possession  of  Africa.  The  re- 
publican army  were  extremely  desirous  to  be  commanded  by 
Cato ;  but  this  enthusiastic  votary  of  the  republic,  and  most 
generous  and  just  philosopher,  declined  to  violate  the  law  of 
his  country  by  accepting  an  honour  which  was  expressly 
limited  to  the  highest  officers  of  the  state.  He  therefore  pro- 
posed that  Scipio,  father-in-law  of  Pompey,  and  of  consular 
rank,  should  be  appointed  general. 

Cesar  owed  much  of  the  success  of  his  greatest  enterprises 
to  his  studied  care  to  take  his  enemies  by  surprise.  To  effect 
this,  he  had  sailed  in  the  stormy  season  against  Pompey,  and 
came  on  him  unexpectedly.  In  like  manner,  it  was  after  the 
republican  fleet,  under  the  command  of  Varus,  had  been  laid 
up  at  Utica  for  the  stormy  season,  that  Cesar  braved  the  dan- 
gers of  the  ocean  to  encounter  his  opponents  in  Africa.  He 
reached  Sicily  before  many  ships  or  troops  were  collected. 
Leaving  orders  for  them  to  follow,  he  put  to  sea  with  the  first 
fair  wind,  and  landed  at  Adrumetum  with  not  more  than 
three  thousand  men,  ahhough  he  knew  that  a  force  greatly 
superior,  under  Considius,  an  able  officer,  was  ready  to  op- 
pose him.  His  boldness  imposed  on  Considius,  who  had  no 
idea  that  he  would  have  ventured  on  shore  with  a  small 
band ;  and  his  sudden  appearance  alarmed  and  perplexed 
the  garrison.  The  gates  were  shut,  and  the  troops  placed  to 
defend  themselves,  when  they  ought  to  have  attacked  the  in- 
truder.    Cesar  having  in  vain  attempted,  by  threatening  and 

VOL.  u.  12 


•= 


# 


m- 


134  THE    FOURTH,    OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 


fiattery,  to  induce  the  faithful  officer  to  submit,  marched 
southwards  to  the  cities  of  Ruspina  and  Leptis,  where  he  was 
at  once  adnutted.  Becoming  impatient  for  his  fleet,  he  had 
gone  on  board  of  a  ship  in  the  evening,  with  intention  to  set 
sail  early  on  the  next  morning.  On  the  return  of  light,  some 
of  the  vessels  were  seen,  and  he  had  soon  the  gratification  of 
receiving  the  greater  number  of  his  troops,  whom  he  led  in 
a  kind  of  triumph  to  Ruspina,  and  stationed  between  the 
town  and  the  shore.  He  repelled  one  attack  of  his  oppo- 
nents, but  their  number  in  a  short  period  placed  him  in  a 
critical  position ;  for  he  was  shut  up  in  his  entrenchments, 
and  prevented  from  obtaining  supplies  from  the  country.  He, 
however,  was  relieved  by  procuring  provisions  from  the 
island  of  Cercina,  to  which  he  had  sent  Sallust  the  historian, 
with  a  few  soldiers;  and  at  the  same  time  a  considerable 
number  of  troops  arrived,  with  a  large  supply  of  food.  Thus 
strengthened,  he  advanced  on  the  adjacent  fortified  town  of 
Utica.  After  besieging  it  a  short  time,  he  resolved  to  search 
for  a  situation  more  favourable  for  meeting  the  enemy  in  a 
general  battle.  At  length  he  posted  his  army  at  Thapsus, 
the  principal  seaport  and  garrison  in  the  southern  boundaries 
of  the  Roman  province.  The  republican  general  Scipio, 
and  Juba,  with  their  respective  armies,  continued  to  follow 
and  harass  him,  in  hope  of  wearing  him  out ;  but  unhappily 
they  adhered  not  to  this  wise  policy,  to  which  they  had  been 
strongly  urged  by  Cato,  who  was  left  in  charge  of  Utica. 
The  importance  of  Thapsus  determined  them  to  give  Cesar 
battle  rather  than  permit  him  to  reduce  it.  The  conflict  was 
short,  but  dreadfully  murderous ;  for  though  the  routed  army 
of  Scipio  cast  away  their  arms,  and  saluted  their  victorious 
countrymen,  yet  these,  like  so  many  beasts  of  prey  thirsting 
for  blood,  were  deaf  to  the  cry  of  the  vanquished,  and  even 
contrary  to  the  orders  of  their  own  general,  put  the  whole 
defenceless  multitude  to  the  sword.  So  furious  and  incon- 
trollable  was  their  rage  and  revenge,  that  they  fell  on  those 
of  their  own  officers  who  had  at  any  former  time  offended 
them ;  insomuch  that  not  a  few  of  the  highest  rank  fled  and 
concealed  themselves  till  the  fierce  passions  of  the  maniac 
troops  subsided.  On  the  following  day,  C.  Rebellius  was 
appointed  with  three  legions  to  continue  the  siege  of  Thap 
sus ;  and  M.  Messala,  with  a  party  of  cavalry,  was  ordered 
to  march  on  Utica,  to  which  Cesar  was  quickly  to  condud 
all  the  other  divisions  of  his  army. 

The  report  of  his  victory  preceded  him,  and  carried  terror 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN    EMPIRE.  135 

and  despair  into  the  hearts  of  the  Romans,  and  consternation 
seized  all  the  citizens ;  but  the  distress  of  the  former  was  ex- 
ceedingly augmented  from  the  knowledge  that  the  latter 
favoured  the  cause  of  the  conqueror.  Cato  called  his  friends 
together,  and  sought  to  tranquillize  their  spirits  and  re- 
animate their  hopes,  by  entreating  them  to  reflect  that  the 
melancholy  news  might  be  exaggerated  ;  that  the  republir 
was  not  to  be  considered  utterly  ruined  by  the  loss  of  one 
battle ;  that  Spain  was  even  then  possessed  by  Pompey's  son, 
and  that  the  place  was  strong,  their  number  considerable, 
and  that  they  had  abundance  of  arms  and  provisions.  Hope 
was  momentarily  excited,  but  it  was  speedily  expelled  by  re- 
flection, and  complete  despondency  filled  every  heart.  While 
deliberating  how  to  act,  a  band  of  Scipio's  cavalry,  who  had 
escaped  the  sword,  presented  themselves  at  the  gates,  and 
threatened  to  kill  every  Roman  who  proposed  submission  to 
Cesar.  Cato,  with  diflicuhy,  turned  them  from  their  bar- 
barous purpose,  and  consented  that  his  friends  should  make 
their  peace  with  Cesar;  but  many  senators,  who  either  de- 
termined to  persevere  in  their  resistance,  or  who  had  no 
hopes  of  his  favour,  escaped  by  sea,  and  sailed  to  seek  refuge 
with  the  sons  of  Pompey.  Many  of  those  who  remained 
were  put  to  death  by  Messala,  who  entered  the  city  before 
his  great  general,  who  was,  however,  now  little  disposed  to 
restrain  his  followers  from  revenge  ;  for  he  no  longer  deemed 
it  expedient  to  seek  popularity  by  showing  generosity  and 
compassion,  which  were  aliens  from  his  bosom.  Cato,  cher- 
ishing his  patriotic  and  stoical  sentiments,  disdained  to  owe 
his  life  to  the  enemy  of  his  country,  and  refused  to  survive 
its  liberty.  He  deliberately  killed  himself,  for  his  spurious 
philosophy  taught  him  to  believe  that  man  has  the  right  to 
dispose  of  his  life  in  the  manner  which  he  judges  proper. 
Juba,  king  of  Numidia,  with  Petreius,  fled  to  Zama,  a  strong 
fortress,  containing  h'ls  family  and  wealth,  with  the  avowed 
purpose  of  consuming  himself  and  the  whole  by  fire.  Not 
being  admitted,  he  retired  to  one  of  his  palaces,  and  after  a 
splendid  entertainment,  the  desperate  fugitives  fell  on  their 
swords  and  perished.  Numidia  and  Mauritania  were  quickly 
conquered  and  constituted  a  Roman  province,  and  placed 
under  the  dissipated  bold  soldier,  and  able  historian,  Sallust. 

Thus  Providence  was  preparing  Northern  Africa  for  the  in- 
troduction of  Christianity,  which  at  no  very  distant  period  ex- 
hibited there,  on  an  extensive  scale,  some  of  its  greatest  conflicts 
and  noblest  trophies ;    and  these  were  particularly  seen  in 


#= 


196  THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

Carthage,  which  was  rebuilt  about  this  time  by  the  order  of 
Cesar,  who  had  also,  early  the  same  year,  when  passing 
through  Greece,  caused  Corinth  to  be  restored,  a  city  celebrated 
in  future  times  for  its  numerous  converts  to  Christ. 

The  most  unprincipled  politician,  the  most  sanguinary 
warrior,  the  most  cruel  tyrant,  in  common  with  the  robber, 
assassinator,  and  prostitute,  on  certain  occasions,  assume 
extreme  reverence  for  the  ceremonies  of  religion,  and  appear 
the  devoutest  worshippers.  Accordingly,  Cesar,  on  returning 
to  Rome,  accompanied  by  the  entire  multitude  of  citizens,  who 
had  met  him  at  a  little  distance  from  the  city,  immediately 
proceeded  to  the  capitol  to  give  thanks  to  Jupiter  for  the  suc- 
cess of  his  arms.  Now  the  senate  and  comitium  emulated 
who  should  most  zealously  load  him  with  honours.  "  Sup 
plications  were  appointed,  and  sacrifices  ordered  to  be  offered 
daily  in  the  temples,  for  forty  days,  in  thanksgiving  to  the 
gods  for  the  victories  he  had  gained  in  Africa.  His  dictator- 
ship was  prolonged  for  ten  years,  and  the  dignity  of  censor, 
which  had  been  hitherto  divided  between  two  magistrates, 
conferred  on  him  alone,  under  the  title  of  praefect,  or  reformer 
of  manners.  His  person  was  declared  sacred  and  inviolable ; 
and,  to  raise  him  above  the  level  of  his  fellow-citizens,  it  was 
decreed,  that  he  should  sit,  during  his  life,  next  to  the  consuls ; 
that  he  should  give  his  opinion  first  in  all  public  deliberations ; 
that  he  should  sit  at  public  shows  in  a  curule  chair ;  and  that, 
even  after  his  death,  the  chair  should  be  placed  as  usual  at 
the  shows,  to  render  his  memory  immortal ;  lastly,  they  placed 
his  statue  in  the  capitol  next  to  that  of  Jupiter,  with  this 
inscription  on  the  pedestal,  "  To  Cesar,  a  demigod."  Cesar 
had  too  much  penetration  not  to  know  that  this  profusion  of 
honours  was  the  effect  of  fear,  and  not  of  any  sincere  affection 
for  him ;  and  therefore,  in  accepting  such  marks  of  distinction, 
he  declared,  that  he  would  make  no  other  use  of  his  authority 
than  to  prevent  any  farther  disturbances  in  the  republic,  and 
to  render  all  the  members  of  it  happy.  His  speech,  and  the 
pardon  he  granted  a  few  days  after  to  M.  Claudius  Marcellus, 
one  of  his  most  inveterate  enemies,  calmed  the  fears  both  of 
the  senate  and  the  people.  The  dictator  having,  by  his  clem- 
ency, delivered  the  senators  from  their  fears,  summoned  the 
people,  and  appearing  in  the  assembly  more  like  a  common 
citizen  than  a  victorious  general,  returned  them  thanks,  in  a 
most  obliging  manner,  for  their  attachment  to  his  person:  he 
then  entertained  them  with  a  particular  account  of  his  victo- 
ries, observing,  that  he  had,  by  his  last  victory,  subdued  a 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN    EMPIRE.  137 

country  so  rich,  and  of  such  extent,  that  it  would  yearly  sup- 
ply the  city  with  two  hundred  thousand  bushels  of  corn,  and 
three  millions  of  measures  of  oil.  In  consideration  of  the 
many  conquests  he  had  made,  four  triumphs  were  decreed 
him  by  the  senate  and  people.  He  triumphed  four  times  in 
one  month,  for  his  victories  over  the  Gauls,  Egypt,  Pharnaces, 
and  Juba.  In  the  first  triumph,  were  carried  before  his 
chariot-,  the  names  of  three  hundred  nations,  and  eight  hun- 
dred cities,  which  he  had  reduced  by  the  death  of  a  million 
of  enemies.  Among  the  prisoners  appeared  Vercingetorix, 
who  had  excited  all  Gaul  against  Cesar,  and  attempted  to 
relieve  Alecia,  at  the  head  of  three  hundred  thousand  men. 
His  soldiers  followed,  crowned  with  laurel,  and  the  whole 
city  attended  him  with  loud  acclamations.  He  mounted  the 
steps  of  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus,  on  his  knees,  and 
having  sacrificed  to  that  god,  cancelled  the  fulsome  inscription 
which  had  been  engraved  on  the  pedestal  of  his  statue.  The 
second  triumph  was  over  Egypt,  when  the  pictures  of  Ptolemy, 
Photinus,  and  Achillas,  were  carried  before  the  triumphal 
chariot,  with  representations  of  the  cities  of  Pelusium  and 
Alexandria,  of  the  palace  of  the  Egyptian  kings,  and  of  the 
tower  of  Pharos.  Before  the  chariot  walked  many  prisoners 
of  distinction  ;  among  the  rest,  Arsinoe,the  sister  of  Cleopatra, 
loaded  with  chains :  but,  after  the  show,  she  was  set  at  liberty, 
and  only  banished  from  Eg3'^pt,  that  she  might  not  create  new 
disturbances  in  that  kingdom,  to  the  prejudice  of  Cleopatra. 
The  third  triumph  exhibited  the  defeat  of  Pharnaces,  king 
of  Pontus.  In  the  midst  of  the  spoils,  which  the  conqueror 
had  brought  from  Pontus,  Bithynia,  and  Galatia,  the  famous 
words,  "  Veni,  vidi,  vici,"  were  carried  on  a  table  in  large 
characters,  to  show  rather  the  dispatch  than  the  difficulty  or 
importance  of  that  victory.  The  subject  of  the  fourth  triumph 
was,  the  conquest  of  Africa  and  Numidia,  with  the  defeat  of 
Juba  and  his  allies.  In  this  triumph,  Juba,  the  son  of  king 
Juba,  who  was  then  very  young,  walked  among  the  other 
captives  before  the  triumphal  chariot ;  but,  when  the  show 
was  over,  Cesar  set  him  at  liberty,  and  gave  him  an  education 
suitable  to  his  rank,  appointing  masters  to  teach  him  the  Greek 
and  Latin  tongues,  and  such  sciences  as  the  youpg  noblemen 
»  of  Rome  studied  in  those  days.  The  vessels  of  gold  and 
silver,  which  in  these  triumphs  were  carried  before  the  con- 
queror, amounted  to  the  value  of  sixty-five  thousand  talents, 
above  twelve  millions  of  our  money,  besides  eighteen  hun 
dred  and  twenty-two  crowns  of  gold,  weighing  fifteen  thou 

12* 


« 


138  THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

sand  and  thirty-three  pounds,  which  were  presents  made  to 
him  by  princes  and  cities  after  his  victories.  With  these  sums 
he  paid  his  soldiers  their  arrears,  and,  besides  a  hundred  and 
fifty  pounds  of  our  money  to  every  private  man,  gave  as  much 
more  to  each  centurion,  and  thrice  the  sum  to  each  tribune 
and  commander  of  the  ravairy.  As  to  the  Roman  people, 
whose  favour  he  courted,  he  gave  to  each  person  ten  bushels 
of  corn,  ten  measures  of  oil,  and  added  a  hundred  denarii,  by 
way  of  interest,  to  the  three  hundred  he  had  promised  them 
before  he  set  out  for  Africa.  He  afterwards  entertained  the 
people  at  twenty-two  thousand  tables  with  six  thousand  mure- 
nas,  and  an  incredible  profusion  of  other  dainties  and  rich 
wines  ;  and,  that  nothing  might  be  wanting  to  the  pomp  and 
magnificence  of  these  feasts,  he  entertained  the  city  Avith  a 
combat  of  two  thousand  gladiators,  with  representations  of 
sea  and  land  fights,  in  which  were  three  or  four  thousand 
combatants  on  a  side,  and  with  all  sorts  of  plays,  farces,  and 
mimic  performances.  The  entertainments  lasted  several  days, 
and  drew  such  numbers  of  people  to  Rome,  that  many  of 
them  were  forced  to  lie  in  the  open  air,  and  some  were  stifled 
in  the  crowd. 

Cesar  having,  by  his  largesses,  entertainments,  and  shows, 
secured  the  affections  of  the  soldiery  and  people,  made  it  his 
study  to  reform  the  government,  and  establish  order  in  the 
city.  As  many  of  the  inhabitants  had  lost  their  lives  in  the 
civil  war,  and  many  had  abandoned  their  native  country,  he 
appointed  great  privileges  and  exemptions  for  such  as  had 
numerous  families  ;  recalled  all  those  who  had  settled  in  for- 
eign countries,  and  invited  to  Rome,  from  all  parts  of  the 
world,  such  persons  as  were  in  repute  for  their  learning  and 
knowledge ;  granting  them,  for  their  encouragement,  all  the 
rights  and  privileges  of  Roman  citizens.  At  the  same  time 
he  published  a  law,  forbidding  all  citizens,  above  twenty  years 
of  age,  and  under  forty,  to  absent  themselves  from  the  capital 
more  than  three  years,  on  any  pretence  whatever.  By  other 
laws,  he  restrained  the  profuse  way  of  living  which  at  that 
time  prevailed  in  Rome  and  all  over  Italy ;  he  confined  the 
use  of  litters  and  embroidered  robes  and  jewels  to  persons  of 
the  first  rank,  or  of  large  estates  ;  he  limited  the  expense  of 
feasts  by  many  sumptuary  laws,  which  he  caused  to  be  put  in 
execution  with  the  utmost  rigour,  his  officers  often  breaking 
into  the  houses  of  the  rich  citizens,  and  snatching  from  their 
tables  such  dishes  as  had  been  served  up  contrary  to  his  pro- 
hibition.    All  the  markets  swarmed  with  informers,  so  that 


i 


^^P 


•  f 


THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  ''tW 

nothing"  could  be  carried  thither,  or  sold,  without  his  know- 
ledge ;  and  he  never  failed  to  punish  with  heavy  fines  such 
as  he  found  guilty  of  the  least  breach  of  the  laws  he  had  en- 
acted. As  for  the  management  of  the  public  money,  he  re- 
served that  entirely  to  himself;  but  committed  the  administra- 
tion of  justice  to  the  senators  and  knights,  choosing  from  them 
such  persons  as  were  remarkable  for  their  integrity  and  pro- 
bity. As  his  long  command  in  Gaul  had  given  him  an  op- 
portunity of  usurping  an  absolute  power,  to  prevent  others 
from  treading  in  his  footsteps,  he  ordained,  by  a  law,  that  no 
praetor  should  be  continued  in  his  government  above  a  year, 
and  no  consular  above  two.  All  the  magistrates  in  Rome, 
as  well  as  in  the  provinces,  were  appointed  by  him,  the  peo- 
ple whom  he  suffered  to  assemble  in  the  comitium,  to  main- 
tain at  least  some  appearance  of  a  republican  state,  not  daring 
to  choose  any  but  such  as  he  proposed  or  recommended ;  by 
which  means  all  the  places  and  governments  were  filled  with 
his  creatures.  The  tribunes,  the  praetors,  the  quaestors,  and 
even  the  consuls,  were  all  persons  who  had  served  under  him, 
inviolably  attached  to  his  interest.  The  government  of  the 
countries  subject  to  the  republic  was  committed  to  such  only 
as  the  dictator  thought  he  could  confide  in.  Thus  Sicily  was 
allotted  to  A.  Allienus,  Cisalpine  Gaul  to  M.  Junius  Brutus, 
Transalpine  Gaul  to  another  Junius  Brutus,  surnamed  Albi- 
nus,  Achaia  to  Servius  Sulpitius,  Numidia  to  Crispus  Salus- 
tius,  lUyricum  to  P.  Vatinius,  Syria  to  Q,.  Cornificius,  and 
Spain  to  Q,.  Cassius  Longinus,"  so  that  the  authority  of  Cesar 
seemed  equally  established  in  the  metropolis  and  in  the  most 
distant  provinces  of  the  vast  empire. 

Such  was  the  reception  given  Cesar  on  his  return  from  Af- 
rica ;  and  from  this  time  may  be  dated  the  commencement  of 
the  triumphant  reign  of  pure  despotism  throughout  all  the  do- 
minions of  Rome.  No  future  event  of  the  citizens  was  effec- 
tual to  restore  even  the  shadow  of  liberty ;  it  was  for  ever 
buried,  according  to  the  computation  of  those  who  had  most  ac- 
curate knowledge  of  the  contest  of  Cesar  for  sovereignty,  in 
the  blood  of  400,000  Romans.  He  virtually  obtained  the 
wish  of  his  heart,  but  could  neither,  by  his  own  policy  nor 
by  the  assistance  of  his  friends,  prevail  on  the  people  publicly 
to  confer  on  him  the  title  of  a  king.  He  feh  compelled,  in 
consequence  of  the  marked  disapprobation  of  the  people,  to 
decline  accepting  of  it,  when,  on  his  triumphant  return  from 
Spain,  Antony,  with  the  authority  of  consul,  in  a  festival  as- 
sembly presented  him  a  crown,  saying,  "  This  crown  the  Ro- 


-m 


140  THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

man  people  confer  on  Cesar  by  my  hands."  To  flatter  his 
vanity,  his  refusal  was  inserted  in  the  public  records,  in  lan- 
guage conveying  equal  honour,  "  That  the  consul,  having,  by 
order  of  the  people,  presented  a  crown,  and  offered  to  confer 
the  majesty  of  king  on  Caius  Julius  Cesar,  perpetual  dicta- 
tor, he  had  declined  to  receive  it." 

Among  the  acts  of  Cesar  which  justly  claimed  for  him  the 
applause  of  posterity,  we  may  notice  the  reform  of  the  Ro- 
man calendar.  This  he  effected  before  he  departed  for  Spain. 
It  was  a  most  necessary  work ;  for  by  the  errors  of  the  former 
calendar,  consisting  of  355  days  only,  the  festivals  of  the  Ro- 
mans were  removed  by  degrees,  and  put  out  of  their  due  time, 
till  at  last  they  came  to  fall  in  with  seasons  quite  opposite  to 
those  of  their  primitive  institution.  Cesar,  guided  by  the  prin- 
ciples established  by  the  astronomers  of  Egypt,  undertook, 
and  happily  completed  that  reformation  which  the  world,  in 
all  succeeding  ages,  have  found  most  important. 

Either  confident  that  he  was  exalted  far  above  all  opponents, 
or  feiscinated  by  Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt  who,  on  his  invi- 
tation, had  visited  Rome,  and  taken  up  her  residence  in  his 
palace,  Cesar  remained  so  long  in  Italy  that  the  two  sons  of 
Pompey  had  raised  a  most  powerful  force  to  oppose  him. 
These  brothers,  regarded  as  soldiers,  were  worthy  of  their  fa- 
ther's name,  and  preferred  his  honour  to  their  own  life.  After 
his  fall  they  took  refuge  in  Spain,  encouraged  by  the  fact  that 
the  Roman  legions  stationed  there  had  declared  against  Cesar. 
They  soon  found  themselves  at  the  head  of  many  troops,  were 
favoured  by  many  Romans  settled  in  Spain ;  and  joined  by 
not  a  few  officers  of  rank,  who  had  escaped  from  the  sword 
of  Cesar,  in  Thessaly  and  Africa.  Numerous  nations  also 
supported  them,  from  respect  to  the  memory  of  their  father. 
Their  army  consisted  of  thirteen  legions,  and  they  had  taken 
possession  of  the  principal  towns.  It  was  with  difficulty  that 
the  officers  sent  by  Cesar  could  act  even  on  the  defensive. 
Hence  he  saw  the  necessity  of  placing  himself  at  the  head  of 
his  soldiers  in  Spain  j  and,  contrary  to  his  calculations  and 
hopes,  he  found  that,  notwithstanding  the  celebrity  and  dread 
of  his  name,  he  had  not  in  all  his  former  enterprises  run  an 
equal  risk  of  being  cast  down  from  his  high  place,  or  of  per- 
ishing on  the  field  of  battle.  Several  skirmishes  of  the  oppo- 
sing armies  in  the  province  of  Baetica,  the  modern  Andalusia, 
terminated  in  a  great  battle  near  Munda,  a  town  a  little  east 
of  Malacca,  the  present  Malaga.  Thousands  were  slain  in 
this  fierce  and  obstinate  combat,  and  though  Cesar  obtained 


THE   POtJRTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  141 

the  victory,  yet  he  confessed  that  hitherto  he  had  only  fought 
for  victory,  but  at  this  time  for  his  life.  Thirty  thousand  of 
his  opponents  were  slain  before  their  army  were  overcome ; 
and  multitudes  who  fled  were  overtaken  and  put  to  death  by 
the  victors.  Cesar,  after  settling  Spain,  returned  to  Rome, 
and  demanded  a  triumph,  not  only  for  himself  but  also  for  two 
of  his  principal  officers.  This  was  a  new  scene  to  the  Ro- 
mans, for  it  was  the  first  triumph  on  acount  of  victory  obtained 
over  fellow  citizens,  and  it  provoked  the  wrath  of  all  ranks. 
But  they  saw  it  expedient  to  conceal  their  displeasure  and  sor- 
row j  and  meanly  devised  how  they  might  most  expressively 
honour  the  man,  who  had  enslaved  them.  "  A  thanksgiving 
was  appointed  to  be  continued  for  fifty  days  :  and  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  twentieth  of  April,  b.  c.  49,  the  day  on  which  the 
news  of  the  victory  at  Munda  reached  Rome,  was  ordered  to 
be  for  ever  celebrated  with  the  most  splendid  games  of  the 
circus."  Cesar  now  assumed  all  the  dignity  and  magnificence 
of  a  great  monarch.  He  received  the  senate,  when  they  pre- 
sented their  decrees,  seated  on  a  royal  seat,  and  stretched  out 
his  hand  to  each  senator  as  he  approached.  He  showed  lit- 
tle respect  for  the  dignities  or  customs  of  the  senate ;  increased 
its  numbers  at  pleasure,  by  inserting  in  the  rolls  persons  of 
every  description,  to  the  amount  of  nine  hundred.  He  aug- 
mented the  number  of  praetors  to  fourteen,  and  that  of  quaes- 
tors to  forty ;  and  even,  without  requiring  that  his  friends  should 
pass  through  these  offices,  rewarded  them  at  pleasure  with 
the  titular  honour*?  of  consul  ir,  praetorian,  patrician,  <&lc.  ;  and 
extended  his  munificence  likewise  to  the  provinces,  by  admit- 
ting aliens  separately,  or  in  collective  bodies,  to  the  privilege  or 
appellation  of  Roman  citizens.  He  named  himself  and  M. 
Antony  consuls  for  the  following  year ;  and  persevered  in  ap- 
pearing with  all  the  ensigns,  and  in  exercising  all  the  powers 
of  dictator.  While  this  extraordinary  man  was  devising  plans, 
to  accomplish  which  would  huve  required  more  than  the  long- 
est life,  his  days  were  numbered,  and  his  last  hour  was  on  the 
wing.  Success  imparted  to  his  boundless  ambition  inexpres- 
sible intensity  ;  he  projected  whatever  appeared  calculated  to 
perpetuate  his  fame.  He  purposed  to  render  Rome  the  most 
magnificent  city,  and  Italy  the  finest  country  on  the  globe ; 
next  to  these  objects  he  sought  to  restore  all  the  splendid 
works  which  had  been  injured  or  destroyed  by  the  dreadful 
and  destructive  wars  of  many  former  generations.  Thus  he 
intimate- 1>  among  other  things,  his  design  to  drain  the  great 
marshes  which  rendered  the  air  so  unheahhy,  and  so  much 


i 


142  THE    FOURTH,    OR    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

land  unserviceable  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome ;  to  cut 
across  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  to  erect  moles,  and  form  harbours 
on  the  coast  of  Italy ;  to  make  highways  across  the  Apen- 
nines ;  to  build  a  new  theatre  that  should  exceed  that  of  Pom- 
pey ;  to  erect  public  libraries,  and  make  a  navigable  canal 
from  the  Anio  and  the  Tiber  to  the  sea  at  Teracina ;  to  build 
a  magnificent  temple  to  Mars.  He  sent  Roman  colonies  to 
Corinth  and  Carthage.  He  resolved  to  revenge  the  death  of 
Crassus  by  conquering  Parthia ;  and  to  advance  to  Hyrcania, 
and  the  coasts  of  the  Caspian  sea  into  Scythia  ;  from  thence, 
by  the  shores  of  the  Euxine  Sea,  into  Sarmatia,  Decia,  and 
Germany ;  and  from  thence,  by  his  own  late  conquests  in  Gaul, 
to  return  into  Italy  ;  for  this  purposd  he  had  already  sent  for- 
ward into  Macedonia  seventeen  legions  and  ten  thousand 
horse. 

In  the  prospect  of  proceeding  to  the  East,  he  assiduously 
laboured  to  conciliate  the  people,  and  to  secure  the  tranquilli 
ty  of  Rome,  Italy,  and  the  provinces.  He  proclamed  a  gen- 
eral amnesty,  and  confered  the  most  honourable  and  lucrative 
appointments  on  the  most  eminent  Romans,  including  not  a 
few  of  those  who  had  been  among  the  principal  defenders  of 
the  republic.  He  placed  Caius  Cassius  and  Marcus,  for  this 
year,  on  the  list  of  praetors,  and  intrusted  them  with  the  high- 
er jurisdiction  of  the  city.  To  the  widows  of  many  who  died 
in  opposition  to  himself,  he  restored  their  portions,  and  gave 
their  children  part  of  their  patrimony.  He  replaced  the  stat- 
ues of  Sylla  and  of  Pompey,  which  the  populace,  in  flattery 
to  himself,  had  thrown  down ;  "  and  by  this  means,"  says  Ci- 
cero, "  he  firmly  established  his  own." 

But  his  boldness,  generosity,  and  munificence,  failed  to  con- 
quer the  envy  and  revenge  of  many  of  the  highest  rank,  who 
contemplated  with  suspicion  and  fear  his  greatness  and  power. 
And  some  who  had  most  largely  shared  of  his  favours  basely 
veiled  their  malignant  purpose  to  destroy  him,  by  joining  in 
the  unbounded  homage  and  adulation  which  he  received  from 
the  multitude.  Thus  the  senate  decreed  that  one  of  the  months 
should  be  called  by  his  name ;  and  that  his  statue  should  be 
set  up  in  all  the  cities  of  the  empire,  and  ordered  money  to  be 
stamped  with  his  image,  sacrifices  to  be  offered  on  his  birth- 
day, and  debated  on  the  propriety  of  enrolling  him  instantly  in 
the  number  of  the  gods;  while,  at  the  same  time,  not  fewer  thar 
sixty  senators  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  cut  him  off.  At 
the  head  of  these  were  C.  Cassius,  who  had  long  consulted 
to  kill  him,  and  M.  Brutus,  who  boasted  of  his  descent  from 


# 


\ 


THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  .43 

Junius  Brutus,  the  great  deliverer  of  the  Romans  from  the  tyr- 
anny of  her  ancient  kings. 

Cesar  having  fixed  on  March,  b.  c.  44,  for  his  departure, 
the  senate  were  summoned  to  assemble  on  the  fifteenth  of  the 
month  to  decide  whether  it  was  expedient  or  necessary  to  as- 
sist in  the  fulfilment,  in  the  person  of  Cesar,  of  a  response  or 
prediction,  which  had  been  announced  by  the  college  of  au- 
gurs, denoting  that  the  Parthians  could  only  be  conquered  by 
a  king.  The  conspirators  determined  to  delay  no  longer 
their  treacherous  deed.  Cesar  was  warned,  but  he  braved 
the  danger,  acting  on  the  principle  which  he  had  openly 
avowed,  that  he  would  sooner  perish  by  treason  than  live  in 
perpetual  apprehension  of  death.  The  senate  met  in  Pompey's 
theatre,  and  the  chair  of  state  was  placed  near  the  statue  of 
that  great  man.  Around  it  Cesar's  enemies  were  seated. 
While  one  enoraffed  him  in  conversation,  another  raised  his 
sword ;  their  associates  enclosed  him ;  resistance  was  vain, 
and  while  their  swords  clashed  as  they  rushed  on  him,  he  is 
reported  to  have  wrapped  himself  up  m  his  splendid  robe,  fall- 
ing without  a  struggle  ;  and  thus,  as  he  had  studied  to  appear 
through  life  the  model  of  elegance  and  politeness,  so  he  grace- 
fully resigned  his  life.  Thus  vanity,  which  some  considered 
his  ruling  passion,  retained  its  sovereignty  over  him  till  the 
last  moment.  His  friends  and  dependants  were  struck  with 
a  panic ;  they  ran  into  the  street,  so  terrified  that  they  could 
give  no  account  of  the  horrid  scene.  Their  confusion  and 
cries  alarmed  the  citizens  ;  and  imagining  that  a  general  mas- 
sacre had  commenced,  all  retired  to  their  houses,  and  pre- 
pared to  defend  themselves  and  their  families.  No  magis- 
trate or  military  oificer  was  visible.  The  conspirators  took 
refuge  in  the  capitol,  and  waited  for  an  opportunity  to  glory 
in  their  crime,  and  call  on  the  Romans  to  accept  of  their  liber- 
ty and  re-establish  the  institutions  of  the  republic.  But  the 
patriotic  z^al  for  liberty  was  quenched ;  and  Antony,  who 
was  now  the  only  consul,  and  Lepidus,the  chief  of  the  guards 
of  the  city  and  of  the  forces  in  Italy,  were  in  a  short  time  able 
to  tranquillize  the  minds  of  the  people,  without  restoring  to 
them  their  former  power  or  privileges.  The  conspirators 
were  pardoned,  and  the  funeral  of  Cesar  was  celebrated  with 
great  solemnity.  The  public  oration  to  his  memory  by  An- 
tony was  evidently  designed  by  the  speaker  to  provoke  the 
indignation  of  the  multitude  against  the  conspirators,  and  ac- 
tually produced  a  tumult  which  threatened  the  ruin  of  the 
city.     The  houses  of  Brutus,  Cassius,  and  other  conspirators, 


144  THE   FOURTH,   OR   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

were  set  oh  &e,  and  many  suffered  death.  Antony  speedily 
assumed  more  than  legitimate  authority,  and  greatly  strength- 
ened himself  by  procuring  from  Calpurnia,  the  widow  of 
Cesar,  all  his  writings  ;  by  seizing  an  immense  sum  of  public 
money,  deposited  in  the  temple  of  Ops ;  and  by  gaining  the 
confidence  and  assistance  of  Lepidus.  Considering  himself 
the  only  one  worthy  to  succeed  Cesar,  and  determined  to 
maintain  the  system  of  government  which  he  had  adopted,  he 
expressed  the  highest  veneration  for  the  senate,  and  the  hum- 
blest respect  for  the  assemblies  of  the  people,  till  he  had  pre- 
vailed on  them  to  confirm  the  will  of  Cesar,  and  all  his  public 
and  private  acts,  and  to  cancel  the  appointments  which  Brutus 
and  Cassius  had  received,  for  others  which  were  far  less  im- 
portant. By  the  first,  he  undesignedly  provided  for  the  Ro- 
mans an  accomplished  statesman  and  absolute  sovereign  ;  and 
by  the  second  brought  on  the  last  struggle  and  agonies  of  the 
republic,  and  plunged  all  ranks  into  the  fearful  calamities  of 
civil  war,  throughout  the  principal  parts  of  the  empire.  Un- 
der the  pretence  of  executing  the  purposes  of  Cesar,  which  he 
said  were  recorded  in  memorials,  which  he  however  declined 
to  produce  to  the  senate,  Antony,  disregarding  all  forms  of 
law,  now  governed  with  all  the  power  of  a  military  despot, 
and  exceedingly  oppressed  all  ranks.  In  Lepidus  and  Octa- 
vius  he  found  able  coadjutors  in  the  work  of  devastation ;  and 
the  latter,  with  consummate  policy,  employed  the  former  to 
raise  him  far  above  them,  by  engaging  them  in  measure* 
which  each  of  them  thought  calculated  to  render  himself  the 
entire  sovereign  of  the  empire. 


I 


# 


CHAPTER    VIII. 


THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE. 


OCTAVIUS   AND   ANTONY. 

Lepidus  was  neither  distinguished  for  talents  nor  virtue. 
He  was  one  of  the  praetors  of  Rome  when  Cesar  assumed 
.he  sovereignty  of  the  empire,  and  was  intrusted  by  him  with 
command  of  the  army  of  Italy,  because  every  other  magis- 
trate of  rank  declined  to  sanction  his  usurpation.  Marcus  or 
Marc  Antony  was  the  grandson  of  a  celebrated  Roman  orator 
of  the  same  name.  He  was  eloquent,  bold,  and  active,  but 
notorious  for  his  profligacy,  insomuch  that  his  father  expelled 
him  from  the  family.  Curio  supplied  him  with  money,  and 
introduced  him  to  Cesar,  who  found  him  the  most  efficient 
instrument  in  promoting  his  designs.  He  served  him  with 
equal  success  at  the  head  of  his  troops,  in  the  meetings  of 
the  senate  and  comitium,  and  in  the  social  assemblies  of 
Rome.  Antony  was  colleague  with  Cesar  in  the  consulate, 
and  hence  perhaps  had  no  doubt  that,  with  the  command  of 
an  army,  he  should  find  little  difficulty  to  succeed  to  his 
power.  In  order  to  this,  and  to  secure  the  services  of  Lepi- 
dus,  he  promised  to  put  him  in  possession  of  the  highest 
honours  which  he  desired.  Among  others,  he  procured  for 
him  the  office  of  pontifex  maximus.  Supported  by  the  Italian 
army,  he  ceased  to  consult  in  public  affairs  the  will  of  the 
senate,  and  persuaded  the  assembly  of  the  people  to  give  him 
the  government  of  Cisalpine  Gaul,  which  Decimus  Brutus, 
one  of  the  conspirators,  held  by  the  appointment  of  Cesar, 
notwithstanding  that  he  had  strenuously  and  successfully  la- 
boured to  procure  the  public  confirmation  of  all  the  official, 
and  even  private  acts  of  that  ruler.  This  exceedingly 
strengthened  the  suspicions  entertained  of  the  illegitimacy  of 
his  views  and  designs ;  and  the  friends  of  the  republic  there- 
fore rejoiced  on  learning  that  he  had  offended  Octavius,  who 
had  demanded  him  to  deliver  up  Cesar's  papers  and  money. 

VOL.  n.  13 


1 


» 


146  E8TABL1SHMEN1    OF   THE   ROMAN   EBfPIRE. 

He,  doubtless,  presumed  that  he  had  not  much  to  apprehena 
from  a  youth  of  eighteen,  who  now  for  the  first  time  pre- 
sented himself  to  the  public.  But  Caius  Octavius,  known 
better  by  his  lofty  title,  Augustus,  possessed  the  talents  of  his 
family ;  and  though  he  never  discovered  the  qualities  most 
necessary  for  a  soldier,  yet  he  was  one  of  the  most  accom- 
plished politicians,  and  rarely  or  never  failed  to  devise  the 
most  appropriate  means,  and  select  the  most  able  associates  or 
agents,  to  attain  his  ends.  He  was  the  grand-nephew  and 
adopted  son  of  Cesar;  his  mother,  Attia,  was  daughter  of 
Julia,  the  beloved  sister  of  Cesar.  He  early  lost  his  father, 
Octavius,  who  died  on  .his  return  from  the  government  ot 
Macedon ;  but  he  experienced  all  a  father's  aflfection  and 
care  in  Philippus,  whom  his  mother  married.  He  received 
the  most  perfect  education  which  Italy  could  afford,  or  wealth 
command,  and  early  appeared  endowed  with  mental  superi- 
ority, and  personal  beauty  and  dignity.  Report  makes  him, 
at  nine  years  of  age,  harangue  the  people  with  astonishing 
boldness,  and  in  his  twelfth  year  pronounce  the  funeral  ora- 
tion of  his  grandmother  Julia.  Cesar  admired  and  loved 
him  as  a  son,  and  carried  him  to  Spain  that  he  might  acquire 
the  military  art ;  and  as  he  wished  Octavius  to  accompany 
him  in  his  expedition  against  Parthia,  he  had  sent  him  to 
Greece  that  he  might  improve  under  the  best  instructors  in 
eloquence  and  the  art  of  war,  and  be  ready  to  join  him  at 
Apollonia,  on  his  progress  to  the  East.  The  letters  of  his 
relations,  which  informed  him  of  the  melancholy  death  of 
Cesar,  admonished  him  to  return  in  the  most  private  manner 
to  Rome,  lest  he  should  be  killed  by  the  republicans,  who 
had  gained  the  temporary  ascendancy.  He  was  indisposed 
to  follow  their  advice,  for  he  instantly  determined  to  revenge 
the  death  of  his  grand-uncle,  and,  if  possible,  to  succeed  him 
in  power.  On  landing  at  Lupia,  a  harbour  not  far  from 
Brundusium,  he  sent  an  officer  to  ascertain  the  disposition  of 
the  troops.  Having  learned  that  they  were  prepared  to  pun- 
ish the  conspirators,  he  proceeded  to  the  city,  and  was  re- 
ceived with  all  the  honours  which  could  gratify  him  as  the 
adopted  son  and  representative  of  Cesar.  Antony  had  caused 
the  will  of  Cesar  to  be  publicly  read,  by  which  it  became 
universally  known  that  he  had  declared  Octavius  his  prin- 
cipal heir,  and  required  him  to  take  his  name,  and  to  be 
adopted  into  the  Julian  family.  In  consequence  of  this, 
Octavius  soon  gathered  around  him  multitudes  of  all  ranks, 
who  were  attached  to  his  uncle,  and  found  himself  at  the 


=• 


«=— 


T 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  147 

head  of  an  anny  of  ten  thousand  men.  Thus  encouraged, 
he  advanced  to  Rome,  and  called  on  Antony  to  join  with 
him  in  revenging  the  death  of  the  conspirators.  That  aspir- 
ing officer  treated  him  with  insolence  and  contempt,  and  pre- 
pared to  resist  his  claims.  Antony  had  already  alienated  the 
senate  by  his  haughty  and  despotic  conduct,  and  particularly 
by  procuring  from  the  people  the  government  of  Cisalpine 
Gaul.  Octavius  at  once  perceived  that  it  was  his  interest  to 
seek  the  countenance  and  support  of  the  senate ;  and  they 
readily  accepted  his  services,  being  persuaded  by  Cicero  to 
consider  him  a  sincere  friend  of  the  republic.  When  An- 
tony marched  to  subdue  D.  Brutus,  and  take  possession  of 
Gaul,  the  senate  denounced  him  the  enemy  of  the  republic, 
and  appointed  the  two  consuls  and  Octavius,  whom  they 
raised  to  the  rank  of  propraetor,  to  lead  their  armies  against 
him,  and  support  D.  Brutus,  who  was  shut  up  in  Mutina,  the 
modern  Modena,  by  the  troops  of  Antony.  He  was  rescued 
by  the  combined  armies  of  the  republic,  who,  after  repeated 
Tattles,  completely  defeated  Antony.  The  two  consuls  lost 
iheir  lives ;  one  was  mortally  wounded,  and  the  other  fell  on 
the  field. 

Octavius,  left  sole  commander  of  the  troops,  discovered  his 
hatred  of  D.  Brutus,  and  was  extremely  offended  with  the 
senate  when  they  appointed  him  to  the  entire  command  of  all 
their  armies  in  Gaul  and  Italy,  and  ordered  him  to  pursue 
Antony  as  an  enemy  of  the  republic.  To  this  circumstance 
is  traced  the  alliance  which  was  almost  immediately  formed 
between  Octavius,  Antony,  and  Lepidus,  who  were  named 
the  Second  Triumvirate.  Before  this  event,  Octavius  had 
effectually  humbled  the  senate,  and  exposed  the  weakness  of 
Cicero,  who  had  pledged  himself  for  the  fidelity  of  his  young 
friend.  He  withdrew  from  the  contest  against  Antony,  and 
intimated  his  design  to  stand  candidate  for  the  consulate. 
This  being,  on  account  of  his  age,  contrary  to  law,  the  sen- 
ate put  off  the  election  for  consuls,  and  appointed  ten  com- 
missioners to  investigate  the  abuses  committed  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  Antony,  and  called  on  Octavius  to  join  D. 
Brutus  in  the  defence  of  Italy.  Instead  of  obeying,  he  sent 
some  of  his  officers  to  call  on  the  senate  to  elect  consuls,  and 
permit  him  to  appear  a  candidate.  And  when  no  answer 
was  returned,  he  led  his  army  to  Rome,  and  threw  the  cili 
zens  into  consternation.  But  imitating  his  uncle,  he  care- 
fully kept  his  troops  from  doing  any  injury,  and  retired  aftei 
he  had  compelled  the  senate  and  comitium  to  grant  whatever 


148  ESTABLISHMENT  OP  THE   ROKAW  EMWRR 

he  conceived  it  expedient  to  demand.  A  far  more  dreadful 
scene  was  very  soon  Avitnessed  by  the  citizens.  Octavius  and 
Gl  Pedius,  one  of  his  most  servile  friends,  were  chosen  or 
rather,  self-elected  consuls.  The  former  left  the  government 
of  the  city  to  the  latter,  and  departed  at  the  head  of  the  army, 
avoviredly  to  aid  D.  Brutus  in  his  enterprise  against  the  en- 
emies of  the  republic,  but  in  reality  to  join  them  in  effecting 
his  destruction.  Accordingly,  when  the  army  of  Octavius 
met  that  of  Antony  and  Lepidus,  on  the  banks  of  Scultem- 
nis,  not  far  from  Mutina,  the  leaders  had  an  interview  on  a 
small  island  in  the  river,  when  they  adopted  the  following 
arrangement :  "  That  Octavius,  in  order  to  divest  himself  of 
every  legal  advantage  over  his  associates,  should  resign  the 
consulate;  that  the  three  military  leaders,  then  upon  an  equal 
footing,  should  hold  or  share  among  them,  during  five  years, 
the  supreme  administration  of  affairs  in  the  empire  ;  that  they 
should  name  all  the  officers  of  state,  magistrates,  and  gover- 
nors of  provinces ;  that  Octavius  should  have  the  exclusive 
command  in  Africa,  Sardinia,  and  Sicily,  Lepidus  in  Spain, 
and  Antony  in  Gaul ;  that  Lepidus  should  be  substituted  for 
Decimus  Brutus  in  the  succession  to  the  consulate  for  the 
following  year,  and  should  have  the  administration  at  Rome, 
while  Octavius  and  Antony  pursued  the  war  against  Brutus 
and  Cassius  in  the  East ;  that  the  army,  at  the  end  of  the 
war,  should  have  settlements  assigned  to  them  in  the  richest 
districts  and  best  situations  of  Italy.  Among  the  last  were 
specified  Capua,  Rhegium,  Venusia,  Beneventum,  Nuceria, 
Ariminum,  and  Vibona.  To  ratify  this  agreement,  the 
daughter  of  Fulvia,  the  wife  of  Antony,  by  Clodius  her 
former  husband,  was  betrothed  to  Octavius.  He  was  said  to 
have  already  made  a  different  choice,  and  consequently  to 
have  had  no  intention  to  fulfil  this  part  of  the  treaty ;  but  the 
passions,  as  well  as  the  professions,  of  this  young  man,  were 
already  sufficiently  subservient  to  his  interest.  While  the 
army  was  amused  by  the  publication  of  these  several  articles, 
the  circumstances  which  chiefly  distinguished  this  famous 
coalition,  was  the  secret  resolution,  then  taken,  to.  extinguish 
at  once  all  future  opposition  to  the  Cesarian  party,  by  massa- 
cring all  their  private  and  public  enemies.  They  drew  up  a 
list,  of  which  the  numbers  are  variously  reported,  compre- 
hending all  those  who  had  given  them  private  or  public 
oflTence,  and  in  which  they  mutually  sacrificed  their  res- 
pective friends  to  each  other's  resentment.  Antony  sacri- 
ficed his  uncle  Lucius  Cesar  to  the  resentment  of  Octavius ; 


1 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE.        i49 

who,  in  his  turn,  sacrificed  to  that  of  Antony,  Cicero,  with 
Thoranius,  his  own  guardian,  and  his  father's  colleague  in 
the  office  of  prajtor.  Lepidus  gave  up  his  own  brother  L. 
Paulus ;  and  all  of  them  agreed  to  join  with  these  private 
enemies  every  person  supposed  to  be  attached  to  the  republic 
government,  amounting  in  all  to  three  hundred  senators  and 
two  thousand  of  the  equestrian  order,  besides  many  persons 
of  inferior  note,  whose  names  they  deferred  entering  in  the 
list  until  their  arrival  at  Rome.  They  meant,  as  soon  as 
they  should  be  in  possession  of  the  capital,  to  publish  the 
whole  list  for  the  direction  of  those  who  were  to  be  employed 
in  the  execution  of  the  massacre.  But  as  there  were  a  few 
whose  escape  they  were  particularly  anxious  to  prevent,  they 
agreed  that  the  murders  should  begin,  without  any  warning, 
by  the  death  of  twelve  or  seventeen  of  their  most  consider- 
able enemies,  and  among  these  by  the  death  of  Marcus  Tul- 
lius  Cicero.  They  ratified  the  whole  by  mutual  oaths ;  and 
having  published  all  the  articles,  except  that  which  related  to 
the  massacre,  the  plan  of  reconciliation  between  the  leaders 
was  received  by  the  armies  with  shouts  of  applause,  and  was 
supposed  to  be  the  beginning  of  a  period  in  which  military 
men  were  to  rest  from  their  labours,  and  to  enjoy  undisturbed 
the  most  ample  reward  of  their  services.  This  celebrated 
cabal  having  thus  planned  the  division  or  joint  administra- 
tion of  an  empire  which  each  of  them  hoped  in  time  to  en- 
gross for  himself,  they  proceeded  to  Rome  with  an  aspect 
which,  to  th<^«5o  who  compos-sd  the  civil  establishment  of  the 
commonwealth,  was  more  terrible  than  that  of  any  faction 
which  had  been  hitherto  formed  for  its  destruction." 

Far  different  were  the  feelings  excited  in  the  city,  when  it 
was  known  that  they  approached  it,  and  the  orders  of  the  tri- 
umvirs had  been  received  to  execute  immediately  seventeen 
of  the  chief  senators.  Several  of  these  were  surprised  and 
murdered,  and  others  in  vain  sought  safety  by  flight ;  among 
whom  were  Cicero  and  his  brother  Q,uintus.  At  the  head  of 
their  armies  the  hateful  usurpers  marched  in  divisions,  and 
entered  Rome  separately  on  three  several  days.  As  they  ar- 
rived in  succession,  they  occupied  every  quarter  with  guards 
and  attendants,  and  filled  every  public  place  with  armed  men, 
and  with  military  standards  and  ensigns.  In  order  to  ratify 
the  powers  they  had  devised  for  themselves,  they  put  the  arti- 
cles of  their  agreement  into  the  hands  of  the  tribune  Publius 
Titius,  with  instructions,  that  they  should  be  proposed  and 
enacted  in  the  public  assembly  of  the  Roman  people ;   and 

13* 


150  ESTABLISHMENT   OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

put  in  the  form  of  a  legal  commission,  or  warrant,  for  the  gov- 
ernment they  had  usurped.  By  the  act  which  passed  on  this 
occasion,  the  supreme  power  or  sovereignty  of  the  republic, 
during  five  years,  without  any  reserve  or  limitation,  was  con- 
ferred on  Octavius,  Antony,  and  Lepidus ;  and  a  solemn 
thanksgiving  being  ordered  for  the  events  already  passed, 
which  led  to  this  termination,  the  citizens  in  general,  under 
the  deepest  impressions  of  terror  and  sorrow,-  were  obliged  to 
assume  appearances  of  satisfaction  and  joy.  As  the  first  act 
of  this  government,  two  lists  or  proscriptions  were  delivered 
to  the  proper  officers  of  the  army,  and  posted  in  different 
parts  of  the  city ;  one  a  list  of  senators,  the  other  a  list  of  the 
persons  of  inferior  rank,  on  whom  the  troops  were  directed  to 
perform  immediate  execution.  In  consequence  of  these  or- 
ders, all  the  streets,  temples,  and  private  houses,  instantly  be- 
came scenes  of  blood.  At  the  same  time,  there  appeared  on 
the  part  of  the  triumvirs  a  manifesto,  in  which,  having  stated 
the  ingratitude  of  many  whom  Cesar  had  spared,  of  many 
whom  he  had  promoted  to  high  office,  and  whom  he  had 
even  destined  to  inherit  his  fortunes,  and  who,  nevertheless, « 
conspired  against  his  life,  they  alleged  the  necessity  they  were 
under  of  preventing  the  designs  of  their  enemies,  and  of  ex- 
tirpatinga  dangerous  faction,  whom  no  benefits  could  bind,  and 
whom  no  considerations,  sacred  or  profane,  could  restrain. 
"  Under  the  influence  of  this  faction,"  they  said  "  the  perpetra- 
tors of  a  horrid  murder,  instead  of  being  called  to  an  account, 
are  intrusted  with  the  command  of  provinces,  and  furnished 
with  resources  of  men  and  money  to  support  them  against  the 
efforts  of  public  justice,  and  against  the  indignation  of  the  Ro- 
man people.  Some  of  these  murderers,"  they  continued,  "we 
have  already  chastised  ;  others,  being  at  the  head  of  powerful 
armies,  threaten  to  frustrate  the  effects  of  our  just  resentment. 
Having  such  a  conflict  to  maintain  in  the  provinces,  it  would 
be  absurd  to  leave  an  enemy  in  possession  of  the  city,  and 
ready  to  take  advantage  of  any  unfavourable  accident  that 
may  befall  us  in  defence  of  the  commonwealth.  For  this  rea- 
son, we  have  determined  to  cut  off  every  person  who  is  like- 
ly to  abet  their  designs  at  Rome,  and  to  make  this  desperate 
faction  feel  th5  effects  of  that  war  which  they  were  so  ready 
to  declare  against  us  and  our  friends.  We  mean  no  harm  to 
the  innocent,  and  shall  molest  no  citizen,  in  order  to  seize  his 
property.  We  shall  not  insist  on  destroying  even  all  those 
whom  we  know  to  be  our  enemies :  but  the  most  guilty,  it  is 
the  interest  of  the  Roman  people,  as  well  as  ours,  to  have  re- 


I 


1 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAK    EMPIRE.  151 

moved,  that  the  republic  may  no  longer  be  torn  and  agitated 
by  the  quarrels  of  parties  who  cannot  be  reconciled.      Some 
atonement  is  likewise  due  to  the  army  insulted  by  the  late  de- 
crees, in  which  they  were  declared  enemies  to  the  common- 
wealth.     We  might,"  they  continued,  "  have  surprised  and 
taken  all  our  enemies  without  any  warning  or  explanation  of 
our  conduct ;  but  we  chose  to  make  an  open  declaration  of 
our  purpose,  that  the  innocent  may   not,   by  mistake,  be  in- 
volved  with  the  guilty,  nor  even  be  unnecessarily  alarmed." 
They  concluded  this  fatal  proclamation,  with  a  prohibition 
to  conceal,  rescue,  or  protect  any  person  whose  name  was  pro- 
scribed ;  and  they  declared,  that  whoever  acted  in  opposition 
to  this  order,  should  be  considered  as  one  of  the  number,  and 
involved  in  the  same  ruin.     They  declared,  that  whoever  pro- 
duced the  head  of  a  person  proscribed,  if  a  freeman,  should 
receive  twenty  five  thousand  Attic  drachms  or  denarii,  and  if 
a  slave,  should  have  his  liberty,  with  ten  thousand  of  the  same 
money  ;  and  that  every  slave  killing  his  master  in  execution 
of  this  proscription,  should  have  his  freedom,  and  be  put  on 
the  rolls  of  the  people,  in  the  place  of  the  person  he  had  slain. 
At  the  time  that  this  proclamation  and    the  preceding  lists 
were  published,  armed  parties  had  alredy  seized  on  the  gates 
of  the  city,  and  were  prepared  to  intercept  all  who  attempted 
to  escape.    Others  began  to  ransack  the  houses,  and  took  their 
way  to  the  villas  and  gardens  in  the  suburbs,  where  it  was 
likely  that  any  of  the  proscribed  had  retired.      By  the  dispo- 
sition they  made,  the  execution  began  in  many  places  at  once, 
and  those  who  knew  or  suspected  their  own  destination,  like 
the  inhabitants  of  a  city  taken  by  storm,  were  on  every  side 
surrounded  by  enemies,  from  whom  they  were  to  receive  no 
quarter.      To  many,  it  is  observed  by  historians,  their  own 
nearest  relations  were  objects  of  terror,  no  less  than  the  mer- 
cenary hands  that  were  armed  ajifainst  them.      The  husband 
and  the  father  did  not  think  himself  secure  in  his  concealment, 
when  he  supposed  it  to  be  known  to  his  wife  or  to  his  chil- 
dren.    The  slaves  and  freedmen  of  a  family  were  become  its 
most  terrible  enemies.     The  debtor  had  an  interest  in  circum- 
venting his  creditor,  and  neighbours  in  the  country  mutually 
dreaded  each  other  as  informers  and  spies.       The  money 
which  the  master  of  a  family  was  supposed  to  have  in  his 
house,  was  considered  as  an  additional  reward  to  the  treach- 
ery of  his  domestics.     The  first  citizens  of  Rome  were  pros- 
trate at  the  feet  of  their  own  slaves,  imploring  protection  and 
mercy,  or  perished  in  the  wells  or  common  sewers,  where 


152  THE   ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

they  attempted  to  conceal  themselves.  Persons  having  any 
private  grudge  or  secret  malice,  took  this  opportunity  to  ac- 
complish their  ends.  Even  they  who  were  inclined  to  pro- 
tect or  conceal  the  unhappy,  were  terrified  with  the  prospect 
of  being  involved  in  their  ruin.  Many,  who  themselves, 
contrary  to  expectation,  were  not  in  the  Jist  of  the  proscribed, 
enjoyed  their  own  safety,  in  perfect  indifference  to  the  distress 
of  their  neighbours ;  or,  that  they  might  distinguish  them- 
selves by  their  zeal  for  the  prevailing  cause,  joined  the  exe- 
cutioners, assisted  in  the  slaughter,  or  plundered  the  houses 
of  the  slain." 

While  treachery  and  cruelty  were  fearfully  exemplified  by 
nearest  relations,  confidants,  and  servants,  remarkable  in- 
stances occurred  of  fidelity,  generosity,  and  courage.  Many 
women  gave  illustrious  proofs  of  conjugal  and  relative  love, 
voluntarily  sacrificing  their  own  lives  to  save  their  dearest 
kindred  ;  and  several  slaves  made  similar  sacrifices  for  the 
safety  of  their  masters,  Many  attached  to  the  republic,  or 
conscious  that  they  had  private  enemies,  or  that,  from  their 
talents,  influence,  or  wealth,  they  were  particular  objects  of 
envy,  Hed  to  the  countries  occupied  by  the  surviving  com- 
manders who  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the  republic.  The 
chief  of  these  were  Sextus  Pompey,  son  of  Pompey  the  Great, 
in  Sicily,  Cornificius  in  Africa,  Marcus  Brutus  in  Macedon, 
and  Cassius  in  Syria.  To  prosecute  the  war  against  them, 
the  triumvirs  confiscated  the  estates  of  all  whom  they  chose 
to  denominate  their  enemies,  and  imposed  the  most  oppressive 
taxes  on  all  ranks,  men  or  women,  the  latter  of  whom  had 
hitherto  been  exempted  from  taxation.  The  towns  were,  at 
the  same  time,  obliged  to  find  subsistence  for  the  soldiers, 
who  were  dispersed  everywhere,  under  pretence  of  searching 
for  the  persons  and  property  of  the  proscribed,  and  permitted 
to  pillage  the  country,  to  prevent  them  from  becoming  muti- 
nous, in  consequence  of  not  being  regularly  paid  by  their 
leaders.  The  army,  in  Italy,  amounted  to  forty  legions,  one 
half  of  which  Octavius  proposed  to  conduct  to  the  East,  and 
the  other  half  were  left  to  defend  the  country  against  any 
attempt  of  Pompey  or  Cornificius  to  invade  it.  Previously 
to  their  separation,  the  triumvirs  fixed  the  succession  of  all 
the  principal  officers  of  state  for  some  years. 

In  the  meantime,  Octavius  sent  Sextus  to  Africa  and  Salvi- 
dienus  to  Sicily,  to  take  possession  of  these  countries,  as  part 
of  his  division  of  the  empire.  Africa  speedily  submitted,  and, 
ia  a  battle  near  Utica,  the  republican  general  was  killed  and 


k 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  153 

ills  army  dispersed.  AH  who  could  possibly  escape  by  sea 
sailed  to  Sicily,  and  strengthened  the  forces  of  Pompey.  His 
fleet  repelled  the  attack  of  Salvidienus,  and  Octavius  had  no 
time  to  assist  him,  for  Ai^ony  urged  him  to  proceed  with 
him  to  Macedon,  where  Hrutus  Avas  said  to  be  preparing  an 
army  for  the  invasion  of  Italy.  Brutus  no  sooner  received 
information  of  the  proceedings  of  the  triumvirate  than  he  sent 
a  rar  ssage  to  Cassius  entreating  him  to  delay  the  execution  of 
his  purpose  to  subdue  Egypt,  and  instantly  join  him  with  his 
army  to  revenge  the  innocent  blood  which  had  drenched 
their  native  land.  Cassius  was  not  slow  in  his  march  west- 
ward. On  his  progress,  he  collected  by  force  vast  sums,  espe- 
cially from  those  who  had  received  the  officers  of  Cesar. 
Brutus  had  treated  all  in  the  same  manner  ;  and  hence,  when 
they  met  in  Smyrna,  they  were  possessed  of  considerable 
wealth,  and  commanded  large  armies.  Brutus  proposed  to 
transport  their  troops  to  Europe  to  prevent  Octavius  and  An- 
tony from  taking  possession  of  Greece  and  Macedon.  He 
was,  however,  over-ruled  by  Cassius,  and  agreed  to  advance 
against  Lycia,  whose  chief  men  refused  to  acknowledge  his 
authority,  while  Cassius  determined  to  conquer  Rhodes. 
These  enterprises  were  certainly  of  little  importance  compared 
to  that  of  employing  all  their  energies  against  the  great  ene- 
mies of  the  republic.  It  appears  that  their  sea  forces  were 
scarcely  more  wisely  engaged.  On  the  report  that  Cleopatra, 
queen  of  Egypt,  had  sent  a  numerous  fleet  to  join  Octavius 
and  Antony,  Marcus,  commander  of  the  republican  ships, 
received  orders  to  watch  her  progress,  and  intercept  her. 
While  he  was  thus  employed,  almost  the  whole  army  of  the 
triumvirate  had  passed  from  Italy  to  Macedon.  Cassius  and 
Brutus  having  accomplished  their  respective  enterprise,  led 
their  armies  into  Ionia,  and  met  on  the  banks  of  the  Meander. 
They  were  now  masters  of  the  whole  eastern  division  of  the 
empire,  possessed  an  immense  revenue,  and  commanded 
scarcely  less  than  one  hundred  thousand  men.  Several  of 
their  legions  had  indeed  been  trained  under  Cesar,  but  they 
had  ample  means  to  secure  their  services ;  and  they  were 
careful  to  gratify  the  wish  of  every  individual  in  their  service. 
With  a  combined  army,  animated  by  the  fiery  and  all-devour- 
ing spirit  of  war,  they  marched  to  the  Hellespont ;  and  cross- 
ing it,  advanced,  by  an  exhausting  route,  through  the  moun- 
tainous region  of  Thrace,  and  rested  near  Philippi,  the 
ancient  Crenides,  properly  a  city  of  Macedon,  on  the  borders 
of  Thrace,  and  inhabited  by  a  Roman  colony.     Their  fleet. 


« 


m 


t  ^ 


154  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROBIAN    EMPIRE. 

under  Cinber,  was  stationed  in  the  adjacent  port  of  Neapohs, 
and  secured  for  them  abundance  of  provisions  from  Asia  and 
the  coast  of  the  Mgean  Sea.  Antony  soon  removed  his 
equally  numerous  army  from  Amphipolis,  where  they  had 
been  stationed,  and  took  post  within  a  mile  of  his  opponents. 
He  was  afterwards  joined  by  Octavius,  whom  sickness  had 
detained  at  Dyrrachium.  Their  position  was  most  unfavour- 
able ;  for  they  had  no  communication  with  the  sea,  and  their 
supplies  from  the  interior  of  the  country  were  uncertain.  In 
these  circumstances,  the  able  and  experienced  general  Cassius 
was  not  less  solicitous  to  avoid  a  general  engagement  than 
Antony  was  to  bring  it  on ;  for  it  was  manifest  that  time  alone 
would,  through  the  instrumentality  of  want,  and  consequent 
disease,  completely  destroy  the  army  of  the  triumvirate.  But 
Brutus,  it  is  said,  influenced  by  regard  to  justice  or  humanity, 
and  especially  by  the  interests  of  the  empire,  was  extremely 
desirous  that  the  contest  should  be  terminated ;  the  general 
officers  soon  adopted  his  opinion,  on  observing,  that  aversion 
in  their  troops  to  prolong  the  war  occasioned  many  of  them 
to  desert  to  the  enemy.  It  was,  therefore,  determined,  in  the 
second  council  which  they  held,  to  give  battle  on  the  follow- 
ing day.  The  division  under  Brutus  defeated  that  led  against 
him  by  Antony ;  but  the  army  of  Cassius  was  overcome,  and 
he  was  found  dead  in  his  tent,  to  which  he.  had  retired,  having 
been  put  to  death,  in  compliance  with  his  own  request,  as  it 
was  conjectured,  by  his  confidential  servant,  who  was  never 
afterwards  seen.  Brutus,  on  beholding  the  dead  body  of  his 
noble  friend,  was  overwhelmed  in  sorrow,  and  exclaimed, 
"  This  is  the  last  of  the  Romans."  The  success  of  Octavius 
and  Antony  was  partial,  and  their  danger  was  imminent,  for 
Brutus  was  not  only  able  to  maintain  his  position,  but  also  to 
shut  them  up  in  their  camp  from  all  resources  necessary  to 
support  their  army.  This  he  represented  to  his  army  in 
glowing  language,  and  urged  them  to  exercise  a  little  patience 
and  their  triumph  Avas  certain.  To  cheer  them  under  their 
present  disappointment,  information  reached  them  that  the 
fleet  of  their  general  had  obtained  a  great  victory  over  a 
number  of  vessels  which  were  conveying  a  large  re-enforce- 
ment to  the  enemy.  But  no  arguments  were  sufficient  to 
reconcile  the  army  of  Brutus  to  his  apparently  dilatory,  but 
most  judicious  plans.  The  second  battle  was  most  fierce  and 
sanguinary,  and  in  its  field,  at  Philippi,  was  buried  for  ever 
the  liberty  of  the  Romans :  a  number  of  its  votaries,  who 
escaped  the  sword  of  their  enemies,  proudly  took  their  own 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF    THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE.  155 

life,  for  they  scorned  to  submit  to  tyranny.  Thus  it  was  with 
Brutus,  Cato,  son  of  the  celebrated  Cato,  and  Livius  Drusus, 
the  father  of  Livia,  the  future  famed  wife  of  Octavius. 
Others  escaped  by  sea,  and  joined  Pompey  in  Sicily,  the  last 
and  almost  only  asylum  of  the  republicans.  The  rest  of  the 
vanquished  not  slam  in  battle,  consisting  of  many  thousands, 
unconditionally  surrendered  themselves  to  the  conquerors, 
who  now  congratulated  themselves  as  the  uncontrolled  sove- 
reigns of  the  empire^  for  they  scarcely  viewed  Lepidus  a 
rival  or  partner,  and  in  their  future  arrangement  showed  no 
respect  to  his  inclinations.  They  proceeded  immediately  to 
make  a  new  division  of  the  empire ;  and,  by  mutual  agree- 
ment, Antony  received,  in  addition  to  his  former  dominions, 
Transalpine  Gaul  and  the  province  of  Carthage;  and  Octa- 
vius, Spain  and  Numidia.  The  former  proposed  to  remain 
in  the  East  to  raise  money  to  pay  his  own  and  his  colleague's 
armies  ;  while  the  latter  returned  to  Italy  to  settle  the  affairs 
in  the  West,  which  equally  concerned  both. 

If  Octavius  was  not  the  first,  he  was  certainly  the  most 
extraordinary  example  of  a  captain  and  sovereign  attaining 
the  highest  celebrity  from  the  illustrious  schemes  and  actions 
of  the  officers  whom  he  selected  for  his  chief  counsellors, 
rather  than  from  his  own.  The  very  selection,  however,  is 
decisive  evidence  that  he  was  no  common  man ;  it  indicated 
great  power  to  discriminate  character,  and  much  wisdom, 
prudence,  and  resolution  to  adopt  the  counsels  and  measures 
suggested  as  the  most  calculated  to  put  him  in  possession  of 
the  splendid  objects  of  his  almost  insatiable  ambition.  While 
their  able  and  faithful  services  most  fully  justified  his  choice, 
his  continued  unsuspicious  confidence  in  them,  and  the  high 
honours  and  generous  rewards  which  he  conferred  on  them, 
showed  him  to  surpass  the  majority  of  princes  as  much  in  an 
uncommon  strength  of  mind,  which  repressed  envy  and  j§al- 
ousy,  as  he  was  raised  above  them  in  power  and  magnificence. 
Nevertheless,  impartial  history  sufficiently  attests  that  he  was, 
comparatively  speaking,  not  among  the  first  order  of  intel 
lectual  capacity  or  virtuous  disposition.  As  a  warrior,  he 
preferred  his  life  to  his  honour,  and  as  a  man,  he  esteemed  the 
meanest  or  most  detestable  device  or  act,  as  if  it  were  the 
result  of  wisdom,  when  he  deemed  it  expedient  or  indispen- 
sable to  promote  his  designs  or  accomplish  his  ends.  The 
principal  officers  in  whom  he  trusted  were  Marcus  Vipsanius 
Agrippa,  and  Caius  Cilnius  Maecenas.  They  both  probably 
had  joined  him  on  his  first  appearance  in  public  life,  and  they 


r«= 


! 


156  ESTABLISHBdENT   OF   THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

never  deserted  him,  and  to  them  he  was  chiefly,  if  not  wholly, 
indebted  for  his  triumph  over  all  rivals,  the  high  popularity 
of  his  administration,  and  the  establishment  and  splendour  of 
his  reign.  Maecenas  was  of  noble  descent,  and  had  been  the 
companion  of  Octavius  in  youth.  He  was  distinguished  as  a 
soldier,  but  much  more  as  a  statesman  ;  and  though,  perhaps, 
not  eminent  for  scientific  or  literary  acquirements,  yet  he  was 
the  most  enthusiastic  admirer  and  zealous  patron  of  all  per- 
sons endowed  with  genius,  or  eminent  for  the  successful  cul- 
tivation of  philosophy,  literature,  poetry,  and  the  kindred  arts. 
He  was,  in  a  remarkable  degree,  qualified  to  please  all  men, 
to  subdue  their  prejudices,  allay  their  passions,  and  win  their 
confidence  and  esteem ;  and,  by  consequence,  no  one  could 
be  more  fitted  to  perform  the  duties  of  the  chief  civil  minister 
of  the  empire,  who  must  study  to  dispose  all  classes  to  acqui- 
esce in  his  schemes,  and  assist  in  the  prosecution  of  them. 
On  all  occasions  of  general  discontent,  or  public  agitation,  in 
Rome,  he  was  uniformly  employed  to  represent  Octavius,  in 
order  to  conciliate  the  disaffected,  and  secure  the  active  ser- 
vices of  doubtful  or  real  friends.  Agrippa  had  a  much  more 
vigorous  frame  of  body  and  mind,  and  was  far  more  mascu- 
line in  his  habits  and  manners  than  Maecenas.  The  presence 
of  Antony  for  a  time  veiled  the  military  defects  of  Octavius ; 
but  this  was  still  more  effectually  and  unceasingly  done  by 
Agrippa,  after  his  chief  and  friend  engaged  in  the  final  con- 
test for  the  exclusive  possession  of  the  supreme  power. 

When  the  report  of  the  total  overthrow  of  the  republicans 
reached  Rome,  grief  and  fear  overwhelmed  their  friends ; 
but  being  the  minority,  they  felt  compelled  to  unite  with  their 
fellow- citizens  in  expressions  of  great  joy,  by  appearing  to 
participate  with  them  in  the  festival  of  thanksgiving  to  the 
gods  which  the  public  authorities  decreed  to  be  observed  for 
an  entire  year.  But  before  the  lapse  of  a  much  shorter 
period,  the  soil  of  all  Italy  was  watered  by  the  tears  of  its 
most  wretched  mhabitants,  who  were  destined  to  witness  the 
first  exercise  of  the  despotic  rule  of  Octavius.  At  the  time 
of  his  return  to  Rome,  the  senate  and  comitium  were  equally 
stripped  of  power.  The  strong  minded,  bold,  and  imperious 
Fulvia,  the  wife  of  Antony,  directed  all  the  affairs  of  govern- 
ment, without  showing  almost  any  deference  to  the  will  of  the 
legitimate  rulers,  the  chief  of  whom  were  L.  Antony,  the 
brother  of  M.  Antony,  and  P.  Ser villus  Vatia  Isauricus,  the 
consuls  for  the  passing  year.  This  state  of  things  suited  not 
the  views  of  Octavius.     He  hesitated  not  a  moment  to  assume 


t 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF  THE   ROICAN   EMPIEE.  157 

the  supreme  direction  and  control  of  every  department  of  the 
state.  He  probably  sincerely  desired  to  characterise  his  ad- 
ministration by  equity  and  clemency,  as  he  respectfully 
announced  to  the  senate;  but  this  was  rendered  impossible 
by  the  first  decree  which  he  hastened  to  perform  to  satisfy  the 
wishes  and  expectations  of  the  soldiers,  to  whom  he  was  in- 
debted for  the  possession  of  power.  The  triumvirate  had 
promised  certain  of  the  richest  cities  and  finest  lands  in  Italy 
to  their  troops  at  the  end  of  the  war ;  and  Octavius  published 
an  order  for  the  legal  possessors  to  give  them  up  to  the  veter- 
ans, who  had  been  relieved  from  service  immediately  after 
the  battles  of  Philippi,  and  had  returned  to  receive  the  posses- 
sions pledged  to  them.  The  soldiers  were  not  slow  to 
execute  this  most  unrighteous  and  oppressive  injunction. 
Multitudes  were  at  once  reduced  from  wealth  or  competence 
to  poverty  and  destitution.  They  repaired  to  Rome  in  whole 
fkmilies ;  "  persons  of  every  sex,  age,  and  condition,  crowded 
the  streets,  took  shelter  in  the  temples,  and  other  public  places, 
and  filled  the  city  with  their  complaints  and  lamentations." 
Who  could  relieve  them  ?  The  instruments  of  their  misery 
had  either  no  inclination  to  aid  them,  or  dared  not  attempt  to 
arrest  the  strong  arm  raised  to  destroy  them.  Octavius  was 
himself  the  slave  of  the  army ;  their  will  was  law. 

Confusion,  anarchy,  and  crime  prevailed ;  the  most  violent 
outrages  were  suflfered  to  pass  with  impunity,  when  the  soldiers 
were  supposed  to  be  the  actors.  "  Robbery  and  murders  be- 
came frequent,  and  the  city  of  Rome,  as  well  as  the  provin- 
cial towns,  was  infested  by  persons  who,  either  from  necessi- 
ty, or  from  the  license  of  the  times,  subsisted  by  rapine.  No 
property  was  safe,  and  the  condition  of  persons  of  all  parties 
equally  insecure.  At  Rome  the  rent  of  houses  fell  to  a  fourth, 
and  whole  streets  appeared  to  be  deserted."  The  government 
of  Octavius  could  not,  in  these  circumstances,  be  popular,  and 
his  enemies  hoped  to  humble  him.  He  had  unquestionably 
triumphed  over  the  republic  more  by  the  valour  of  Antony 
than  his  own  ;  and  it  was  justly  deemed  presumptuous  in  him 
to  exclude  the  friends  of  that  general  from  the  administration. 
These,  therefore,  with  Fulvia  at  their  head,  resolved  to  op- 
pose him,  and  appealed  to  the  soldiers,  who  favoured  the  in- 
terests of  Antony,  for  support.  They  withdrew  to  Prgeneste, 
collected  around  them  several  legions,  and  called  on  Lepidus 
to  join  them,  in  defence  of  what  they  pretended  to  be  the 
rights  of  the  republic.  Their  conduct  provoked  Octavius, 
and  while  he  prepared  to  resist  by  force  their  pretensions,  he 

VOL.    IL  14 


•= 


I 


• 


' 


158  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

summoned  a  council  of  military  officers  to  investigate  and 
decide  on  the  quarrel  which  he  had  with  Fulvia.  To  obtain 
the  apparent  sanction  of  law  to  his  proceedings,  he,  at  the 
same  time,  invited  many  senators  and  knights  to  assemble,  and 
consult  on  what  measures  were  necessary  to  be  adopted  for 
the  prevention  of  civil  war.  They  sent  commissioners  to  the 
opposite  party  to  prevail  on  them  to  be  reconciled  to  Octavius. 
This  plan,  and  that  afterwards  resorted  to, — the  proposal  that 
a  congress  of  the  chief  officers  should  meet  to  settle  all  pub- 
lic affairs,  failed  to  restore  tranquillity ;  and  both  parties  ac- 
tively gathered  forces  to  contend  for  victory.  Lepidus  de- 
clared for  Octavius ;  and  the  troops  of  the  latter  in  Spain^ 
commanded  by  Salvidienus,  hasted  to  enter  Italy.  Two  ar- 
mies of  the  Antonian  party  marched  to  arrest  their  progress 
through  Cisalpine  Gaul,  but  were  successfully  opposed  by 
Agrippa,  who  formed  a  junction  with  Salvidienus,  and  their 
combined  forces  compelled  L.  Antony,  who  had  placed  him- 
self at  the  head  of  one  division,  to  seek  an  asylum  in  the 
strong  fortress  of  Perusia,  the  present  Perugia,  seated  at  the 
south-eastern  extremity  of  the  lake  of  the  same  name,  an- 
ciently named  Lacus  Thrasimenus.  The  place  was,  after  a 
tedious  seige,  reduced  by  famine,  and  Octavius  discovered,  on 
this  occasion,  the  extreme  malignity  and  cruelty  of  his  nature, 
which  he  satiated  under  the  pretence  of  revenging  the  death 
of  his  father  Julius  Cesar.  He  would  not  have  spared  one 
prisoner,  had  not  his  army  rescued  the  soldiers,  who  had  fol- 
lowed Cesar.  Every  private  Roman  citizen  was  put  to  death, 
not  excepting  the  tribune  who  first  introduced  the  subtle  sav- 
age Octavius  to  the  public  assembly  in  Rome.  The  greater 
part  were  executed  in  the  presence  of  the  murderer,  "  and,  in 
the  manner  of  sacrifices,  offered  in  form  to  the  manes,  or  to 
the  divinity,  of  Julius  Cesar.  In  this  form,  however  detesta- 
ble, they  were  supposed,  in  that  age,  to  carry  an  aspect  of 
piety,  which  sanctified  the  cruelty  with  which  they  were  or- 
dered, and  with  which  Octavius  himself  witnessed  the  scene. 
Four  hundred  of  the  senatorian  and  equestrian  order  are 
said,  by  Dion  Cassius  and  Suetonius,  to  have  perished  in  this 
manner.  The  magistrates  and  council  of  Perusia,  being  sepa 
rately  ordered  to  execution,  implored  for  mercy,  but  had  one 
general  answer,  '  You  must  die.'  The  place  itself,  whether 
by  the  desperation  of  its  inhabitants,  or  by  the  outrage  of  those 
who  were  now  become  masters  of  it,  was  set  on  fire,  and 
burnt  to  the  ground.  The  country  around  being  deserted,  or 
laid  waste  with  fire  and  sword,  and  cleared  of  its  former  pos- 


B8TABLI8HMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  159 

sessors,  became  a  prey  to  such  followers  of  the  army  as  chose 
to  occupy  it.  At  the  date  of  this  odious  transaction,  Octavius 
was  not  more  than  twenty-three  years  of  age ;  and  though,  in 
former  examples  of  cruelty,  his  youth  may  have  been  over- 
ruled or  misled  by  the  party-rage  of  his  colleagues,  yet.  in 
this  instance,  he  himself  betrayed  a  merciless  nature,  in  the  ef- 
fects of  which  he  had  no  man  to  share,  or  to  divide  the  blame." 
On  the  fall  of  Perusia,  the  chief  opponents  of  Cesar,  who 
had  not  fallen  into  his  hands,  fled,  among  whom  were  Ful- 
via,  the  wife,  and  Julia,  the  aged  mother  of  Antony,  and  Ti- 
berius Claudius,  with  his  wife  Livia  Drusilla,  and  their  infant 
son,  who  were  destined  to  share  in  the  honours  of  him  who 
was  the  author  of  their  present  ruin  and  exile. 

While  Octavius  rapidly  advanced  in  the  path  to  the  sum- 
mit of  his  ambition,  M.  Antony  was  deeply  immersed  in  sen- 
sual pleasure.  The  East  afforded  him  all  that  suited  his 
luxurious  appetites  and  dissipated  habits.  From  the  scene 
of  the  victory  at  Phillippi,  he  proceeded  first  to  Greece,  and 
thence  passed  through  Asia  Minor,  raising  every  where  heavy 
contributions  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  late  war,  and  dis- 
posing of  palaces  and  lands  to  his  favourite  followers.  Hav- 
ing summoned  Cleopatra  to  answer  before  him  in  Cilicia  for 
her  conduct  in  ordering,  according  to  public  rumour,  her  fleet 
to  assist  the  republicans,  she  entered  the  Cydnus  in  a  splen- 
did galley  with  a  numerous  retinue,  and  at  Tarsus  dazzled 
his  vain  and  giddy  mind  with  the  charms  of  her  person,  the 
profusion  of  her  ornaments,  and  the  elegance  of  her  equip- 
age. '•  She  was  now  about  nine-and  twenty  years  of  age, 
and  being  acquainted  with  the  languages  and  manners  of  dif- 
ferent nations,  particularly  instructed  in  the  literature  of  the 
Greeks,  and  being  in  the  maturity  of  wit  and  beauty,  she 
joined  the  arts  of  a  coquette  with  all  the  accomplishments 
which  became  the  birth  and  the  high  condition  of  a  queen. 
Being  invited  to  sup  with  Antony,  she  pleaded  that  he  should 
begin  with  accepting  her  invitation.  At  their  first  entertain- 
ment, observing  that  his  raillery  savoured  of  the  camp,  she 
humoured  him  in  this  manner,  and  even  surpassed  him  in  the 
freedom  of  her  conversation."  Fascinated  by  this  unprinci- 
pled female,  he  accompanied  her  into  Egypt,  and  passed 
months,  wholly  governed  by  her  caprice,  indulging  in  every 
species  of  voluptuous  pleasure,  to  the  utter  neglect  of  pub- 
lic business.  It  was  with  extreme  reluctance  that  he  re-» 
nounced  this  contemptible  mode  of  life  to  repel  the  Parthians, 
who  had  overrun  Syria,  and  advanced  upon  Cilicia.     When 


I 


•  # 


160  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAi*    EMPIRE. 

he  had  reached  Phenicia,  he  learned  the  true  state  of  Italy, 
and  resolved  to  sail  thither  with  his  entire  fleet  of  two  hun- 
dred vessels,  and  leave  the  defence  of  Asia  to  Ventidius, 
who  completely  defeated  the  Parlhians,  and  set  final  limits  to 
their  power;  for  from  this  time  they  were  never  able  to  make 
any  impression  on  the  Roman  empire.  On  arriving  at  Ath- 
ens, he  met  his  wife  Fulvia.  He  left  her  sick  at  Sicyon,  and 
hastened  on  to  Italy.  He  was  joined  at  sea  by  the  fleet  com- 
manded by  ^nobarbus,  who  still  adhered  to  the  cause  of  the 
republic,  and  believed  that  Antony  now  entertained  the  same 
views.  Being  opposed  by  the  troops  of  Octavius  when  he 
reached  Brundusium,  he  immadiately  formed  an  alliance 
with  Pompey,  whose  fleet  continued  to  lay  waste  the  coast  of 
Italy ;  but  Antony  had  not  been  long  possessed  of  Brundu- 
sium, when  it  decame  manifest,  both  to  him  and  his  rival,  that 
their  respective  armies  were  not  disposed  to  enter  on  a  new, 
and  to  them  unprofitable  contest.  What  then  remained  for 
the  leaders  but  to  procure  peace  ?  Negociations  were  greatly 
facilitated  by  the  death  of  Fulvia,  an  account  of  which  had 
been  received  by  Antony ;  for  Octavius  proposed  to  confirm 
their  reconciliation,  which  was  effected  by  the  agency  of 
Maecenas,  Cocceius,  and  PoUis,  by  giving  him  in  marriage 
his  sister  Octavia,  widow  of  Marcellus.  "  Upon  this  basis  a 
treaty  was  framed,  including  a  new  partition  of  the  empire, 
by  which  all  the  East,  from  the  Euphrates  to  Codropolis  on 
the  coast  of  Illyricum,  was  assigned  to  Antony.  The  West, 
from  thence  to  the  ocean  and  the  British  channel,  was  assigned 
to  Octavius.  Italj^  as  the  seat  of  government,  and  the  prin- 
cipal nursery  of  soldiers  for  the  supply  of  their  armies,  was 
to  be  equally  open  to  both.  Lepidus  was  suffered  to  remain 
in  the  possession  of  Africa.  ^nobarbus  was  included  in 
this  treaty,  and  declared  at  peace  with  the  heads  of  the  em- 
pire ;,  but  Sextus  Pompeius,  notwithstanding  his  late  confede- 
racy with  Antony,  and  his  newly  contracted  relation  with 
Octavius,  was  still  to  be  treated  as  an  enemy.  He  was  to  be 
opposed  by  Octavius,  while  the  war  with  the  Parthians  was 
supposed  sufficient  to  occupy  the  forces  of  Antony." 

The  two  chiefs  continued  almost  two  years  at  Rome,  and 
lived  and  acted  cordially  as  friends,  and  by  their  united 
counsels  governed  the  empire.  During  this  period  Italy 
sruflfered  much  from  scarcity,  without  any  prospect  of  relief, 
in  consequence  of  Pompey  retaining  the  sovereignty  of  the 
seas,  and  successfully  preventing  the  inhabitants  of  Rome 
from  procuring  sufficient  foreign  supplies  of  provision.    Fam- 


# 


^  9 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  161 

ine  at  length  drove  the  citizens  to  despair,  and  notwithstand- 
ing of  the  suppression  of  one  frightful  and  bloody  tumult, 
the  rulers  had  ample  reason  to  dread  a  general  insurrection 
throughout  Italy.  This  induced  them  to  use  means  to  pre- 
vail on  Pompey  to  enter  into  a  treaty  of  peace,  which  was 
with  some  difficulty  agreed  to  on  the  following  conditions: — 
That  he  should  receive,  in  addition  to  Sicily,  Sardinia  and 
Corsica,  the  Peloponnesus,  and  a  large  sum  of  money,  in 
compensation  for  the  losses  of  his  family;  that  all  the  exiles 
under  his  protection,  except  those  actually  concerned  in  the 
death  of  Cesar,  should  be  restored  to  their  homes,  and  to  the 
possession  of  one-fourth  of  their  estates;  and  that  the  seas  of 
Italy  and  the  neighbouring  countries  should  be  free,  and 
commerce  carried  on  without  any  restrictions.  The  pubKc 
announcement  of  this  peace  diffused  universal  gladness,  and, 
according  to  historians,  great  joy  beyond  the  power  of  lan- 
guage to  describe.  It  was  ratified  by  the  parties  at  Puteoli, 
and  the  ratification  was  transmitted  to  Rome,  and  committed 
to  the  keeping  of  the  vestal  virgins.  Splendid  entertainments 
followed  ;  the  guests  of  which  comprised  the  principal  citi- 
zens of  Rome.  Sextus  Pompey  gave  the  first  on  board  his 
ship.  The  first  officer,  during  the  feast,  whispered  to  him 
that  now  was  the  time  to  revenge  himself  on  the  enemies  of 
his  house.  "  Let  me,"  he  said,  "  cut  the  cable,  and  put  to 
sea ;  I  promise  you  that  none  of  them  shall  escape."  "  This 
might  have  been  done  by  Menas,  without  consulting  me," 
said  Sextus,  "  but  my  faith  is  sacred,  and  must  not  be  bro- 
ken." The  guests  separated  without  reflecting  on  the  danger 
which  they  had  escaped,  and  several  feasts  followed.  To 
strengthen  the  coalition,  the  daughter  of  Pompey  was  be- 
trothed to  Marcellus,  the  son  of  Octavia  by  her  former  hus- 
band. All  exulted  in  the  peace,  and  few  dreamed  that  its 
permanence  was  incompatible  with  the  views  and  schemes  of 
Octavius.  No  one,  perhaps,  ever  surpassed  him.  in  dissimu- 
lation, or  in  the  use  of  the  most  appropriate  arts  of  seduction, 
and  in  discernment  of  the  season,  opportunity,  instruments, 
and  means  most  proper  to  execute  his  deepest  and  most  stu- 
diously concealed  designs  and  plans.  This  his  conduct  illus- 
trated and  proved  from  his  youth,  but  especially  after  his  in- 
tellectual capacities  were  full}'-  developed  and  cultivated.  The 
highest  in  rank,  the  most  eminent  for  political  or  military 
talents  and  acquirements,  had  fallen  in  the  race  of  ambition, 
strife,  and  revenge,  and  the  few  survivors  had  become  re- 
signed to  the  loss  of  liberty  and  national  honour ;  while  the 

14* 


« 


162  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE, 

mixed  or  undistinguished  multitude  groaned  in  silence  under 
the  irresistible  yoke  of  absolute  despotism,  which  controlled 
and  oppressed  the  whole  empire.  Octavius  discerned  that  the 
time  was  arrived  for  him  to  secure  for  himself  the  exclusive 
possession  of  the  grand  and  noble  prize  of  sovereignty  ;  and, 
accordingly,  he  seemed  to  have  called  up  all  his  energies  and 
resources  to  remove  from  the  course  the  only  individuals  with 
whom,  by  dividing  with  them  the  power,  he  had  hitherto  ap- 
peared companion  in  the  race. 

Antony  having  departed  for  the  East,  Octavius  sent  Agrippa 
to  Transalpine  Gaul  to  reduce  a  revolt,  while  he  most  actively 
employed  his  own  time  in  providing  a  fleet  to  contend  with 
Pompey,  whom  he  accused  of  having  violated  the  late  treaty, 
a  crime  of  which  he  was  himself  equally  guilty.  In  the 
war  which  soon  followed,  Pompey  had  at  first  the  advantage 
by  sea,  notwithstanding  that  Menas,  his  principal  sea-officer 
had  treacherously  gone  over  to  Octavius,  with  sixty  of  his 
ships.  This  state  of  the  war  occasioned  inexpressible  suffer- 
ings in  Italy,  from  the  scarcity  of  provisions,  for  which  it 
was  chiefly  dependent  on  Sicily.  In  this  emergency,  Octa- 
vius sent  messengers  to  Antony  to  request  his  assistance.  He 
returned  with  about  three  hundred  vessels,  almost  one  half  of 
which  he  exchanged  for  twenty  thousand  soldiers,  whom  he 
conducted  to  the  East,  where  he  went  with  a  view  of  placing 
himself  at  the  head  of  his  army,  then  fighting  against  the 
Parthians.  Octavius  was  still  more  strengthened  by  the  re- 
turn of  Agrippa  from  a  triumphant  campaign,  during  which 
he  extended  the  Roman  power  in  Germany  farther  than  even 
Cesar  had  done.  Sicily  was  now  invaded,  and  Lepidus  led 
thither  from  Africa  an  army  to  co-operate  with  that  of  Octa- 
vius. Pompey,  defeated  on  sea  and  land,  fled  with  a  few 
ships,  and  was,  after  attempting  to  persuade  Antony  to  join 
him  in  opposing  Octavius,  seized  and  put  to  death  by  order 
of  the  former,  in  Nicomedia,  a  harbour  on  the  east  of  Bithy- 
nia.  Lepidus  acting  independent  of  his  colleague,  and  in- 
dicating a  disposition  to  take  possession  of  Sicily  on  his  own 
account,  was  forced  to  maintain  his  pretensions  by  arms.  His 
soldiers  disapproved  of  his  views,  and  declared  themselves 
ready  to  serve  his  colleague.  Thus  deserted,  he  laid  aside 
his  robes  of  dignity,  and,  in  the  ordinary  dress  of  a  citizen, 
proceeded  to  the  camp  and  tent  of  Octavius.  "  Multitudes 
followed  him,  to  gratify  their  curiosity  in  seeing  what  was  to 
pass  in  so  new  a  scene.  A  person  who,  the  moment  before, 
had  been  at  the  head  of  a  great  array,  and  repute(\  a  third  in 


#= 


ESTABUSHMENT   OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPmE.  163 

the  sovereignty  of  the  empire,  was  now,  by  the  sudden  deser 
tion  of  his  own  troops,  reduced  to  the  condition  of  a  private 
man,  and  was  to  appear  as  a  suppliant  before  an  antagonist 
whom  he  had  recently  set  at  defiance.  To  complete  the 
scene  of  his  humiliation,  in  entering  the  presence  of  Octa- 
vius,  he  would  have  thrown  himself  on  the  ground,  but  was 
prevented  by  the  courtesy  of  his  rival,  who,  content  to  strip 
him  of  his  command,  and  of  his  personal  consequence,  would 
not  accept  this  mark  of  abasement,  and  gave  him  leave  to 
return  into  Italy,  where  he  lived  afterwards  equally  unob- 
served by  those  against  whom  he  had  been  made  the  instru- 
ment of  injustice,  and  by  those  who  had  made  him  their 
tool." 

Two  of  the  three  rivals  of  Octavius  being  thus  overcome 
he  found  extreme  difficulty  to  prevent  a  mutiny  in  the  im- 
mense number  of  troops  with  whom  he  was  surrounded. 
His  fleet,  it  is  said,  consisted  of  six  hundred  galleys,  exclusive 
of  numerous  transports  and  store  ships:  and  his  land  army 
amounted  to  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  men,  and  fif- 
teen thousand  cavalry.  They  became  clamorous  for  the  re 
wards  of  money  and  lands,  and  treated  with  contempt  tht 
small  sums  which  he  distributed  among  them,  and  the  pro- 
mises which  he  gave  them.  By  the  exercise  of  great  liberal- 
ity to  those  who  were  chiefly  to  be  dreaded,  he  prevailed  on 
them  to  separate  from  the  rest ;  and  these  he  succeeded,  by 
various  prudent  measures,  to  appease.  The  citizens  at  Rome 
celebrated  his  triumphs  with  the  most  conspicuous  and  stri- 
king tokens  of  joy,  and,  on  his  approach  to  the  city,  multitudes, 
adorned  with  chaplets,  went  forth  to  meet  him,  and  formed  a 
magnificent  procession  which  conducted  him  to  the  temple 
where  he  proposed  to  offer  sacrifices  of  thanksgiving  to  the 
gods.  He  now  used  every  effort  to  establish  tranquillit}'-,  and 
conciliate  all  ranks  to  the  administration  of  justice  and  the 
peaceful  exercise  of  the  functions  of  all  the  offices  of  state. 
He  remitted  oppressive  taxes,  repressed  many  disorders,  the 
dregs  of  the  civil  wars  which  still  afflicted  the  city  and  the 
contiguous  provinces.  He  had  brought  his  armies  under  tol- 
erable discipline,  and  the  people  to  bear  no*t  impatiently  the 
loss  of  their  political  consequence,  and  of  their  liberties.  He 
took  care  to  destroy,  with  much  ostentation,  all  papers  and  re- 
cords from  which  those  who  had  acted  against  himself,  might 
fear  being  drawn  into  trouble.  He  retained  the  usual  names 
and  the  forms  of  office ;  and  wherever  he  himself  was  to  ex- 
ercise any  uncommon  power,  he  talked  of  it  as  a  mere  teci- 


:# 


« 


%tA  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

porary  pxpedient  to  obviate  the  disorders  of  the  limes,  and 
spoke  of  his  intention,  in  concert  with  Antony,  to  discontinue 
every  irregular  mode  of  administration,  as  soon  as  the  war 
with  the  Parthians  should  be  brought  to  a  period.  He  even 
sent  Bibulus  into  the  East,  with  open  and  public  instructions 
to  concert  with  his  colleague  the  manner  and  time  of  their 
resignation." 

The  irregular  habits  and  ungovernable  passions  of  Antony 
had  been  for  a  time  subjected  to  a  salutary  restraint  by  the 
presence  of  his  incomparable  wife  Octavia,  who  accompanied 
him  from  the  time  he  had  left  Rome  till  he  returned  in  com- 
pliance with  the  entreaty  of  her  brother.  But  her  personal 
state  prevented  her  attending  him  on  his  last  journey  to  the 
East ;  and  the  fatal  consequence  of  this  was  that  he  allowed 
all  his  former  passion  for  Cleopatra  to  resume  entire  power 
over  him :  so  that  he  at  once  diminished  his  reputation,  and 
afforded  a  plausible  reason  for  Octavius  to  put  forth  all  his 
strength  to  destroy  him.  In  Asia  he  assumed  all  the  autho- 
rity, majesty,  and  grandeur  of  a  mighty  Oriental  sovereign- 
and  exhibited  the  most  extravagant  scenes  of  vanity,  dissipa- 
tion, and  folly.  While  he  made  preparations  in  Syria  to  in- 
vade Parthia,  he  was  visited,  at  his  earnest  request,  by  Cleopa- 
tra. Charmed  by  her  presence,  instead  of  jewels  or  fine 
dresses,  he  bestowed  on  her  several  kingdoms,  and  dismissed 
her  with  the  assurance  that  after  he  had  chastised,  in  their  own 
dominions,  the  Parthians,  whom  his  general  Ventidius  had 
recently  expelled  from  Syria,  and  forced  to  retire  east  of  the 
Euphrates,  he  would  pass  the  winter  in  Egypt.  His  cam- 
paign at  the  head  of  a  great  army  was  disastrous,  for  the  only 
result  of  contending  with  the  enemy  was  the  destruction  of 
his  own  troops,  to  whom  their  retreat  was  still  more  fatal. 
Nevertheless,  while  he  wasted  his  time  in  Egypt,  in  every 
imaginable  scene  of  intemperance  and  licentious  pleasure,  he 
ordered  his  officers  to  prepare  for  an  invasion  of  Armenia, 
whose  king  he  accused  of  having  treacherously  failed  to  ful- 
fil his  engagements  to  assist  him  in  his  war  with  the  Par- 
thians. 

The  reports  o'f  his  behaviour  provoked  the  Romans,  and 
rendered  Octavia  impatient  to  reclaim  him,  and  enjoy  his  so- 
ciety. She  proceeded  to  Greece,  carrying  valuable  presents 
to  him  from  her  brother.  There  she  received  letters  from 
Antony,  positively  prohibiting  her  from  advancing  into  Egypt, 
and  declining  to  accept  the  gifts  of  Octavius.  The  Romans, 
vho  loved  and  admired  her,  were  indignant  at  the  base  treat- 


1 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPOLE.  165 

ment  which  she  had  suffered ;  and  their  indignation  was  ex- 
ceedingly augmented,  on  learning  that  Antony  had  subdued 
Armenia,  carried  its  king  captive  into  Egypt,  and  made  a 
triumphal  entry  into  Alexandria,  as  if  it  were  the  capital  of 
the  Roman  empire.  In  the  accompanying  festival  he  acted 
more  like  a  maniac  than  a  ruler  of  nations.  He  not  only  put 
on  the  Oriental  dress  and  badges  of  royalty,  but  likewise  the 
attire  and  designation  of  a  god  ;  wore  the  buskins,  the  golden 
crown,  and  the  chaplet  of  ivy  belonging  to  Bacchus,  held 
the  thyrsus  in  his  hand,  and  was  drawn  through  the  streets  of 
Alexandria  on  a  car  like  those  which  were  employed  in  the 
processions  of  the  gods.  It  was  said,  that  Cleopatra  at  the  same 
time  assumed  the  dress  of  Isis :  that  being  seated  together  on 
thrones  of  gold,  elevated  on  a  lofty  platform,  Antony  presented 
Cleopatra  to  the  people,  as  queen  not  only  of  Egypt  and  Cy- 
pius,  but  likewise  of  Africa  and  Celosyria,  and  that  he  asso- 
ciated with  her  in  these  titles  Cesarion,  her  supposed  son  by 
Julius  Cesar.  To  his  own  sons,  by  this  prostitute  queen,  he 
also  allotted  kingdoms,  some  of  which  he  had  not  even  con- 
quered. This  foolish  and  vain  distribution  of  the  eastern 
provinces  of  the  empire  was  formally  executed,  and  copies  of 
his  deeds  were  ordered  to  be  deposited  with  the  most  public  re- 
cords of  the  Romans  in  the  Temple  of  Vesta,  in  Rome. 

In  the  meantime,  Octavius,  aided  or  directed  by  his  able 
friends  Maecenas  and  Agrippa,  pursued  a  course  most  fitted 
to  gain  the  approbation  of  the  intelligent,  and  dazzle  the  eyes, 
excite  the  wonder,  and  flatter  the  passions  and  prejudices  of 
the  ignorant  and  giddy  multitude.  In  order  to  this,  he  re- 
stored the  office  of  aBdile,  and  conferred  it  on  Agrippa,  who 
discharged  its  duties  with  consummate  skill  and  diligence. 
He  constructed  roads,  cleansed  the  ancient  and  much  admired 
common  sewers  which  had  been  constructed  at  immense  la- 
bour and  expense  in  past  ages,  repaired  the  circus,  exhibited 
magnificent  shows,  and  gratified  the  populace  by  the  erection 
of  public  baths,  bestowment  of  money  and  presents,  and  the 
providing  of  a  variety  of  amusements. 

It  soon  became  evident  that  war  between  Antony  and  Oc- 
tavius was  inevitable.  They  continued  to  correspond  by 
messengers  and  letters,  but  it  was  only  to  accuse  each  other 
of  violations  of  the  terms  of  their  alliance,  and  both  prepared 
for  the  final  contest  for  the  supreme  power.  The  two  consuls 
for  the  years,  C.  D.  Ahenobarbus  and  C.  Sosius,  friends  of 
Antony,  having  accused  Octavius  of  many  acts  of  injustice 
done  him,  believed  that  they  could  not  safely  remain  in  Rome 


^m 


166  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

They  fled  to  Asia,  and  left  Octjivius  master  of  the  city.  An- 
tony, who  was  then  in  Armenia,  no  sooner  learned  the  state 
of  affairs  in  Italy  than  he  summoned  a  council  of  the  sena- 
tors, who  were  with  him,  enumerated  to  them  the  injuries 
inflicted  on  him  by  his  rival,  divorced  in  form  Octavia,  de- 
clared war  against  her  brother,  and  solemnly  swore  that  six 
months  after  he  had  relieved  Rome  from  his  tyranny,  he  would 
restore  entire  the  ancient  constitution  of  the  republic.  He 
then  ordered  Canidius  to  advance  with  the  army  to  Ephesus, 
where  he  proposed  to  proceed,  after  he  had  conducted  Cleo- 
patra, who  .was  with  him,  into  Egypt.  She,  however,  re- 
solved to  accompany  him  to  Greece  and  Asia,  and  on  their 
departure  for  Ephesus  gave  him  twenty  thousand  talents  and 
two  hundred  ships,  which  increased  his  fleet  to  eight  hun- 
dred. But  her  imperious  conduct,  and  his  own  levity  and 
dissoluteness  alienated  from  him  many  of  his  ablest  friends, 
whose  reports,  on  their  arrival  in  Italy,  highly  exasperated 
the  Romans  against  him,  and  led  them  to  believe  that  he  in- 
tended to  transfer  the  seat  of  empire  to  Alexandria.  These 
reports  the  party  of  Octavius  most  widely  and  industriously 
circulated,  to  expose  Antony  to  general  ridicule  and  scorn  : 
and,  at  the  same  time,  highly  honoured  their  principal  au- 
thors, Placus  and  Titius,  who  had  ranked  among  Antony's 
chief  officers.  They  were  introduced  into  the  senate,  that 
their  testimony  might  justify  the  resolution  proposed,  that  An- 
tony should  be  divested  of  the  office  and  dignity  which  had 
been  apparently  legitimately  conferred  on  him,  and  declared 
incapable  of  being  consul,  to  which  office  he  had  been  des- 
tined by  the  same  authority.  War,  at  the  same  time,  was 
proclaimed  against  the  queen  of  Egypt,  and  all  Roman  citi- 
zens were  required  "  to  withdraw  from  Antony,  as  being 
abandoned  to  the  caprices  of  a  stranger,  and  a  woman  who, 
by  a  kind  of  fascination,  led  him  in  her  train,  and  prevailed 
upon  him  to  countenance,  against  his  own  country,  a  war 
which  was  to  be  conducted  by  the  eunuchs  Mardio  and  Po- 
thinus,  keepers  of  the  palace  of  Alexandria ;  and  by  Ira  and 
Charmion,  the  waiting  women  of  Cleopatra,  who  hoped  soon 
to  reign  in  the  capital  of  the  Roman  empire,  as  absolutely  as 
they  had  for  some  time  governed  in  the  provinces  of  the 
East." 

Antony  consumed  his  time  on  his  voyage  at  several  places, 
particularly  in  the  island  of  Samos  and  Athens,  in  scenes  of 
extreme  dissipation  ;  and  instead  of  invading  Italy,  and  sur- 
prising his  rival  unprepared,  permitted  him  both  time  and 


9 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE    ROMAN    IMPIRE.  167 

opportunity  to  collect  and  convey  to  Epirus  a  sufficient  force 
to  oppose  him.  Antony  had  under  his  command  all  the 
provinces  from  the  Euphrates  and  Armenia  to  the  Ionian 
Sea  and  lUyricum,  and  from  Cyrene  to  Ethiopia.  Octavius' 
government  extended  from  Illyricum  to  the  ocean,  and  com- 
prehended all  the  coast  of  Africa  that  was  opposite  to  Italy, 
Gaul,  and  Spain.  Many  kings  followed  Antony's  fortune,  and 
attended  him  in  this  war  ;  namely,  Bocchus  king  of  Mauritania, 
Tarcondemus  or  Tarcondimotus  of  Upper  Cilicia,  Archelaus 
of  Cappadocia,  Philadelphus,  of  Paphlagonia,  Mithridates  of. 
Comagene,  and  Adallas  of  Thrace.  These  attended  him  in 
person  ;  but  Polemon  king  of  Pontus,  Malchus  king  of  Ara- 
bia, Herod  king  of  Judea,  Amyntas  king  of  Lycaonia  and 
Galatia,  only  sent  their  quotas  of  forces.  All  these  together 
composed  an  army  of  a  lijindred  thousand  foot  and  twelve 
thousand  horse.  His  navy  consisted  of  five  hundred  ships 
of  war,  some  whereof  had  eight,  and  some  ten,  banks  of 
oars.  Octavius  had  no  foreign  princes  in  his  army,  which 
amounted  only  to  eighty  thousand  foot,  but  was  as  'strong  in 
cavalry  as  the  enemy.  He  had  no  more  than  two  hundred 
and  fifty  ships,  but  those  light,  and  well  manned  with  sailors, 
rowers,  and  soldiers  ;  whereas  Antony's  feeemed  built  for  os- 
tentation, and,  besides,  were  very  indifferently  manned,  his 
officers  having  been  obliged,  for  want  of  mariners,  to  press 
in  Greece,  which  had  been  exhausted  long  before,  carriers, 
labourers,  and  even  boys  :  and,  notwithstanding  this  expedi- 
ent, his  vessels  had  not  their  full  complement. 

Antony  took  possession  of  the  gulf  of  Amhracia,  at  the 
head  of  which  stooJ  the  ancient  capital  of  the  celebrated 
Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus.  This  gulf,  now  named  Arta,  is 
narrow  at  its  entrance,  but  within  is  more  capacious,  stretch- 
ing into  the  interior,  eastward  from  twenty  to  thirty  miles. — 
Actium,  on  the  southern  coast,  commanded  the  navigation  of 
the  gulf  This  was  the  station  of  Antony's  army  ;  that  of 
Octavius  was  posted  on  the  opposite  shore,  a  Toryne,  the 
present  Prevesa,  which  occupies  the  site  of  Ni(  opolis,  one  of 
the  cities  erected  by  Octavius,  and  so  named  to  2ommemorate 
his  victories.  Successive  months  were  spent  by  both  parties 
in  harassing  each  other.  Agrippi,  equally  distinguished  as 
the  commander  of  a  fleet,  a  general  of  an  army,  and  a  cour\- 
sellor  of  state,  by  numerous  vessels  with  which  the  land 
troops  co-operated,  ravaged  the  towns  and  coasts  whence  An- 
tony procured  provisions.  The  result  was,  that  his  army  at 
length  were  so  distressed,  from  want  and  disease,  that  deser- 


1 


<p  # 


168  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

tions  were  numerous,  and  distrust  and  dissatisfaction  general ; 
and  he  became  convinced  of  the  necessity  of  attempting  a 
retreat  or  risking  a  general  battle.  The  former  opinion  was 
that  of  Cleopatra,  who  longed  to  escape  from  danger,  and, 
therefore,  urged  him  to  withdraw  to  Egypt,  assemble  all  the 
forces  of  Asia,  in  that  kingdom,  and  there  combat  for  the 
empire  of  the  world. 

Deceived  by  her  policy,  as  he  had  been  enervated  by  her 
enchantments,  he  glistened  to  her  counsels,  and  ordered  his 
fleet  to  prepare  to  encounter  the  enemy.  They  sailed,  and 
began,  to  form  in  the  straits,  but  his  ships  being  heavier, 
loftier,  and  less  active  than  those  of  his  antagonist,  "  he  hesi- 
tated for  some  time  whether  he  should  not  remain  in  close 
order,  and  endeavour  to  bring  on  the  action  in  the  narrow 
entrance  of  the  gulf,  where  his  antagonists,  for  want  of  room, 
could  not  derive  any  great  advantage  from  the  superior  agility 
of  their  vessels,  or  quickness  of  their  motions.  While  An- 
tony deliberated  on  this  matter,  Octavius  got  under  sail,  turned 
the  headland  of  Toryne,  and  formed  in  a  line  before  the 
entry  of  the  straits,  about  a  mile  from  the  enemy.  The  right 
division  was  commanded  by  M.  Larius,  the  left  by  Aruntius, 
the  whole  by  Agrippa.  Both  armies,  at  the  same  time,  were 
drawn  out  on  the  shore  to  behold  the  event ;  but  the  fleets, 
for  some  time  did  not  make  any  movement,  and  it  continued 
uncertain  whether  Antony,  being  still  in  the  road,  might  not 
return  to  his  anchors;  but  about  noon  his  ships  began  to 
clear  the  straits,  and  came  forward  where  the  sea-room  was 
sufficient  for  their  line.  As  in  this  movement  the  fleets  came 
closer  together,  Agrippa  began  to  extend  his  front,  in  order  to 
turn  the  enemy's  flank ;  but  Poplicola,  on  the  other  side, 
stretching  to  the  same  place  to  keep  pace  with  him,  the  centre 
of  both  fleets  was  equally  opened,  and  they  engaged  soon 
after,  without  any  apparent  advantage  on  either  side.  The 
contest,  for  some  tinie,  remained  undecided.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  the  action,  the  queen  of  Egypt's  yacht  had  been  near 
to  the  line,  and  she  herself  continued  to  look  on  the  battle,  till, 
overcome  with  anxiety,  aff'right,  and  horror,  she  gave  orders 
to  remove  her  galley  to  a  greater  distance,  and  being  once  in 
motion,  fled  with  all  the  sail  she  could  make.  Her  vessel 
being  distinguished  by  a  gilded  poop  and  purple  sails,  made 
her  flight  be  conspicuous  to  the  whole  fleet,  and  drew  away 
from  the  line  about  sixty  ships  of  the  Egyptian  squadron, 
who,  under  pretence  of  attending  their  mistress,  withdrew 
from  the  action.     Antony,  apprehending  the  consequence  of 


» 


«B= 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE.  169 

this  defection,  whether  in  despair  of  his  fortunes,  or  in  some 
hopes  to  raJly  those  who  fled,  went  on  board  of  a  quick  sail- 
ing vessel,  and  endeavoured  to  overtake  them.  Being 
observed  from  Cleopatra's  galley,  he  was  taken  on  board  j 
but,  no  longer  capable  of  any  vigorous  or  rational  purpose, 
he  became  the  companion  of  her  flight,  without  any  attempt 
to  rally  her  fleet.  Although  he  quitted  the  chance  of  a  vic- 
tory to  follow  the  object  of  his  passions,  he  could  not  endure 
to  behold  her,  turned  his  eyes  aside,  threw  himself  upon  the 
deck,  and  continued  in  the  deepest  anguish  of  shame  and 
despair.  The  flight  of  Antony,  joined  to  that  of  Cleopatra, 
an  event  so  little  expected,  wa»not  for  some  time  observed, 
and  the  fleet,  notwithstanding  the  desertion  of  their  leader, 
continued  the  action  till  four  in  the  afternoon,  when  they  were 
overpowered  ;  and  many  of  them  being  greatly  damaged  in 
their  oars  and  rigging,  were  not  in  condition  either  to  resist 
or  to  escape,  and  fell  an  easy  prey  to  the  enemy.  Three  hun- 
dred ships  were  taken  or  sunk,  and  about  five  thousand  men 
were  killed.  The  strand  was  covered  with  wrecks  and  dead 
bodies.  Ociavius  detached  a  squadron  in  pursuit  of  such  of 
the  enemy's  ships  as  had  got  to  sea  from  the  engagement,  and 
himself  continued  in  the  channel  during  the  remainder  of 
the  day  and  the  following  night,  to  gather  the  fruits  of  his 
victory.  The  land  army  of  Antony,  having,  from  the  heights 
on  shore,  beheld  the  ruin  of  their  fleet,  retired  to  their  camp, 
as  with  an  intention  to  maintain  it  to  the  last  extremity. 
They  flattered  themselves  that  their  general,  though  forced  to 
yield  to  his  enemy  at  sea,  would  make  for  the  nearest  port, 
and  again  show  himself  at  the  head  of  his  legions.  These, 
they  said,  he  never  should  have  left,  to  commit  his  fortunes  to 
an  uncertain  element  and  a  treacherous  ally.  In  these  hopes 
they  remained  for  seven  days  unshaken  in  their  duty,  and 
rejected  all  the  oflTers  which  Octavius  made  to  induce  them  to 
change  their  party.  Being  satisfied,  however,  at  last,  that 
their  hopes  were  vain,  they  consulted  their  safety  in  different 
ways.  Some  laid  down  their  arms ;  Canidius  himself,  who 
commanded  them,  withdrew  in  the  night ;  others,  remaining 
together  in  small  parties,  took  the  route  to  Macedonia ;  but, 
being  pursued  by  the  enemy,  were  separately  overtaken,  and 
forced  or  persuaded  to  surrender.  All  the  Roman  citizens, 
who  had  taken  refuge  in  the  eastern  provinces,  all  the  foreign 
allies  and  princes,  who  made  a  part  of  the  vanquished  army, 
successively  made  their  peace;  and  the  empire  itself  now 
Seemed  to  be  reduced  under  a  single  head." 

VOL.  II.  15 


«= 


"'tsr 


170  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

Octavius  proposed  to  pass  the  approaching  winter  in  the 
island  of  Samos,  and  afterwards  to  pursue  Antony.  •  The 
government  of  Rome  he  committed  to  Maecenas  and  Agrippa. 
But  when  these  able  men  reported  to  him  that  disaffection 
prevailed  among  the  troops  whom  they  had  conducted  into 
Italy,  he  hastened  to  join  them,  and  by  the  practice  of  the 
arts  of  conciliation,  for  which  he  was  justly  celebrated,  he 
calmed  the  passions  of  the  soldiers,  and  by  large  promises 
flattered  their  hopes.  He  remained  only  a  short  time  in 
Rome,  for  he  was  solicitous  to  invade  Egypt  before  the  queen 
and  Antony  could  retrieve  their  affairs.  The  latter,  however, 
never  properly  recovered  his*  native  energy,  and  was  gener- 
ally either  overwhelmed  in  melancholy  or  deranged  by  de- 
bauchery; and  the  former  was  either  engaged  on  the  one 
hand  in  the  invention  of  means  to  prevent  him  from  suspect- 
ing her  fidelity,  and  on  the  other  in  meditating  how  she  might 
save  herself  from  death  or  degradation,  without  any  sincere 
concern  for  his  honour  or  life.  Truly  her  ways  led  down  to 
,the  chambers  of  the  invisible  world  of  darkness  and  despair. 
Antony  showed  on  one  occasion  the  determination  to  make 
one  great  effort  to  resist  his  opponent,  but  finding  that  the 
army  and  fleet  of  Cleopatra  were  alike  treacherous,  he  seems 
to  have  for  a  moment  become  convinced  that  she  had  given 
them  secret  instructions,  and  purposed,  if  possible,  by  taking 
his  life,  to  purchase  the  favour  of  Octavius.  Inexpressibly 
mortified  by  the  conscious  imbecility  and  meanness  of  spirit 
by  which  he  had  given  himself  up  for  a  prey  to  a  cunning 
-  female,  and  overpowered  by  anguish  and  utter  hopelessness, 
he  iniflicted  on  himself  a  fatal  wound,  and  died  in  the  arms 
of  her  who  had,  to  gratify  her  vanity  and  passion,  completed 
his  disgrace  and  ruin.  She  also  poisoned  herself,  after  she 
perceived  that  the  many  and  various  devices  and  efforts  to 
which  she  had  resorted,  in  hopes  of  making  a  favourable 
impression  on  the  mind  of  Octavius,  could  not  avert  from  her 
the  indignity  of  being  carried  captive  by  him,  to  add  to  the 
lustre  of  his  triumphal  processions  in  the  capital  of  the  world. 
With  her  perished  the  Ptolemean  or  Grecian  dynasty  in 
Egypt,  which  immediately  was  made  a  Roman  province,  the 
government  of  which  was  committed  to  the  Roman  officer 
and  poet,  Cornelius  Gallus. 

Thus,  B.  c.  30,  Octavius  found  himself  the  sovereign  of 
the  Roman  empire,  and  speedily  manifested  that  he  was  not 
less  qualified  for  the  duties  of  his  exalted  dignity  than  he 
had  proved   himself  able  to  triumph  over  every  rival.     Un- 


M^ 


# 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE.  171 

like  every  one  who  had  aspired  to  this  loftiest  object  of  hu- 
man ambition,  the  nearer  he  approached  it  the  more  fully  he 
displayed  the  consummate  policy  of  restraining  his  malig- 
nant passions,  so  that  his  vengeance  fell  on  fewer  after  his 
complete  and  final  victory  than  at  any  former  period  of  his 
life,  which  afforded  him  opportunity  to  punish  his  enemies. 
On  his  return  to  Rome,  every  mode  which  ingenuity  could 
devise  to  express  the  joy  and  gratitude  of  all  ranks,  was 
adopted  ;  and  he  was  most  careful  to  employ  all  his  prudence 
and  wisdom,  and  cunning,  to  impose  on  the  senses,  and  to 
win  the  applause  of  all.  He  provided  whatever  could  amuse 
the  people,  laid  aside  the  title  of  triumvir,  and  pretended  to 
re-establish  the  institutions  of  the  republic,  while  he  accepted 
all  the  titles  and  offices  which  comprised  the  supreme  gov- 
ernment of  the  state.  Thus  he  was  invested  with  the  dig- 
nity and  power  of  imperator,  consul,  censor,  and  tribune. 
Notwithstanding  the  existence  of  revoU  in  some  of  the  pro- 
vinces, he  was  proclaimed  the  restorer  of  peace  to  the  world, 
and  in  token  of  this  the  gates  of  the  temple  of  Janus  were 
shut.  He  was  honoured  by  three  triumphal  processions,  the 
anniversaries  of  his  birth  and  victory  were  decreed  to  be 
celebrated  for  ever  as  days  of  thank&giving,  and  his  name 
was  inserted  in  the  daily  public  prayers  for  the  safety  and 
prosperity  of  the  commonweahh.  He  terminated  the  pro- 
cessions by  depositing  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  "sixteen  thou- 
sand pondo,  or  a  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  ounces  of  gold, 
with  fifty  millions  in  Roman  money,  or  above  four  hundred 
thousand  pounds  sterling ;  and  at  the  close  of  the  ceremony 
distributed  a  thousand  sestertii,  or  above  eight  pounds  of  our 
money,  to  each  man  of  the  troops ;  which,  to  an  army  con- 
sisting of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men,  amounted 
to  a  sum  of  near  a  million  sterling.  To  the  officers,  besides 
his  pecuniary  bounty,  he  gave  honorary  rewards.  To  Agrip- 
pa,  in  particular,  he  gave  a  blue  ensign  in  token  of  his 
naval  victories ;  to  the  people  he  made  a  donation  of  four 
hundred  sestertii,  or  about  three  pounds  five  shillings  a  man, 
and  doubled  the  usual  allowance  of  corn  from  the  public 
granaries ;  discharged  all  that  he  owed,  remitted  all  the  debts 
that  were  due  to  himself,  and  refused  all  the  presents  which 
were  offered  to  him  from  the  different  towns  and  districts  of 
Italy.  The  accumulations  and  distributions  of  foreign  spoils 
at  Rome,  or  ine  general  expectations  of  prosperous  times, 
produced  grea»  or  very  sensible  effects  in  raising  the  price  of 
houses,  lands,  and  other  articles  of  sale,  whether  in  Italy  or 


^  ^ 


t 


172  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

m  the  contiguous  provinces ;  a  circumstance  which,  joined 
to  the  new  and  strange  appearance  of  the  gates  of  the  temple 
of  Janus  being  shut,  as  a  signal  of  universal  peace,  made 
these  triumphs  of  Octavius  appear  an  era  of  felicity  and  hope 
to  the  empire.  They  vi^ere  followed  by  other  magnificent 
ceremonies;  the  dedicating  of  a  temple  which  had  been 
erected  to  Minerva,  and  the  opening  of  a  great  hall  which 
had  been  inscribed  with  the  name  of  Julius  Cesar.  In  that 
hall  was  placed  a  noted  statue  of  Victory  which  had  been 
brought  from  Tarentum,  and  there  too  were  hung  up  the 
trophies  which  had  been  collected  in  Egypt.  The  statue  ot 
Cleopatra  in  gold  was  placed  in  the  temple  of  Venus,  and  at 
the  same  time  the  shrine  of  Julius  Cesar,  as  well  as  those  of 
Jupiter,  Juno,  and  Minerva,  were  decorated  with  many  en- 
signs or  badges  of  victory.  On  occasion  of  these  solemnities, 
a  variety  of  games  were  exhibited ;  that  of  Troy,  in  particu- 
lar, was  now  instituted,  being  a  procession  formed  by  youth 
of  high  rank,  mounted  on  horseback,  and  led  by  Marcellus 
and  Tiberius,  the  nephew  and  the  stepson  of  Octavius.  Races 
were  run  in  chariots  and  on  horseback,  by  persons  of  high 
rank ;  and  fights  of  gladiators  were  exhibited,  in  which,  to 
the  supposed  disgrace  of  the  times,  it  is  remarked  that  a  Ro- 
man senator,  of  the  name  of  Gluintus  Ventelius,  was  one  of 
the  combatants.  Numerous  parties  of  captives  from  the  Daci 
and  Suevi,  in  a  form  that  might  pass  for  real  battles,  were 
made  to  fight  for  their  liberty,  that  was  proposed  as  the  prize 
for  the  victors.  Many  exhibitions  were  made  of  hunting 
and  baiting  of  wild  beasts,  in  which  were  presented  a  rhi- 
noceros and  hippopotamus  or  sea-horse,  animals  till  the  un- 
known at  Rome.  In  the  time  of  these  entertainments,  which 
continued  many  days,  Octavius  either  really  was,  or  pretend- 
ed to  be  taken  ill,  and  left  the  honour  of  presiding  at  the 
shows  to  some  private  senators,  who,  together  with  many 
other  members  of  their  body,  to  increase  the  solemnity,  feast- 
ed the  people  in  their  turns." 

While  he  unquestionably  meditated  the  assumption  of  al' 
the  power  and  majesty  of  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  the 
empire,  without  any  greater  disguise  than  circumstances  in 
dicated  to  be  expedient,  he  is  reported  to  have,  about  this 
time,  consulted  Maecenas  and  Agrippa  whether  he  ought  no*' 
publicly  to  resign  all  authority,  and  restore  the  ancient  forms 
of  the  republic.  The  latter  is  said  first  to  have  recommend- 
ed this  scheme,  but  was  persuaded  by  the  former  to  urge 
Octavius  to  retain  and  exercise  power  uncontrolled,  except  by 


m= 


B8TABLISHMENT   OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  173 

the  opinions  of  those  whom  he  conceived  to  be  qualified  to 
serve  him.  That  this  advice  corresponded  with  his  inclina- 
tion, his  future  life  demonstrated ;  for,  from  this  period,  he 
established  a  military  despotism,  which  rendered  all  who 
seemed  to  share  with  him  in  the  administration,  the  mere 
slaves  of  his  will.  Nevertheless,  he  was  solicitous  to  procure 
the  sanction  of  the  senate  to  all  his  measures:  and  that  he 
might  not  be  disappointed  in  this,  his  first  care  was  that  no 
one  should  sit  in  that  assembly  who  was  not  prepared  to 
obey  his  dictates.  Accordingly,  on  assuming  the  office  of 
consul  for  the  sixth  time,  he  chose  Agrippa  for  his  colleague. 
They  commenced  their  labours,  as  usual,  by  taking  a  census 
or  review  of  all  the  different  orders  of  the  state.  From  the 
past  public  disorders  and  confusions,  it  was  understood  that 
many  members  in  the  senate  had  no  legitimate  title  to  the 
dignity.  To  avoid  unnecessary  offence,  the  consuls  recom- 
mended that  all  conscious  of  any  disqualification  should  vol- 
untarily withdraw.  Fifty  regarded  the  advice,  and,  on  the 
rolls  being  examined,  one  hundred  and  forty  men  were 
struck  off  All  these,  although  excluded  from  the  senate, 
were  permitted  to  retain  the  dress  of  senators  in  all  public 
places.  By  raising  the  money  qualification  of  a  senator, 
Octavius  excluded  some  objectionable  persons,  whose  other 
qualifications  were  complete ;  and  to  obtain  the  assistance  of 
others  he  supplied  them  with  the  requisite  wealth.  This 
mode  of  depriving  those  of  power  whom  he  suspected  of 
disaffection  to  his  person,  or  disapprobation  of  his  plans,  he 
resorted  lo  at  a  future  period  of  his  reign.  While  he  thus 
annihilated  the  small  portion  of  political  power  remaining 
in  the  senate,  and  showed  little  respect  to  the  comitium,  he 
employed  every  art  to  please,  amuse,  or  flatter  the  populace. 
He  ordered  the  construction  of  magnificent  temples  and 
other  public  works,  and  celebrated  the  dedication  or  com- 
pletion of  them  with  pompous  shows  and  processions.  "  He 
furnished,  at  his  own  expense  the  circus  and  theatres  with 
continual  entertainments,  with  the  fights  of  gladiators,  and 
the  baiting  or  hunting  of  wild  beasts.  While  he  thus  en- 
couraged the  people  in  their  usual  vices  of  idleness  and  dis- 
sipation, he  avoided  laying  any  new^  burdens,  cancelled  all 
arrears  due  to  the  treasury  within  the  city,  and  increased 
fourfold  the  gratuitous  distributions  of  corn.  To  these  po- 
pular arts  he  joined  a  species  of  amnesty  of  all  past  offences 
and  differences ;  repealed  all  the  acts  which,  during  the  late 
violent  times,  the  spirit  of  party  had  dictated ;  and,  to  quiet 

15* 


174  ESTABLISHMENT   OP   THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE. 

the  apprehensions  of  many,  who  were  conscious  of  having 
taken  part  with  his  enemies,  he  gave  out  that  all  papers  or 
records  seized  in  Egypt,  upon  the  final  reduction  of  An- 
tony's party,  were  destroyed ;  though  in  this  Dion  Cassius 
contradicts  him,  and  alleges  that  such  papers  were  preserved, 
and  afterwards  employed  in  evidence  against  persons  whom 
he  thought  proper  to  oppress." 

On  the  return  of  the  season  for  the  appointment  of  new 
consuls,  Octavius  resumed  the  ensigns  of  office,  and  exhibited 
the  farce  which  he  had  premeditated,  either  for  the  gratifica- 
tion of  his  vanity,  or  to  impose  on  the  unreflecting  multitude : 
he  publicly  resigned,  in  an  eloquent  address,  all  the  extraor- 
dinary powers  which  he  had  exercised,  well  knowing  that 
neither  senate  nor  comitium  would  presume  to  accept  his  re- 
stgnation.  The  senate,  doubtless,  were  not  ignorant  of  his 
design,  and  they  completed  the  farce  by  entreating  him  to 
desist  from  his  purpose,  and  allay  the  fearful  apprehensions 
which  had  seized  all  ranks  by  condescending  to  remain  at 
the  head  of  the  government.  He  complied  with  their  re- 
quest, but  only  on  the  condition  that  the  senators  should  divide 
with  him  the  burden  of  the  administration.  He  was,  how- 
ever, careful  to  retain  the  entire  authority  over  the  army,  by 
which  means  the  senate  was  put  in  possession  of  nothing 
more  than  a  nominal  power.  He  undertook  the  charge  of 
all  the  provinces  on  the  frontier  and  those  most  disposed  to 
revolt,  while  the  Senate  should  regulate  the  affairs  of  the  pro- 
vinces which  were  reconciled  to  the  dominion  of  Rome. — 
Thus  he  was  to  choose  officers  of  military  rank,  with  the 
title  of  propraetor,  to  govern  the  provinces  assigned  to  him  ; 
and  the  senate  were  to  nominate  to  their  provinces  civil  offi- 
cers, with  the  title  of  pro-consul,  without  either  military  rank 
or  the  power  of  the  sword.  The  former  governors  were  to 
hold  their  appointments  during  his  pleasure  ;  the  latter  were 
to  hold  their  governments  no  longer  than  a  year.  Hitherto 
governors  of  provinces  received  no  salary  ;  but  they  were 
authorised  to  demand  whatever  supplies  they  deemed  neces- 
sary from  those  whom  they  were  appointed  to  rule.  The 
consequence  was,  that  many  of  them  amassed  immense 
wealth  at  the  expense  of  the  provinces,  and,  on  their  return, 
acquired  great  and  dangerous  influence  in  the  state.  To 
remedy  these  intolerable  grievances,  the  provincial  govern- 
ments were  reduced  to  their  "proper  state  of  subordination 
and  dependence.  The  duties  they  were  to  levy,  and  their 
own  emoluments,  were  clearly  ascertained.    The  greater  pro- 


m- 


ESTABLISHMENT    OP    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE.  175 

vinces  were  divided,  and  separate  officers  appointed  to  each 
division.  Neither  men  nor  money  were  to  be  levied  without 
authority  from  the  emperor  and  the  senate,  nor  was  any  offi- 
cer, to  whom  a  successor  was  appointed,  to  remain  in  his 
command,  or  to  absent  himself  from  Rome  above  three  months. ' 
To  secure  the  observance  of  these  regulations,  and  to  accel- 
erate communication  from  every  part  of  the  empire,*an  insti- 
tution resembling  that  of  the  modern  posts  was  for  the  first 
time  introduced  in  the  ancient  world.  Couriers  were  placed 
at  convenient  stages,  with  orders  to  forward  from  one  to  the 
other  the  public  despatches.  It  was  afterwards  thought  more 
effectual,  for  the  purpose  of  intelligence,  to  transport  the  origi- 
nal messenger  to  Rome." 

To  express  the  gratitude  of  the  Roman  people  to  Octavius 
for  his  services,  the  senate  conferred  on  him  the  new  title  of 
August,  or  the  Awful,  expressive  of  the  highest  dignity,  and 
decreed  that  the  '-court  of  his  palaces  should  be  forever 
hung  with  laurel,  the  badge  of  victories  that  were  ever  fresh 
in  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  with  wreaths  of  oak,  the 
usual  distinction  of  those  who  had  saved  a  fellow-citizen :  in 
token  that  the  Roman  people  were  continually  preserved  by 
his  acceptance  of  the  sovereignty,  and  by  the  wisdom  of  his 
administration.  Octavius  from  henceforward  came  to  be 
known  by  the  name  of  Augustus.  He  had  been  some  time 
the  object  of  fear,  and  consequently  of  adulation  to  the  peo- 
ple, and  was  now  probably  become  the  object  of  that  fond 
admiration  with  which  the  bulk  of  mankind  regard  those 
who  are  greatly  elevated  by  fortune.  Under  the  effect  of  this 
sentiment,  or  supported  by  the  prevalence  of  it,  citizens  of 
high  rank  devoted  themselves  to  Augustus,  as  they  were  told 
that  the  vassal  devoted  himself  to  his  lord  in  some  of  the  bar- 
barous cantons  of  Spain  and  Gaul.  They  took  an  oath  to 
interpose  their  persons  in  all  his  dangers,  and  if  he  must  die, 
to  perish  with  him.  The  dying,  under  pretence  of  bequeath- 
ing some  legacy  to  Augustus,  introduced  his  name  in  their 
wills,  with  a  lavish  encomium  or  flattering  character.  Many 
appointed  him  sole  heir,  or.  together  with  their  children,  the 
joint  heir  of  all  their  fortunes.  Some,  on  their  deathbed, 
bequeathed  particular  sums  to  defray  the  expense  of  sacrifices 
to  the  gods  for  this  signal  blessing,  that  Augustus  was  still 
livinsi  when  they  expired.^^ 

Octavius  had  actually  swayed  the  sceptre  of  Rome  with 
absolute  power  from  the  time  of  the  final  victory  over  An- 
tony ;  but  the   universal  acknowledgment  of  his   imperial 


— « 


176  ESTABLISHMENT    OF    THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

dominion  may  be  dated  r.  c.  27,  when  he  received  the  impe- 
rial title  of  Augustus.  The  republic  was  now  extinguished, 
and  the  Roman  monarchy  fully  established,  which  far  sur- 
passed in  extent,  power,  and  riches,  all  preceding  monarchies, 
It  extended  in  length  about  four  thousand  miles,  and  two 
thousand  in  breadth,  and  comprised  the  territories- of  many 
famous  republics  and  extensive  empires,  and  many  regions 
which  had  never  been  favoured  with  the  arts  of  civilization. 
This  vast  empire  comprehended  those  parts  of  the  globe  oc- 
cupied by  the  races  of  men  who  have  been  most  distinguished 
by  vigour  of  mind,  enterprise,  and  perseverance  in  the  acqui- 
sition and  practical  improvement  of  knowledge  of  every  kind 
that  contributes  to  the  welfare  of  man.  It  embraced  a  variety 
of  climates  and  territories,  "  diversified  in  respect  to  situa- 
tion and  soil,  distributing  the  productions  of  nature  and  art, 
so  as  to  render  its  different  divisions  mutually  useful  and  sub- 
servient to  each  other.  The  communication  between  these 
parts,  though  remote,  was  easy,  and  by  a  sea  which,  with  the 
species  of  shipping  then  in  use,  and  with  the  measure  of  skill 
which  the  mariner  then  possessed,  could  be  easily  navigated. 
The  Mediterranean  being  received  into  the  bosom  of  this 
empire,  gave  to  the  whole  a  greater  extent  of  coast,  and  to 
the  inland  parts  an  easier  access  to  navigation,  than  could  be 
obtained  by  any  different  distribution  of  its  land  and  water. 
In  consequence  of  this  circumstance,  the  coasts  of  the  Roman 
empire,  without  measuring  minutely  round  the  indentures  of 
creeks  and  promontories,  and  even  without  including  the  out- 
line of  some  considerable  as  well  as  many  smaller  islands, 
may  be  computed  at  thirteen  thousand  miles  ;  an  extent 
which,  if  stretched  into  a  single  line,  would  exceed  half  the 
circumference  of  the  earth.  Over  this  extensive  coast,  the 
empire  was  furnished  with  numerous  seaports,  and  the  fre- 
quent openings  of  gulfs  and  navigable  rivers  ;  so  that,  not- 
withstanding the  great  extent  of  its  territory,  the  distance  of 
any  inland  place,  the  most  remote  from  the  sea.  does  not  ap- 
pear to  exceed  two  hundred  miles." 

Augustus  obtained  the  Roman  sceptre  in  his  thirty-third 
year ;  two  years  later,  it  was  conceded  to  him  by  the  Roman 
people,  and  he  reigned  prosperously  till  his  death,  in  his  sev- 
enty-sixth year,  and  a.  d.  14.  The  possession  of  supreme 
power  during  such  a  long  period  was  a  rare  phenomenon  in 
ancient  times  in  any  country,  and  especially  in  Europe,  whose 
most  illustrious  rulers  resembled  the  meteors  of  the  sky, 
rather  than  the  fixed  stars  in  the  heavens.      And  happily  for 


the  world,  the  principal  objects  of  the  policy  of  his  prolonged 
reign  were  scarcely  less  novel  than  its  duration ;  for  he  de- 
sired not,  like  former  conquerors,  the  extension  of  his  domin- 
ions, nor  the  glory  of  conquest,  but  the  maintenance  of  peace, 
and  the  fame  of  having  consolidated  and  aggrandised  the  em- 
pire, and  civilised  its  numerous  nations.  He  was  a  warrior 
from  expediency,  but  a  statesman  from  taste.  He  was  fitted 
to  direct  the  movements  of  an  army,  rather  than  to  lead  them 
on  to  victory.  But  in  the  arts  of  peace  he  was  at  once  the 
example,  the  patron,  and  the  rewarder  of  all  who  promoted 
them. 

The  revenue  of  Augustus,  derived  from  the  provinces, 
must  have  been  for  a  considerable  time  extremely  little,  com- 
pared with  the  accumulated  revenues  which  had  been  raised 
by  their  rulers  previously  to  their  subjection  to  Rome.  Many 
causes  had  operated  to  waste,  if  not  wholly  exhaust,  all  the 
resources  of  the  richest  of  the  conquered  countries ;  and 
none  perhaps,  except  the  most  barbarous,  was  immediately 
enriched  in  consequence  of  their  connexion  with  the  Romans. 
All  the  money  and  movable  articles  of  value  in  every  coun- 
try, had  been  generally  seized  by  the  conquerors,  and  carried 
to  Italy ;  and  whatever  was  immovable  was  damaged  by  the 
rude  hands  of  the  foreign  soldiers  and  baser  classes  of  the 
respective  communities.  The  number  of  persons  in  Italy  and 
the  provinces  had  increased  to  four  millions  one  hundred  and 
sixty-four  thousand  men  fit  to  carry  arms.  These,  by  a  law 
adopted  soon  after  by  the  Romans,  who  ceased  to  boast  that 
they  were  the  emancipators  of  mankind  from  slavery  and 
tyrrany.  would  have  claimed  exemption  from  taxation ;  but 
that  law  was  not  long  observed,  and  by  a  new  decree  all  the 
subjects  of  the  empire,  Roman  citizens  in  common  with  oth- 
ers, were  called  to  support  the  state  by  money  or  goods.  Still, 
however,  the  yoke  of  Rome  pressed  most  severely  on  those 
whom  she  had  reduced,  and  not  admitted  to  the  privilege  of 
citizens.  After  her  power  was  dreaded  and  felt  to  be  irresis- 
tible, her  officers  took  possession  of  conquered  countries 
"  without  any  capitulation,  and  considered  not  only  the  sover- 
eignty, but  the  property  likewise  of  the  land  and  of  its  inhabi- 
tants, as  devolving  upon  themselves.  They,  in  some  instan- 
ces, seized  on  the  persons  as  well  as  the  effects  of  the  van- 
quished, and  set  both  to  sale.  They  leased  the  lands  at 
considerable  quit-rents,  or,  leaving  them  in  the  hands  of  the 
original  proprietors,  exacted,  under  the  appellation  of  tithes, 
or  fifths  of  corn,  fruit,  and  cattle,  a  proportion  of  the  produce. 


%-=--  # 


178  ESTABLISHMENT   OF    THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

By  diversifying  the  tax,  the  burden  was  made  to  fall  upon 
different  subjects,  or  was  exacted  from  different  persons,  and 
by  these  means  the  whole  amount  was  less  easily  computed, 
i  or  less  sensibly  feh.     The  Romans,  in  continuing  the  taxes 

which  they  found  already  established  in  the  countries  they 
had  conquered,  or  by  imposing  such  new  ones  as  suited  their 
own  character  as  conquerors,  set  examples  of  almost  every 
kind  that  is  known  in  the  history  of  mankind.  They  levied 
customs  at  seaports,  excises  on  many  articles  of  consumption, 
and  a  considerable  capitation  or  poll  tax,  in  which  they  made 
no  distinction  of  rank  or  fortune.  Those  modes  of  taxation 
already  known  under  the  republic,  and  various  in  different 
provinces,  now  began  to  be  regulated  upon  the  maxims  of  a 
general  policy,  extending  over  the  whole  empire.  Some  of 
the  burdens  laid  by  Octavius,  as  that  which  was  imposed  on 
the  value  of  goods  exposed  to  sale,  were  charged  directly  for 
the  benefit  of  the  army,  as  a  fund  for  the  discharge  of  their 
pay,  or  an  immediate  supply  for  their  subsistence  or  clothing, 
and  by  this  sort  of  impropriation  were  unalterably  fixed. 
The  country  where  any  troops  were  quartered,  was  charged 
for  their  use  with  supplies  of  straw,  forage,  carriages,  corn, 
bread,  provisions,  and  even  clothing." 

The  immense  wealth  of  the  great  commercial  cities,  Alex- 
andria, Tyre,  and  Carthage,  had  disappeared  with  their  inde- 
pendence, liberty,  and  naval  power.  Commerce  was  more 
equally  distributed,  but  it  scarcely  could  be  said  to  have  a 
chief  seat  in  the  Roman  empire.  The  spirit  of  enterprise 
was  more  universally  diffused  than  in  former  times,  and  coun- 
tries acquired  distinction  which  had  during  all  past  ages  never 
escaped  from  the  lowest  state  of  barbarism.  The  language, 
the  literature,  and  arts  of  Greece,  had  been  for  iwo  or  three 
generations  encouraged  by  many  Romans  ;  but  Augustus 
stimulated  all  ranks  not  only  to  imitate,  but,  if  possible,  to 
excel  the  Grecian  race  in  all  intellectual  accomplishments,  and 
in  every  art  tending  to  the  attainment  of  national  greatness. 
The  professors  of  every  science,  and  practitioners  of  every  art, 
flocked  to  Rome  in  the  hope  of  distinction  or  wealth ;  and 
the  most  eminent  found  ample  honours  and  rewards.  The 
emperor  recommended  the  introduction  into  all  the  provinces 
of  all  the  inventions  and  improvements  of  his  age,  and  with 
how  much  success  it  is  unnecessary  to  say ;  for  where  is  the 
country  formerly  subject  to  Rome,  which  contains  not  traces 
of  the  skill,  wisdom,  and  nobleness  of  the  Roman  mind? 
During  a  number  of  centuries,  the  science,  the  literature,  the 


# 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  179 

laws,  the  arts,  the  customs  and  manners  of  Rome,  were  every 
where  admired  and  approved  by  all  who  occupied  the  princi- 
pal stations  and  offices  of  influence,  in  all  the  provinces  of  the 
empire.  The  salutary  change  on  the  face  of  society,  during 
the  reign  of  Augustus,  in  the  most  remote  regions  of  the  state, 
was  probably  not  less  than  that  of  Rome,  which  he  is  said 
emphatically  to  have  described  by  a  single  sentence  uttered 
when  he  was  dying ;  "  I  found  a  city  of  brick,  and  changed 
it  into  marble." 

Though  Augustus  was  not  ambitious  to  enlarge  the  domin- 
ions of  the  empire  which  he  ruled,  yet  he  resolutely  main- 
tained its  integrity.  He  permitted  not  any  of  the  provinces 
to  cast  off' the  yoke  with  impunity.  And  though  he  preferred 
the  sceptre  of  government  to  the  sword  of  the  warrior,  yet  he 
•repeatedly  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  his  armies,  even  after 
he  had  ascended  the  throne.  On  his  return  to  Rome  from 
the  conquest  of  Egypt,  he  sent  an  army  to  Germany,  another 
to  the  bordere  of  Macedon,  and  a  third  into  Spain,  to  quell 
some  commotions,  which  disturbed  these  countries.  Having 
settled  the  affairs  of  Italy,  he  proceeded  to  Gaul,  and  arranged 
the  government.  Then  he  advanced  into  Spain,  the  interior 
of  which  was  not  wholly  subdued.  During  his  residence 
there  he  was  gratified  by  receiving  an  embassy  from  the 
Purthians,  requesting  him  to  judge  and  decide  on  the  claims 
of  two  competitors,  Phrates  and  Tiridates,  to  the  throne ;  in 
return  for  which  favour  all  the  Roman  captives  and  trophies 
taken  in  the  war  with  Crassus  and  Antony,  were  to  be  re- 
stored without  any  compensation.  He  left  the  decision  to  the 
senate,  but  regarded  the  circumstance  with  pleasure  equal  al- 
most to  what  he  would  have  felt  had  he  actually  conquered 
Parthia.  All  the  empire  being  reduced  to  obedience,  Augus- 
tus returned  in  triumph  to  Rome;  and  to  express  the  joy  oc- 
casioned by  the  attainment  of  peace  every  where,  the  gates  of 
Janus  were  once  more  shut,  and  a  column  erected  on  the 
summit  of  the  Alps,  on  which  were  inscribed  the  names  of 
forty  nations  or  cantons  who  had  submitted  to  the  Great  Au- 
gustus. 

The  principal,  if  not  the  only  remarkable  attempt  to  con- 
quer a  powerful  people,  in  this  reign,  was  the  commission 
given  to  JEVms  Gallus,  propraetor  of  Egypt,  to  invade  Arabia 
Felix,  a  region  celebrated  for  its  treasures  of  gold,  silver,  and 
precious  productions,  partly  indigenous  and  partly  imported 
from  India.  This  expedition  procured  not  even  authentic 
information  concerning  the  state  of  the  country  and  people 


180       E8TABLISHMEWT  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE. 

against  whom  it  was  sent.  Gallus  lost  many  ships  and  men 
in  the  gulf  of  Arabia  ;  and  the  greater  part  of  the  army  per- 
ished in  the  deserts  from  want  of  water  and  by  disease. 

The  Roman  forces  being  thus  exceedingly  weakened  in 
Egypt,  Candace,  queen  of  the  Ethiopians,  conceived  that  she 
could  easily  conquer  that  country,  and  accordingly  invaded 
it  with  a  large  army.  Augustus,  on  receiving  information 
of  this  event,  left  Rome  for  the  East.  But  the  Ethiopians  be- 
ing repulsed  by  Petronius,  the  successor  of  Gallus,  the  em- 
peror passed  a  considerable  time  in  Sicily,  Greece,  Samos, 
and  Syria,  where  he  restored  order,  punished  the  refractory, 
and  rewarded  the  most  zealous  advocates  and  adherents  of 
his  government.  While  in  Syria,  he  sent  ambassadors  to 
the  Parthian  king  to  demand  the  fulfilment  of  the  terms  of 
the  late  treaty,  and  the  compliance  of  that  monarch  gave  Au^ 
gustus  the  opportunity  of  wiping  away,  as  he  pretended,  the 
repeated  failures  of  the  Romans  to  conquer  Parthia.  His 
pride  was  still  more  flattered  when,  resting  some  time  at  Sa- 
mos, on  his  return  to  Italy,  he  was  honoured  by  ambassadors 
from  many  remote  nations,  who  were  commissioned  to  con- 
gratulate him  on  his  signal  prosperity,  and  express  the  solici- 
tude of  their  respective  monarchs  to  enjoy  his  friendship. 
The  most  distinguished  of  these  seems  to  have  been  Porus, 
king  of  India,  who,  in  a  letter  written  in  the  Greek  language, 
pledged  to  support  him  in  his  rights  and  dignities.  Of  his 
three  ambassadors,  one  of  them,  an  aged  Brahmin,  accom- 
panied the  emperor  to  Athens,  where  he  procured  the  ap- 
plause of  the  learned  and  the  admiration  of  the  multitude,  by 
displaying  the  perfection  of  his  Brahminical  philosophy,  by 
voluntarily  destroying  his  life  by  fire  in  the  presence  of  the 
Roman  court.  He  prepared  a  funeral  pile,  set  it  on  fire  and 
threw  himself  into  the  flames.  The  following  inscription 
was  engraved  on  his  tomb:  "Here  lies  Tamarus  or  Tar- 
manochegas,  an  Indian  of  Burgosa,  who,  in  the  manner  of 
his  country,  ended  his  days  by  a  voluntary  death."  Than 
this  act,  the  proud  philosopher  and  priest  could  have  scarcely 
resorted  to  any  method  by  which  he  might  more  certainly 
acquire  fame  in  that  age ;  for  suicide  was  universally  prac- 
tised by  those  who  boasted  of  philosophy,  patriotism  or  hero- 
ism, when  they  despaired  of  liberty  or  preservation  from  sla- 
very. They  had  no  principle  capable  of  sustaining  their 
minds  in  adversity,  nor  any  correct  apprehension  of  their 
relation  to  God  and  an  invisible  world.  Nor  did  the  multi- 
tude entertain  more  honourable  ideas  of  the  Creator,  or  more 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  181 

just  views  of  their  own  nature.  No  generation  of  the  hu- 
man race  had  ever  appeared  more  destitute  of  enlightened 
religious  moral  principles,  or  more  demoralized  in  conduct, 
than  that  of  Augustus.  History  largely  illustrates  and  con- 
firms the  awful  statements  in  the  sacred  writings  of  the  New 
Testament  respecting  the  moral  degeneracy  and  degradation 
of  Jews,  Greeks,  and  Romans.  To  preserve  such  a  race 
from  entire  destruction,  the  most  perfect  system  of  despotic 
goverment  was  indispensable ;  and  happily  it  was  provided 
by  Divine  providence. 

The  coercive  power  established  by  Augustus  was  probably 
the  greatest  that  mankind  had  ever  witnessed.  Three  fleets 
were  appointed  to  protect  the  coast,  that  piracy  might  be  pre- 
vented, the  supply  of  provisions  for  Italy  secured,  and  free- 
dom of  commerce  maintained.  "  One  fleet  was  stationed  at 
Ravenna,  near  the  bottom  of  the  Adriatic  Gulf;  one  at  Forum 
Julii,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  peninsula ;  and  a  third  at 
Misenum,  the  principal  promontory  or  headland  of  Campania. 
Besides  these,  there  were  numbers  of  armed  vessels  destined 
to  ply  in  all  the  gulfs  and  navigable  rivers  throughout  the 
empire.  The  ordinary  military  establishment  consisted  of 
about  five-and-forty  legions,  besides  cavalry  and  city  and  pro- 
vincial troops.  The  whole,  reckoning  each  legion,  with  its 
attendants  and  officers,  at  six  thousand  men,  and  making  a 
reasonable  allowance  for  cavalry,  may  have  amounted  to 
three  hundred  thousand.  .  Of  the  manner  in  which  this 
army  was  distributed,  the  following  particulars  only  are  men- 
tioned :  on  the  Rhine,  there  were  stationed  eight  legions  ;  on 
the  Danube,  two  ;  on  the  frontiers  of  Syria,  four ;  in  Spain, 
three ;  in  Africa,  in  Egypt,  in  Mysia,  and  Dalmatia,  each 
t\;^o  legions ;  in  the  city  were  nine,  or,  according  to  others, 
ten  cohorts,  in  the  capacity  of  guards,  or  praetorian  bands  to 
attend  the  person  of  the  emperor ;  and,  together  with  these, 
three  cohorts  of  a  thousand  men  each,  intended  as  a  city 
watch,  to  be  employed  in  preserving  the  peace,  in  extinguish- 
ing fires,  and  in  suppressing  any  other  occasional  disorder. 
.  For  the  further  security  of  the  empire,  considerable  terri- 
tories on  the  frontier,  which  might  have  been  easily  occupied 
by  the  Roman  arms  were  suffered  to  remain  in  the  posses- 
sion of  allies,  dependant  princes,  or  free  cities  and  republican 
state?  who,  owing  their  safety  to  the  support  of  the  Roman 
power,  formed  a  kind  of  barrier  against  its  enemies,  were 
vigilant  to  observe,  and  ready  to  oppose  every  attempt  of  in- 
vasion, and  were  prepared  to  co-operate  with  the  Roman  ar 

VOL   n.  16 


• 


182  ESTABLISHMENT   OF  THE   K.OAUN   EMPIRE. 

mies,  and  to  support  them  with  stores  and  provisions  as  oft  as 
they  had  occasion  to  act  in  their  neighbourhood.  The  repub- 
lic had  ever  cultivated  such  alliances  with  powers  that  were 
contiguous  to  the  place  of  their  operations ;  and  frequently,  af- 
ter having  made  the  defence  of  their  ally  the  pretence  of"  a 
war,  and  after  having  availed  themselves  of  his  assistance, 
they,  upon  occasion  of  some  breach  or  quarrel,  added  the  ally 
himself  to  the  conquest  which  he  had  assisted  them  to  make. 
The  same  policy  which  had  been  useful  in  acquiring  the  do- 
minion of  so  great  an  empire,  was  still  employed  for  its  safety. 
In  pursuance  of  this  policy,  the  kings  of  Mauritania,  of  the 
Bosphorus,  of  the  Lesser  and  Greater  Armenia,  of  Cappado- 
cia,  Commagne,  Galatia,  and  Pamphilia,  with  Paphlagonia^ 
Colchis,  and  Judea,  together  with  the  republican  states  of 
Rhodes,  Cyrene,  Pisidia,  and  Lycia,  acted,  under  the  denom- 
ination of  allies,  as  advanced  parties  on  the  frontiers  of  the 
empire,  and,  encouraged  by  the  prospect  of  a  powerful  sup- 
port, were  ready  to  withstand  every  enemy  by  whom  their 
own  peace,  or  that  of  the  Romans,  was  likely  to  be  disturbed." 

Augustus  assumed  every  title  of  office  to  which  power, 
civil  or  ecclesiastical,  was  attached.  He  declined  the  title  of 
pontifex  maximus,  or  chief  priest,  till  the  death  of  the  deposed 
triumvir  Lepidus,  on  whom  it  had  been  conferred.  But  hav- 
ing received  it,  he,  as  in  all  similar  cases,  immediately  exer- 
cised the  functions  of  the  office.  One  of  these  was  attention 
to  the  calendar.  He  corrected  a  gross  mistake  which  had 
been  permitted  for  more  than  thirty  years,  or  from  the  date  of 
the  reformation  of  the  calendar  by  Julius  Cesar.  Every  third 
year,  instead  of  every  fourth,  had  been  reckoned  a  leap  year, 
and  twelve  days  had  been  inserted  instead  of  nine,  so  that  the 
Roman  year  had  advanced  three  days  more  than  it  ought.  To 
correct  this  error,  the  emperor  "ordered  first,  that  for  the  twelve 
ensuing  years  there  should  be  no  leap-year ;  and  secondly,  that, 
after  the  expiration  of  the  said  twelve  years,  the  leap-years 
should  thenceforth  be  made  every  fourth  year ;  by  which  means, 
the  three  superadded  days  being  thrown  out,  and  the  leap-years 
fixed  in  their  true  terms,  according  to  Julius  Cesar's  institution,  • 
the  form  of  this  year  has  ever  since  been  regularly  observed,  and 
was  long,  under  the  name  of  the  old  styU^  in  use  among  -as." 
The  month  of  August  received  its  name  at  this  time  in  honour 
of  Augustus,  perhaps  in  imitation  of  Julius  Cesar,  who  gave 
his  name  to  the  month  of  July. 

Augustus  survived  not  only  his  able  confidential  friends, 
Agrippa   and    Majcenas.   but   also  almost  every  individual 


1 


ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE.  183. 

whom  he  sincerely  or  tenderly  loved,  except  his  wife  Livia, 
who  was  the  secret  instrument  of  his  most  intense  sufferings, 
and  more  undisguisedly  the  principal  author  of  inexpressible 
misery  to  the  whole  empire.  She  captivated-  his  affections  at 
the  time  that  he  had  attained  the  supremacy  in  Rome ;  and 
though  she  was  then  wife  of  Claudius  Tiberius  Nero,  one  of 
the  most  deserving  nobles  of  Italy,  and  had  borne  him  a  son. 
and  was  in  a  state  of  pregnancy  with  a  second,  yet,  from 
choice  or  compulsion,  she  left  her  husband,  and  was  married 
to  Augustus,  whose  will  no  one  dared  resist.  That  he  might 
enjoy  her,  he  divorced  his  second  wife,  a  relation  of  Pompey, 
whom  he  had  taken  merely  to  promote  his  ambitious  schemes. 
Livia  had  no  children  to  the  emperor.  He  treated  her  two 
sons,  named  Tiberius  and  Drusus,  as  if  they  were  his  own. 
The  eldest  was  the  mother's  favourite,  and  she  seems  to  have 
spent  her  life  in  a  series  of  intrigues  to  secure  him  the  throne  • 
and  to  her  skilful  devices  or  diabolical  arts,  history  traces  the 
death  of  every  individual  who  had  any  plausible  pretensions 
to  succeed  Augustus,  by  either  exposure  of  them  to  the  danger 
of  war,  or  by  assassination  or  poison.  And,  indeed,  the 
dread  that  the  emperor  during  his  last  illness  should  designate 
another  to  succeed  him,  is  said  to  have  impelled  her  to  hasten 
his  death  by  poison.  If  ever  he  loved  Tiberius,  it  is  certain 
that  he  alternately  hated  or  feared  him  from  the  time  that  he 
reached  manhood,  and  that  justly,  for  scarcely  could  any  one 
discover  himself  more  destitute  of  moral  excellence,  or  more 
regardless  of  the  welfare  of  the  human  race,  than  he  did 
through  life,  and  especially  after  he  ascended  the  throne  of 
Rome,  on  the  exit  of  Augustus,  a.  d.  14. 

We  deem  it  inexpedient  to  relate  many  events  in  the  reign 
of  the  first  emperor  of  Rome,  dignified  by  the  senate,  Pater 
Patrice^  the  father  of  his  country  ;  because  they  apparently 
neither  affected  the  relative  position  or  extent  of  the  empire, 
nor  produced  any  material  or  conspicuous  change  on  the 
moral  or  religious  aspect  of  society.  Peace  prevailed  gen- 
erally in  all  the  provinces ;  and  the  few  insurrections  which 
disturbed  the  public  repose  brought  tenfold  vengeance  on  the 
authors.  Thus  the  characteristics  of  the  "  fourth  kingdom"  ap- 
peared equally  distinct  and  prominent  under  its  imperial, 
asunder  its  republican  form  of  administration ;  the  nameless 
beast  was  still  '.^  dreadful  and  terrible,  and  strong  exceedingly  ; 
and  it  had  great  teeth :  it  devoured  and  brake  in  pieces,  and 
stamped  the  residue  with  the  feet  of  it."  This  is  illustrated  by 
'.he  deeds  of  war  by  Drusus  and  Tiberius,  still  to  be  adverted 


184  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

to,  although  the  most  interesting  of  them  were  performed  in 
the  time  of  Augustus.  The  Roman  beast  still  trode  in  the 
paths  and  adopted  the  habits,  manners  and  customs  of  all  the 
beasts  which  were  before  it.  Accordingly,  though  the  policy 
of  Augustus  led  him,  till  he  had  crushed  all  opposers  under 
his  feet,  to  retain  all  the  simplicity  of  dress  and  manners  of 
the  ancient  republican  great  officers  of  state,  insomuch  that  he 
lived  in  the  common  edifice  of  a  senator,  was  addressed  by 
the  simple  name  of  Cesar,  mixed  freely  with  the  senators  and 
citizens,  and  encouraged  the  females  of  his  family  to  affect  the 
virtue  of  admired  matrons,  and  to  fabricate  with  their  own 
hands  his  dress,  yet  he  latterly  assumed  almost  all  the  magni- 
ficence, grandeur,  and  dignity  of  Oriental  despots.  He,  at 
the  same  time,  established  the  entire  apparatus  of  Asiatic  and 
Grecian  idolatry,  and  gloried  in  being  the  priest  of  Jupiter. 
Nor  was  he  slow  to  patronise  the  language,  literature,  arts, 
and  customs,  for  which  Greece  was  celebrated  above  all  na- 
tions. 

All  the  large  and  numerous  provinces,  not  excepting  the 
most  remote,  were  so  effectually  united  under  one  head,  that 
the  empire  appeared  as  if  it  were  but  a  small  kingdom,  whose 
extremities  felt  the  presence  of  its  monarch  almost  as  sensibly 
as  it  was  felt  at  the  seat  of  royalty.  Compared  with  all  past 
ages,  the  intercourse  between  all  the  countries  of  the  ancient 
world  maybe  said  to  have  been  now  fully  opened.  The  seas 
could  be  traversed  without  dread  of  the  fierceness  and  savage 
barbarity  of  lawless  mariners;  and  the  finest  and  noblest 
roads  conducted  the  traveller  into  the  interior  regions  not  only 
of  the  civilized,  but  also  of  the  rudest  kingdoms.  Ruined 
towns  were  restored  to  more  than  their  former  beauty  and 
comfort;  and  many  new  towns  rose  to  excel  them  in  gran- 
deur. Everywhere  fortresses  appeared  to  protect  the  inhab- 
itants and  their  property.  The  agriculturist  cultivated  his 
lands  in  hope  ;  the  shepherd  cheered  his  spirits  by  the  melody 
of  his  pipe :  and  the  poor  peasant  gladly  shared  of  the  abun- 
dance of  earth's  varied  fruits.  Every  man  sat  in  peace  under 
his  vine  or  fig  tree;  or  if  oppressed  by  unreasonable  and 
wicked  men,  he  could  appeal  to  laws,  which  were,  on  the 
whole,  just  and  equitable  ;  and  if  he  was  one  of  the  millions 
of  Roman  citizens,  when  he  had  no  confidence  in  the  ordi- 
nary judges,  he  was  privileged  to  carry  his  cause  to  the  tribu- 
nal of  the  great  Cesar,  whose  highest  boast  was  to  execute 
justice  without  partiality.  Interchange  of  thought,  senti- 
ments, and  customs,  were  not  subjected  to  more  restrictioni 


9  '  # 


m  ■  -  <» 


ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE.        185 

than  the  productions  of  the  soil,  or  those  of  human  ingenuity 
and  labour.  Augustus  was  not  the  enemy  of  freedom  of 
speech ;  he  conceived  that  it  was  too  much  to  deny  it  to  those 
who  were  deprived  of  liberty  of  action,  beyond  the  bounds 
prescribed  by  law.  He  was  a  friend  to  the  diffusion  of 
knowledge.  Education  was  countenanced ;  seats  of  science 
and  learning  muhi plied;  the  pen  of  the  historian  and  poet 
aspired  to  the  fame  of  wisdom  ;  and  the  wise  and  learned 
were  considered  ornaments  of  the  court,  and  received  the 
honours  of  the  state.  The  rich  and  melodious  language  of 
subjugated  Greece,  and  its  wisdom  and  arts,  were  preferred 
by  the  conquerors  to  their  own  noblest  achievements. 

Thus  all  things  contributed  to  elevate  the  intellectual  nature 
and  dignity  of  mankind,  and  to  prepare  them  for  the  widest 
dissemination  of  the  heavenly  truth  which  was  about  to  de- 
scend to  guide  every  man's  steps,  who  chose  not  to  be  the 
dupe  or  slave  of  error,  to  the  sanctuary  of  peace,  purity,  and 
pure  felicity ;  that  the  prophetic  song  might  resound  through 
every  land,  and  its  echo  return  to  fill  Jerusalem  with  joy. 


"  The  race  that  long  in  darkness  pined  have  seen  a  glorious  light ; 
The  people  dwell  in  day  who  dwelt  in  death's  surrounding  night. 
To  hail  (hy  rise,  thou  better  Sun  !  the  gath'ring  nations  come 
Joyous,  as  when  the  reapers  bear  the  harvest  treasures  home. 
His  name  shall  be  the  Prince  of  Peace,  for  evermore  adored, 
The  Wonderful,  the  Counsellor,  the  great  and  mighty  Lord. 
His  pow'r  increasing  still  shall  spread,  his  reign  no  end  shall  know ; 
Justice  shall  guard  liis  throne  above,  and  peace  abound  below." 

No  reader,  accustomed  to  reflection,  can,  we  presume, 
calmly  survey  the  prominent  events  in  the  history  of  the  Ro- 
mans, and  hesitate  to  conclude  that  this  ancient  race  were 
granted  the  opportunity,  which  the  Orientals  and  the  Grecians 
had  long  enjoyed,  to  know  the  divine  revelations  communi- 
cated to  the  Jews,  and  to  ascertain  the  nature  and  require- 
ments of  the  true  religion.  Did  not  the  Romans  transfer  the 
gods,  the  philosophy,  the  arts,  and  even  the  amusements,  as 
as  well  as  riches  and  vices  of  Syria,  Egypt,  and  Greece,  to 
the  western  division  of  the  empire  ?  Did  they  not,  then,  im- 
port the  Hebrew  and  Greek  copies  of  the  Scriptures  ?  Were 
none  of  these  seen  by  them  in  all  their  journeys  through 
Judea  and  other  regions  filled  with  Jews  ?  Were  not  many 
Jews  resident  in  Rome?  Are  we  not  informed  that  they 
were  among  the  most  conspicuous  mourners  over  the  melan- 
choly death  of  Julius  Cesar  ?  Both  he  and  Augustus  con- 
ferred on  the  Jewish  nation  special  privileges,  and  accepted 

16* 


m= 


l^  ESTABLISHMENT   OF   THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE. 

from  them  many  expressions  of  their  gratitude.  Might  they 
not  tlien  have  procured  the  Sacred  Book,  examined,  and 
judged  its  claims  to  be  the  production  of  infallible  wisdom, 
and  the  exclusive  guide  to  immortality  ?  The  Jews  every 
where  confessed  their  belief  in  the  divine  origin  of  these 
writings,  and  avowed  themselves  the  worshippers  of  the  One 
God.  Every  seventh  day  they  publicly  adored  him  in  their 
synagogues,  read  his  oracles  in  the  Hebrew  language,  which 
was  easily  learned,  or  in  the  Greek,  very  generally  under- 
stood. They  were,  indeed,  not  in  general  admirers  of  pagan 
learning,  nor  tolerant  of  pagan  gods :  they  were  not,  perhaps, 
remarkable  for  any  superiority  of  mind  or  manners  in  that 
age ;  their  religion  was  exclusive,  it  admitted  no  rival  to  the 
Deity  in  his  worship,  it  sanctioned  no  impurity  in  his  service ; 
they  veiled  its  benevolent  character  by  their  bigotry:  but 
whatever  they  were,  they  still  are  acknowledged  to  have  kept 
the  holy  books  uncorrupted,  and  to  them  every  one  sincerely 
desirous  of  truth  ought  to  have  had  recourse,  to  learn  what 
was  the  religion  which  distinguished  the  Jews  from  all  na- 
tions. Many  Romans  thus  wisely  acted,  and  not  a  few  re- 
ceived as  divine  the  writings  of  Moses  and  the  prophets. 
That  these  comprised  not  the  Romans  most  celebrated  for 
talents,  learning,  genius,  or  taste,  will  excite  no  one's  wonder, 
who  knows  that  this  exalted  class  of  the  human  race  have,  in 
all  ages,  generally  deemed  themselves  too  wise  to  submit  to  a 
religion  that  demands  them  to  resign  their  judgments  to  the 
authority  of  the  Creator,  and  to  renounce  every  object  which 
He  pronounces  unworthy  of  the  honourable  and  pure  ambi- 
tion of  an  intelligent  being,  who  only  enters  in  this  world  on 
a  life  which  remains  to  be  matured  through  eternity,  and  to 
advance  unceasingly  in  the  invisible  world,  to  the  consumma- 
tion of  excellence  and  hapiness,  or  of  demoralization  and 
wretchedness. 

The  most  memorable  and  eternally  important  event  in  the 
annals  of  this  world  transpired  in  the  forty-second  year  of  the 
reign  of  Augustus,  in  the  748th  year  of  Rome,  and  2348 
years  after  the  Deluge ;  for  this  is  calculated  to  be  the  date  of 
the  BIRTH  OF  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  Messiah,  and  the  Saviour 
of  the  world.  But  this  illustrious  event  will  come  more  pro- 
perly to  be  noticed  in  our  section  on  the  Rise  of  the  Fifth 
Empire. 


"H^ 


t 


CHAPTER  IX. 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY. 


The  truth  of  Divine  Revelation  and  of  Christianity  re- 
quired the  preservation  of  the  Jews  in  a  national  organiza- 
tion, possessed  of  uncontrolled  liberty  to  observe  the  laws, 
religious  institutions,  and  customs  established  by  Moses.  All 
the  prophets  had  announced  that  the  Messiah,  the  Saviour  of 
all  nations  was  to  descend  from  the  race  of  Abraham  by 
Isaac,  distinguish  himself  from  every  other  human  being, 
by  perfect  conformity  to  the  laws  of  Moses,  and  demonstrate, 
by  his  burning  zeal  for  these  laws,  and  consummate  wisdom 
and  goodness  in  explaining  and  enforcing  them,  that  he  was 
worthy  to  succeed  his  ancestor  David,  "  the  man  according 
to  God's  own  heart,"  on  the  throne  of  the  chosen  people.  In 
order  to  his  being  thus  manifested,  it  was  indispensable  that 
the  Jews  should  reside  in  their  own  land,  sacredly  keep  their 
national  register,  maintain  the  external  observance  of  the  va- 
rious rites  of  worship  enjoined  by  the  God  of  their  fathers, 
and,  to  sum  up  all  in  one  word,  that  they  should  retain  an 
independent  national  legislation,  till  the  Messiah  appeared,  to 
"  finish  the  transgression,  and  to  make  an  end  of  sins,  and  to 
make  reconciliation  for  iniquity,  and  to  bring  in  everlasting 
righteousness,  and  to  seal  up  the  vision  and  prophecy."  Re- 
flect, then,  on  the  exigencies  of  the  Jewish  people  at  the  time 
when  Herod  assumed  the  entire  government  of  their  nation, 
and  you  will  perceive  that  he  was  a  most  appropriate  instru- 
ment to  effect  their  preservation  from  the  national  dependence 
on  a  foreign  legislator,  and  from  utter  ruin,  which  they  had 
sufficient  reason  to  apprehend,  either  of  which  results  would 
have  frustrated  the  prophetic  word.  They  had  completely 
thrown  themselves  into  the  hands  of  the  Paithians,  the  only 
people  who  dared  set  bounds  to  Roman  ambition.  The  powder 
of  this  people,  however  to  repel  the  arms  of  the  Romans, 
evidently  extended  not  west  of  the  Euphrates  for  they  had 
always  fallen  before  them  when  they  ventured  to  leave  their 


188  HEROD   THE    GREAT,   AND   HIS   FAMILY. 

own  fiery  deserts,  and  contend  with  the  Romans  in  salubrious 
and  cultivated  regions.  It  was  not,  therefore,  to  be  supposed 
or  expected  that  the  Jews  could  long  find  safety  under  the 
shade  of  Parthia,  nor  that  the  Romans  should  suflTer  them 
to  remain  in  alliance  with  their  most  formidable  enemy.  Nev- 
ertheless, Antigonus,  king  of  Judea,  confided  in  Parthian 
promises,  regarded  by  their  authors  as  the  mere  breath  of  their 
mouth,  and  braved  the  mighty  power  of  Rome  ;  and  his 
subjects  generally  approved  oi  his  purpose,  for  they  cher- 
ished implacable  hatred  of  Herod,  whom  the  Romans  pat- 
ronised. But,  had  the  Parthians  been  faithful  to  Antigonus, 
inevitable  destruction  seemed  the  certain  and  speedy  destiny 
of  the  Jews  and  their  king.  They  had  provoked,  to  the 
highest  possible  degree,  the  pride  and  revenge  of  the  Ro- 
mans, and  the  time  was  past  when  they  boasted  in  treating 
with  leniency  those  who  had  thus  exasperated  their  wrath. 
If  Herod  had  not  interposed  between  them,  Antony  would 
assuredly  not  only  have  conquered  the  Jews,  but  also  reduced 
their  country  to  a  Roman  province,  and  subjected  them  to 
Roman  laws,  or  utterly  destroyed  the  nation,  by  selling  all 
ranks  for  slaves. 

Herod  was  characterised  by  qualities  peculiarly  fitting  him 
to  acquire  and  exercise  influence  over  his  political  superiors 
and  dependants.  Though  selfishness  regulated  every  move- 
ment of  his  soul,  and  every  scheme  and  action  of  his  life, 
yet  he  was  capable  of  exhibiting  the  most  striking  and  the 
most  decisive  appearances  of  disinterested  and  unalterable 
friendship,  and  the  most  ardent  patriotism.  He  risked  all, 
not  excepting  his  life,  for  the  interests  of  his  friends,  while 
there  was  the  least  probability  that  they  could  promote  his 
ambitious  views  ;  and  he  hesitated  not  to  give  all,  and  prom- 
ise all,  to  those  whom  he  had  reason  to  consider  able  to  pro- 
mote the  welfare,  or  increase  the  number  of  his  subjects. 
These  indications  of  an  uncommon  boldness,  generosity,  and 
liberality  of  spirit,  maybe  traced  in  his  early  history,  slightly 
reviewed  in  Chap.  II.,  but  they  were  much  more  conspic- 
uous during  his  reign.  While,  however,  he  displayed  an 
apparent  nobleness  of  soul  that  commanded  the  esteem  and 
admiration  of  the  great,  in  so  much  that  Augustus  remarked 
of  him,  that  his  soul  was  too  great  for  his  kingdom  ;  to  pro- 
cure means  to  make  this  display,  he  could,  without  painful 
emotion,  violate  every  principle  of  justice,  equity,  humanity, 
or  compassion.  Thus  the  historian  remarks,  that  when 
Herod  obtained  the  throne  of  Jerusalem,  he  ordered  all  the 


189 

gold  and  precious  jewels  to  be  sent  to  his  palace  ;  put  to 
death  forty-five  of  the  chief  supporters  of  the  late  king,  and 
seized  their  estates  ;  and,  lest  any  thing  valuable  should  es- 
cape him,  he  placed  guards  at  each  gate,  to  examine  all  who 
Went  out -of  the  city,  and  to  search  even  the  dead  bodies  car- 
ried to  their  graves.  The  consequence  was,  that  the  inhab- 
itants were  reduced  to  poverty,  and  were  exceedingly  de- 
pressed from  the  dread  of  famine,  owing  to  its  being  the  sab- 
batic year,  when  they  neither  sowed  nor  reaped.  Their  feel- 
ings or  sufferings  were  nothing  to  him  ;  he  was  satisfied  on 
procuring  sufficient  wealth  to  gratify  the  avariciousness  of  the 
Roman  officers,  and  to  reward  the  soldiers,  especially  the 
Roman  army,  who  had  made  him  master  of  the  Jews. 

During  fully  the  first  six  years  of  his  reign,  he  scarcely 
could  view  his  throne  or  dominion  secure,  chiefly  on  account 
of  the  machinations  and  political  manceuvres  of  Alexandra, 
his  mother-in-law,  and  Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  females 
who  regarded  him  as  the  principal  barrier  to  the  varied  and 
numerous  schemes  for  aggrandisement  suggested  by  their 
restless  ambition.  The  former  aspired  to  share  in  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  nation,  through  the  agency  of  her  young  son 
Aristobulus  ;  and  she  employed  every  means  at  her  com- 
mand to  prevail  on  Herod  to  raise  him  to  the  office  of  high- 
priest.  This  high  office  had  been  conferred  on  Ananclus,  an 
obscure  priest.  This  individual  seems  to  have  had  no  other 
claims  to  the  dignity  than  that  he  was  an  old  friend  of  Herod  ; 
and  it  spem^d  an  ^"♦r.igc  on  rll  that  was  sacred  that  he  should 
occupy  the  most  sacred  office,  to  which  none  had  so  many 
claims  as  Aristobulus,  the  son  of  the  late  king  and  high- 
priest.  But  Herod  well  knew  that  his  mother-in-law  might, 
and  possibly  would,  with  almost  equal  plausibility  of  argu- 
ment, demand  the  throne  for  her  son.  To  justify  his  refusal 
of  her  request,  he  reminded  h.  r  that  Aristobulus  was  not  of 
age.  for  he  was  not  eighteen  years  old.  But  on  learning 
that  she  had  procured  the  intercession  of  Cleopatra  with 
Antony,  lest  he  should  provoke  him  to  anger,  he  complied 
with  her  persevering  solicitations.  He,  however,  no  sooner 
observed  that  all  ranks  of  the  Jews  were  transported  with 
joy  on  beholding  Aristobulus  clothed  in  the  splendid  dress 
of  the  high-priest,  and  performing  with  propriety  the  func- 
tions of  his  holy  office,  than  he  resolved  on  his  death.  This 
he  effected  at  a  private  feast  ;  for  while  the  guests  were,  in  the 
interval  of  feasting,  at  his  suggestion,  refreshing  themselves 
by  bathing  in  a  pond,  his  emissaries  succeeded  in  drowning 


# 


m-' 


190  HEROD    THE   GREAT,    AND   HIS   FAMILY. 

the  youth.  His  death  Herod  represented  as  an  unhappy  ac 
cident,  assumed  the  aspect  of  a  deep  mourner,  buried  the 
youth  with  extraordinary  magnificence,  and  ordered  a  splen- 
did monument  to  be  raised  to  his  memory.  Vain  were  his 
arts  to  conceal  his  murderous  device  and  deed.  Alexandra 
eagerly  sought  revenge  ;  and  Cleopatra  the  more  readily  lis- 
tened to  her  complaints  from  her  ardent  desire  to  obtain  pos- 
session of  Judea,  She  prevailed  on  Antony  to  summon 
Herod  before  him,  to  answer  the  accusation  of  murder  brought 
against  him.  By  a  large  present  or  bribe,  Herod  purchased 
the  favour  of  the  judge,  and  was  acquitted  of  the  crime  of 
which  all  were  conscious  that  he  was  guilty,  and  none  more 
than  himself  This  seems  clear  from  an  act  which  is  as- 
cribed to  him  at  this  time,  from  which  arose  his  future  most 
exquisite  sorrows  and  most  guilty  crimes.  He  had  only  faint 
hopes  of  escaping  the  punishment  of  death  on  this  occasion  ; 
and  this  induced  him  before  proceeding  to  Antony,  to  intrust 
his  beloved  queen  Mariamne,  to  the  care  of  his  uncle  Jo- 
seph, with  strict  injunctions  to  put  her  to  death,  should  he  be 
sentenced  to  die,  that  she  might  not  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
Romans.  This  secret  order  Joseph  is  said  to  have  divulged 
to  the  queen  ;  and  from  this  time,  if  not  before,  she  never 
showed  affection  for  Herod.  As  soon  as  he  learned  that  Jo- 
seph had  betrayed  his  trust,  he  ascribed  it  to  his  illicit  love  of 
the  queen,  and  he  not  only  punished  him  with  death,  but  ad- 
mitted the  demon  of  jealousy  to  fix  his  residence  in  his  soul, 
so  that  he  had  no  peace  while  she  lived,  and,  by  causing  her 
to  be  murdered,  he  rendered  his  future  life  inexpressibly 
wretched. 

Elated  doubtless  as  he  was  to  escape  at  once  death  and 
degradation,  he  had  silently  to  submit  to  the  loss  of  one  of 
the  richest  districts  of  his  country, — that  belonging  to  Jeri- 
cho, which  Antony  had  bestowed  on  Cleopatra.  This  dis- 
trict was  remarkable  for  the  number  and  excellence  of  its 
palm-trees,  and  for  its  balm,  which  was  celebrated  all  over 
the  ancient  world.  On  her  passing  through  Judea,  from 
Syria,  Herod  entertained  her  magnificently,  gave  her  rich 
presents,  engaged  to  give  her  the  annual  tribute  of  two  hun- 
dred talents  for  Jericho,  and  accompanied  her  to  Pelusium. 
But  so  insecure  seemed  his  throne  at  this  time,  that  he 
strongly  fortified  Massada,  and  placed  in  it  ten  thousand 
troops,  with  a  complete  supply  of  provisions,  that  it  might 
aflTord  him  an  asylum,  should  Cleopatra  succeed  in  per- 
suading Antony   to   dispossess   him   of   Judea.     Whatever 


1 


191 

might  be  Herod's  thoughts  of  Antony,  he  proved  faithful  to 
him  almost  to  the  last  moments  of  that  able,  profligate,  and 
inconsiderate  soldier.  That  Herod  perceived  his  ruin  cer- 
tain if  he  continued  to  be  guided  by  the  counsels  of  Cleo- 
patra, no  one  can  doubt  who  believes  that  he  proposed  to 
give  him  all  the  protection  and  aid  of  money  and  forces 
which  his  kingdom  could  afford,  on  condition  that  he  put 
her  to  death.  Antony  rejected  his  advice,  but  entreated  him 
to  employ  the  large  army  which  he  had  raised  to  assist  him 
against  Octavius,  in  subduing  Arabia  whose  king  had  de- 
clined to  pay  the  tribute  imposed  on  him.  Accordingly, 
while  Antony  proceeded  to  fight  against  Octavius,  Herod  ad- 
vanced into  Arabia,  and  after  several  sanguinary  battles, 
completely  conquered  that  country,  and  appointed  a  deputy 
to  govern  it  in  his  own  name.  During  these  wars,  the  signs 
of  the  Divine  displeasure  with  the  chosen  people  were  fear- 
fully manifested.  Besides  the  many  thousands  •  slain  in 
battle,  Judea  was  visited  by  a  dreadful  earthquake,  in  which 
about  thirty  thousand  of  the  inhabitants  and  an  immense 
number  of  flocks  perished.  Herod  spake  of  this  as  a  ca- 
lamity common  to  man,  and  succeeded  in  preventing  his 
soldiers  from  reflecting  on  the  peculiar  relation  in  which 
their  nation  stood  towards  God.  While,  however,  Herod 
triumphed  in  Arabia,  his  situation  became  most  critical,  in 
consequence  of  the  total  defeat  of  Antony  at  Actium.  This 
event  was  no  sooner  known  to  him,  than  he  directed  all  his 
thoughts  to  devise  means  of  appeasing  the  wrath  of  Octavius. 
Accordingly,  we  find  that  though  he  remained  the  avowed 
friend  of  Antony,  yet  he  secretly  sent  troops  to  strengthen 
the  forces  of  Q,.  Dedius,  whom  Augustus  had  appointed 
governor  of  Syria,  and  prepared  to  sail  to  Rhodes,  to  pro- 
cure if  possible  an  interview  with  Augustus,  while  he  so- 
journed in  that  island. 

Previous  to  his  leaving  Jerusalem,  Herod  was  guilty  of 
the  atrocious  crime  of  murdering  the  aged  Hyrcanus,  his 
father's  principal  friend,  his  own  father-in-law  and  constant 
friend,  to  whom  he  owed  his  honour  and  his  life.  Few 
persons  have  experienced  greater  vicissitudes  of  life  than  this 
venerable  prince.  He  had  long  held  the  high-priest's  office, 
had  been  raised  to  the  throne,  of  which  he  was  deprived  by 
his  unnatural  brother,  and  was  afterwards  restored  by  Pom- 
pey.  After  occupying  it  forty  years,  hevwas  taken  prisoner 
by  the  Parthians ;  and  in  his  captivity  was  exalted  by  his 
conquerors,  and  enthusiastically  loved  by  a  great  number  of 


f= 


192  HEROD    THE    GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

Jews  who  dwelt  in  Parthia.  Herod,  apprehensive  that  the 
Parthians  might  attempt  to  recover  for  him  his  kingdom, 
employed  every  device  to  get  him  wholly  in  his  power.  By 
many  professions,  and  tokens  of  grateful  recollection  of  the 
favours  which  he  had  received  from  him,  and  of  ardent 
desire  to  repay  them,  he  prevailed  on  this  aged  prince  to 
return  to  his  own  land.  Herod  loaded  him  with  honours ; 
but,  viewing  him  as  almost  the  only  one  alive  who  had 
claims  on  the  throne  of  Judea,  that  he  might  remove  him 
out  of  the  way,  he  pretended  to  have  detected  him  of  treason, 
and  punished  him  with  death  in  his  eightieth  year. 

On  being  admitted  into  the  presence  of  Octavius,  he  as- 
sumed all  the  dignity  and  manner  of  a  king,  except  the  use 
of  the  diadem,  frankly  and  fully  enumerated  the  many 
proofs  which  he  had  given  Antony  of  his  fidelity,  and  hum- 
bly offered  to  transfer  from  him  to  Octavius  his  fidelity  and 
services.  The  truth  of  his  statement  was  doubtless  known 
to  the  conqueror,  and  his  candour  conciliated  his  favour. 
Octavius  confirmed  him  in  his  kingdom,  and  promised  to 
honour  him  as  a  friend.  He  instantly  returned  in  triumph 
to  Judea,  and  diligently  prepared  to  receive  Octavius,  who 
proposed  to  march  through  Judea  into  Egypt.  When  he 
arrived  at  Ptolemais,  Herod  met  him,  feasted  him  with  great 
magnificence,  presented  him  with  eight  hundred  talents,  and 
other  most  valuable  gifts,  amply  supplied  his  troops  with  pro- 
visions, and  accompanied  him  to  Pelusium.  He  displayed 
equal  greatness  of  soul  for  the  honour  of  Augustus,  on  the 
return  of  that  great  prince  from  Egypt,  and  received  from 
him  the  strongest  testimonies  of  his  regard,  for  he  presented 
him  with  four  thousand  Gauls  who  had  been  the  guards  of 
Cleopatra,  and  restored  to  him  all  the  towns  and  districts  of 
Judea  which  Antony  had  granted  to  the  queen  of  Egypt. 

Jehovah  claimed  Judea  as  his  peculiar  land  ;  and,  as  its  su 
preme  King,  he  called  every  one  who  occupied  the  throne  to 
act  as  his  deputy.  How  unworthy  Herod  was  of  this  dignity, 
his  whole  life  testified.  It  is  not  therefore  surprising,  that 
the  higher  he  rose  as  a  monarch,  the  more  wretched  he  be- 
came as  a  man.  The  wrath  of  Heaven  was  upon  him.  His 
sister  Salome  appears  to  have  held  a  high  place  in  his  esteem 
and  confidence,  and  to  have  been  distinguished  by  the  great 
talents  and  ambition  which  characterised  her  family.  She 
aspired  to  direct  or  control  all  her  brother's  counsels ;  and 
perhaps  he  openly  selected  no  one  for  a  friend  whom  she  did 
not  envy  or  hate,  and  desire  to  destroy.     She  was  most  fer 


m- 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HJ8  FAMILY.         193 

tile  in  every  kind  of  stratagem  of  mischief  Of  his  nine  wives, 
the  beautiful  princess  Mariamne  was  the  chief  object  of  his 
adoration  and  love,  and  honoured  as  his  queen,  and  on  this 
account  Salome  sedulously  devised  her  ruin.  The  excess  of 
his  love  for  Mariamne  gendered  strong  jealousy ;  and  Sohe- 
mus,  whom  he  had  appomted  to  protect  her  during  his  ab- 
sence at  Rhodes,  with  an  injunction  similar  to  that  which  he 
had  given  his  uncle  Joseph  on  a  like  occasion, — to  put  his  fa- 
mily to  death  shculd  he  not  return,  speedily  fell  a  victim  to 
his  suspicion.  His  injustice  and  cruelty  provoked  the  indig- 
nation of  his  virtuous  queen.  She  treated  him  with  contempt ; 
which  conduct  he  interpreted  as  a  clear  proof  of  her  conjugal 
infidelity.  Salome  employed  every  artifice  to  persuade  him 
that  his  opinion  was  incontrovertibly  true.  The  consequence 
was,  that  his  rage  became  furious,  and  he  sought  to  allay  it 
by  bringing  his  queen  to  a  public  trial ;  when,  by  choosing 
for  her  judges  those  who,  regardless  of  justice,  desired  only  to 
please  him,  she  was  sentenced  to  death.  Reluctant  to  exe* 
cute  this  sentence,  he  would  have  gladly  exchanged  it  for 
imprisonment  for  life,  had  not  his  sister  suggested  that  this 
most  probably  would  occasion  a  general  insurrection,  and 
might  result  in  the  loss  of  his  crown  and  life.  Her  death  left 
him  in  intolerable  misery  and  universal  abhorrence.  It  was 
soon  followed  by  a  frightful  pestilence,  which  killed  multi- 
tudes of  all  ranks.  This  his  enemies  represented  as  a  judg- 
ment from  Heaven  on  account  of  the  innocent  blood  which 
he  had  shed.  In  vain  he  sought  relief  alternately  in  scenes 
of  dissipation  and  complete  seclusion  from  society.  His  mind 
seemed  lost,  and  he  was  seized  by  a  violent,  and  what  was  be- 
lieved by  many,  an  incurable  disease.  This  event  tempted 
Alexandra  to  form  a  conspiracy,  in  order  to  secure  the  su- 
preme power  at  his  death.  He  recovered,  detected  her  crime, 
and  put  her  to  death,  with  a  number  of  his  oldest  friends, 
whom  Salome  accused  as  accomplices  with  her. 

When  he  believed  that  all  the  principal  opponents  of  his 
family  and  the  friends  of  the  Maccabean  race  were  destroyed, 
he  braved  the  displeasure  of  the  Jews,  suppressed  several  of 
their  religious  ceremonies,  and  introduced  a  number  of  the 
customs  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  with  the  obvious  design 
of  gratifying  the  vanity  of  Augustus.  "  He  built,"  says  Jo- 
sephus,  "a  theatre  at  Jerusalem,  and  a  great  amphitheatre  in 
the  plain.  He  imitated  every  thing,  though  ever  so  costly  or 
magnificent,  in  other  nations,  out  of  an  ambition  that  he  might 
give  mo3l  public  demonsii  ation  of  his  grandeur.     Inscriptions 

VOL.    II.  17 


• 


194  HEROD   THE   GREAT,   AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

also  of  the  great  actions  of  Cesar,  and  trophies  of  those  aa- 
tions  which  he  had  conquered  in  his  wars,  and  all  made  of 
the  purest  gold  and  silver,  encompassed  the  theatre  itself 
He  also  made  a  great  preparation  of  wild  beasts,  and  of  lions 
themselves  in  great  abundance,  and  of  such  other  beasts  as 
were  either  of  uncommon  strength,  or  of  such  a  sort  as  were 
rarely  seen.     These  were  prepared  either  to  fight  with  one 
another,  or  that  men  who  were  condemned  to  death  were  to 
fight  with  them.     It  appeared  no  better  thap  an  instance  of 
barefaced  impiety  to  throw  men  to  wild  beasts  for  the  afl^brd- 
ing  delight  to  the  spectators  ;  and  it  appeared  an  instance  of 
no  less  impiety,  to  change  their  own  laws  for  such  foreign  ex- 
ercises ;  but,  above  all  the  rest,  the  trophies  gave  most  dis- 
taste to  the  Jews ;  for  as  they  imagined  them  to  be  images, 
included  withip  the  armour  that  hang  round  about  them,  they 
were  sorely  displeased  at  them,  because  it  was  not  the  cus- 
tom of  their  country  to  oay  honours  to  such  images."  A  con- 
spiracy, accordingly,  was  formed  to  assassinate  him  in  the 
theatre.     One  of  his  spies,  who  had  discovered  the  authors, 
wa*s  attacked  by  the  multitude,  put  to  death,  and  his  mangled 
body  was  cast  to  the  dogs.     When  Herod  could  not  learn 
who  had  committed  this  outrageous  act,  he  ordered  some 
women  to  be  tortured,  till  they  accused  certain  persons,  whom 
he  instantly  murdered  with  their  families.     This  infuriated 
the  nation  against  him,  and  he  every  moment  dreaded  an  uni- 
versal revolt.     To  guard  against  this,  he  strongly  fortified 
Jerusalem,  and  several  other  places  in  Judea.     He  raised, 
about  this  time  also,  a  noble  city,  on  the  site  of  the  ancient  Sa- 
maria, and  named  it  Sebaste,  in  honour  of  Augustus, — the 
former  name  in  Greek  corresponding  to  the  latter  in  Latin. 
The  buildings  were  uncommonly  magnificent,  and  were  sur- 
rounded with  strong  walls  and  towers.     Six  thousand  for- 
eigners were  put  in  possession  of  this  city ;  and,  from  the 
beauty  and  fertility  of  the  district,  the  population  soon  greatly 
increased.     Convinced,  however,  that  walls  and  towers  were 
a  feeble  protection  against  the  fury  of  popular  rage,  he  felt 
it  absolutely  necessary  for  his  personal  safety  to  adopt  a  new 
policy.     Hence  ho  appears,  from  about  this  period  of  his  reign, 
to  have  summoned  all  his  energies,  and  called  up  all  his  re- 
sources, to  appease  the  national  anger  and  indignation,  to  con- 
ciliate the  favour  of  the  most  influential  persons,  and  to  flatter 
the  prejudices,  and  encourage  the  superstitions  of  the  multi- 
tude.    And  if,  by  his  exertions,  he  failed  to  win  the  love,  he 
at  least  succeeded  to  command  the  just  admiration  of  all  the 


-=« 


# 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY.         |95 

Jewish  people ;  for  he  raised  them  to  perhaps  as  conspicuous 
a  rank  among  the  nations  as  they  had  ever  attained  from  the 
reign  of  Uzziah  king  of  Judah. 

Herod  performed  his  first  most  popular  act  in  the  thirteenth 
year  of  his  reign,  b.  c.  23.  A  grievous  drought  prevailed  this 
year  in  Judea,  which  was  followed  by  famine  and  pesti- 
lence,— an  awful  indication  of  the  Divine  indignation  against 
the  Jews.  Multitudes  daily  died  from  absolute  want  and  in- 
curable disease.  The  flocks  perished,  so  that  the  surviving 
inhabitants  had  not  wool  sufficient  to  make  clothes.  H^od 
exerted  all  his  power  to  mitigate  the  calamity.  Having  ex- 
hausted his  treasury  in  the  erection  of  new  cities  and  fortresses, 
he  had  no  alternative  but  to  melt  down  his  plate  to  procure 
food  from  Egypt,  and  clothing  from  the  neighbouring  coun- 
tries. His  apparent  generosity,  although  it  reconciled  not 
the  nation  to  him,  excited  their  admiration,  and  procured  for 
him,  at  the  time,  their  applause. 

Personal  gratification,  family  aggrandisement,  and  the  ac- 
quirement of  a  great  name  among  the  mighty,  were  objects 
much  more  steadily  pursued  by  Herod  than  the  welfare  of  his 
subjects.  He  had  no  sincere  sympathy  with  them  in  their 
religious  feelings,  their  sufferings,  or  griefs  ;  and  hence  they 
no  sooner  recovered  somewhat  from  their  extreme  poverty, 
than  he  oppressed  them  by  excessive  taxation,  that  he  might 
obtain  means  necessary  to  execute  his  plans,  designed  to 
strengthen  and  adorn  his  kingdom.  He  raised  in  Jerusalem 
two  great  palaces,  richly  ornamented  with  gold,  marble, 
cedar,  and  other  precious  materials  ;  and  in  other  places  he 
erected  cities  and  beautiful  temples,  which  he  named  after  his 
principal  friends  ;  but  the  greater  number  were  dedicated  to 
Augustus,  whom  he  treated,  as  if  he  had  chosen  him  for  his 
god.  According  to  Josephus,  not  one  spot  fit  for  the  purpose 
was  left  without  some  species  of  mormment  to  that  mighty 
prince.  The  one  most  noble  and,  at  the  same  time  useful, 
was  the  fine  city  Cesaria,  which  was  erected  on  the  site 
of  the  ancient  town  named  Strato's  Tower.  It  stood  on  the 
coast  of  Phenicia,  between  Joppa  and  Dora,  and  had  a  har- 
bour, which,  however,  was  not  safe  during  the  stormy  south- 
west winds  Herod,  after  the  labour  of  twelve  years,  made 
it  one  of  the  best  harbours  and  most  beautiful  city  in  Pales- 
line.  It  altogether  resembled  the  first  cities  of  the  Ro- 
mans or  Grecians,  not  only  in  its  buildings,  theatres,  and  tem- 
ples, but  also  in  the  customs  and  manners  of  if'  citizens,  for 
it  was  the  residence  of  a  Roman  colony.        ^e  proofs  of 


196  HEROD    THE    GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

Herod's  munificence  by  the  great  works  constructed  undei 
his  direction,  and  at  his  expense,  were  not  limited  to  his  owr 
kingdom  ;  they  were  beheld  in  many  countries,  particular!) 
in  many  cities  which  he  visited  in  Italy,  Asia  Minor,  Greece 
and  its  islands,  and  procured  him  the  surname  of  Great.  Jo 
sephus  remarks  that  "  he  built  places  for  exercise  at  Tripoli 
and  Damascus,  and  Ptolemais  ;  he  built  a  wall  about  Byblus 
as  also  large  rooms,  and  cloisters,  and  temples,  and  market- 
places at  Berytus  and  Tyre,  with  theatres  at  Sidon  and  Da- 
mascus. He  also  built  aqueducts  for  those  Laodiceans  who 
lived  by  the  sea-side  ;  and  for  those  of  Ascalon  he  built 
baths  and  costly  fountains,  as  also  cloisters  round  a  court,  that 
were  admirable  both  for  their  workmanship  and  largeness. 
Moreover,  he  dedicated  groves  and  meadows  to  some  people  ; 
nay,  not  a  few  cities  there  were  who  had  lands  of  his  dona- 
tion, as  if  they  were  parts  of  his  own  kingdom.  He  also 
bestowed  annual  revenues,  and  those  forever  also,  on  the  set- 
tlements, for  exercises,  and  appointed  for  them,  as  well  as  for 
the  people  of  Cos,  that  such  rewards  should  never  be  want- 
ing. He  also  gave  corn  to  all  such  as  wanted  it,  and  con- 
ferred upon  Rhodes  large  sums  of  money  for  building  ships  ; 
and  this  he  did  in  many  places,  and  frequently  also.  And 
when  Apollo's  temple  had  been  burnt  down,  he  rebuilt  it  at 
his  own  charges,  after  a  better  manner  than  it  was  before. 
What  need  I  speak  of  the  presents  he  made  to  the  Lycians 
and  Samnians  !  or  of  his  great  liberality  through  all  Ionia ; 
and  that  according  to  every  body's  want  of  them.  And  are 
not  the  Athenians,  and  Lacedemonians,  and  Nicopolitans,  and 
that  Pergamus  which  is  in  Mysia,  full  of  donations  that  Herod 
presented  them  withal  !  And  as  for  that  large  open  place 
belonging  to  Antioch  in  Syria,  did  not  he  pave  it  with  pol- 
ished marble,  though  it  were  twent}'  furlongs  long  !  and  this 
when  it  was  shunned  by  all  men  before,  because  it  was  full 
of  dirt  and  filthiness  ;  when  he  besides  adorned  the  same 
place  with  a  cloister  of  the  same  length.  It  is  true,  a  man  may 
say,  these  were  favours  peculiar  to  those  particular  places  on 
which  he  bestowed  his  benefits;  but  then  what  favours  he 
bestowed  on  the  Eleans,  were  a  donation  not  only  in  common 
to  all  Greece,  but  to  all  the  habitable  earth,  as  far  as  the  glory 
of  the  Olympic  games  reached  ;  for  when  he  perceived  that 
they  were  come  to  nothing  for  want  of  money,  and  that  the 
only  remains  of  ancient  Greece  were  in  a  manner  gone,  he  not 
only  became  one  of  the  combatants  in  that  return  of  the  fifth 
year  games,  which,  in  his  sailing  to  Rome,  he  happened  to 


t  =m 


t 


HEROD   THE  GREAT,   AND   HIS   FAMILY.  197 

be  present  at,  but  he  settled  upon  them  revenues  of  money 
for  perpetuity,  insomuch  that  his  memorial  as  a  combatant 
there  can  never  fail.  It  would  be  an  infinite  task  if  I  should 
go  over  his  payments  of  people's  debts,  or  tributes,  for  them, 
as  he  eased  the  people  of  Phasaelis,  of  Batanae,  and  of  the 
small  cities  about  Cilicia,  of  those  annual  pensions  they  be- 
fore paid.  However,  the  fear  he  was  in  much  disturbed  the 
greatness  of  his  soul,  lest  he  should  be  exposed  to  envy,  or 
seem  to  hunt  after  greater  things  than  he  ought,  while  he  be- 
stowed more  liberal  gifts  upon  these  cities  than  did  their 
owners  themselves." 

Herod  daily  continued  to  rise  in  favour  with  Augustus, 
who  was  not  only  gratified  by  the  compliments  which  he 
paid  him,  but  by  more  substantial  tokens  of  his  esteem  ;  for 
the  politic  king  of  Judea  was  ever  watchful  for  opportunities 
to  prove  the  strength  of  his  desire  to  advance  the  interests  of 
the  sovereign  of  the  world.  Accordingly,  when  Gallus,  gov- 
ernor of  Egypt  was  commissioned  to  lead  an  army  into  Ara- 
bia Felix,  Herod  sent  him  a  strong  reinforcement,  including 
five  hundred  of  his  personal  guard.  And  about  the  same 
time  he  had  the  pleasure  of  testifying  his  respect  for  the  em- 
peror by  conferring  the  highest  expressions  of  regard  on  his 
friend  Agrippa,  who  had  arrived  in  Syria,  in  the  character  of 
chief  governor.  He  made  himself  so  acceptable  to  this 
great  man  as  to  secure  his  warmest  and  unaUerable  friend- 
ship. Augustus  gave  Herod  ample  evidence  of  his  high  es- 
teem for  him,  by  assigning  apartments  in  his  own  palace  for 
two  of  his  favourite  sons,  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  by 
his  adored  Mariamne,  whom  he  sent  to  Rome  to  be  edu- 
cated, B.  c.  22.  About  the  same  time  he  was  authorized  by 
the  emperor  to  name  the  successor  to  his  throne,  received  for 
himself  the  addition  of  Several  valuable  provinces  or  districts 
east  of  the  Jordan,  and  a  tetrarchy,  or  fourth  of  a  kingdom, 
for  his  brother  Pheroras. 

A  few  years  later,  when  Augustus  visited  his  Eastern  do- 
minions, Herod  gave  him  such  a  grand  reception  as  induced 
him  not  only  to  disregard  the  accusations  of  some  of  his  sub- 
jects, who  appealed  to  the  imperial  tribunal,  but  also  to  ap- 
point him  one  of  the  Roman  procurators  of  Syria,  and  over- 
seer of  the  valuable  mines  of  Cyprus,  with  half  of  the  pro- 
duce to  himself  Thus  favoured,  he  was  enabled  to  remit 
one  third  of  the  taxes  imposed  on  the  nation  ;  an  act  of  gen 
erosity  which  he  felt  compelled  to  perform  from  the  universal 
disaffection  to  him,  and  murmuring  against  his  government^ 

17* 


®^ 


r 


198  HEROD     FHE    GREAT;    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

which  he  knew  prevailed.  The  conduct  of  the  Jews  pro- 
voked him  the  more,  when  he  reflected  that  no  prince  of  the 
empire  was  more  honoured  than  he,  by  the  emperor  and  his 
confidential  friend  Agrippa.  Hence  he  resolved  to  put  down 
all  his  enemies.  His  emissaries  dragged  some  suspected  of 
treason,  openly,  and  others  secretly,  to  prison,  and  without 
form  of  law,  put  them  to  death.  He  issued,  at  the  same 
time,  an  edict,  expressly  forbidding  all  public  and  private  as- 
semblies, whether  on  account  of  feastg,  or  any  other  pretence, 
under  the  severest  penahies.  But,  as  he  not  only  had  his 
spies  every  where,  but  sometimes  mixed  himself  among  them 
in  disguise,  he  quickly  found  all  these  precautions  were  like 
to  prove  very  inefficient  to  keep  the  people  in  obedience.  This 
made  him  bethink  himself  of  exacting  an  oath  of  fidelity 
from  them  ;  but  this  new  imposition  was  so  strenuously  re- 
fused by  the  whole  sect  of  Essenians,  and  by  all  the  chiefs 
of  the  Pharisees,  that  he  was  forced  to  set  it  aside,  without 
venturing  to  show  any  resentment  against  those  that  had  op- 
posed him  in  it,  for  fear  of  exasperating  the  whole  nation 
against  him.  He  fell,  soon  after,  upon  a  much  better  expedi- 
ent to  quiet  them,  and,  at  the  same  time  to  satisfy  his- desire 
of  immortalizing  his  memory,  by  the  number  and  magnifi- 
cence of  his  buildings.  He  g-ave  orders  for  repairing  and 
adorning  the  temple  of  God,  and  to  make  it  larger  in  com- 
pass, and  raise  it  to  a  most  magnificent  altitude.  "  He  got  ready 
a  thousand  waggons,  to  bring  stones  for  the  building,  and 
chose  out  ten  thousand  of  the  most  skilful  workmen,  and 
bought  a  thousand  sacerdotal  garments  for  as  many  of  the 
priests,  and  had  some  of  them  taught  the  arts  of  stone  cut- 
ters, and  others  of  carpenters,  and  then  began  to  build  ;  but 
this  was  not  till  every  thing  was  well  prepared  for  the  work. 
So  Herod  took  away  the  old  foundations,  and  laid  others,  and 
erected  the  temple  on  them,  being  in  length  a  hundred  cubits, 
and  in  height  twenty  additional  cubits. 

"  Now  the  temple  was  built  of  stones  that  were  white  and 
strong,  and  each  of  their  length  was  twenty-five  cubits,  their 
height  was  eight,  and  their  breadth  about  twelve ;  the  temple 
had  doors  and  lintels  over  them  of  the  same  height  with 
itself:  these  were  adorned  with  embroidered  veils,  with  their 
flowers  of  purple,  and  pillars  interwoven :  and  over  these, 
but  under  the  crown- work,  was  spread  out  a  golden  vine 
with  its  branches  hanging  down  from  a  great  height,  thf 
largeness  and  fine  workmanship  of  which  was  a  surprising 
sight  to  the  spectators,  to  see  what  vast  materials  there  were 


4 


1 


HEROD   THE    GREAT,    AND   HIS   FAMILY.  199 

and  with  what  great  skill  the  workmanship  was  done.  He 
also  encompassed  the  entire  temple  with  very  large  cloisters, 
contriving  them  to  be  in  a  due  proportion  thereto  ;  and  he  laid 
out  larger  sums  of  money  upon  them  than  had  been  done 
before  him,  till  it  seemed  that  no  one  else  bad  so  greatly 
adorned  the  temple  as  he  had  done.  There  was  a  large 
wall  to  both  the  cloisters ;  which  wall  was  itself  the  most 
prodigious  work  that  was  ever  heard  of  by  mnn.  The  hill 
was  a  rocky  ascent,  that  declined  by  degrees  towards  the 
east  parts  of  the  city,  till  it  came  to  an  elevated  level.  This 
hill  it  was  which  Solomon,  who  was  the  first  of  our  kings, 
by  divine  revelation,  encompassed  with  a  wall ;  it  was  of  ex- 
cellent workmanship  upwards,  and  round  the  top  of  it.  He 
also  built  a  wall  below,  beginning  at  the  bottom,  which  was 
encompassed  by  a  deep  valley ;  and  at  the  south  side  he  laid 
rocks  together,  and  bound  them  one  to  another  with  lead, 
and  included  some  of  the  inner  parts,  till  it  proceeded  to  a 
great  height,  and  till  both  the  largeness  of  the  square  edifice 
and  its  altitude  were  immense,  and  till  the  vastness  of  the 
stones  in  the  front  were  plainly  visible  on  the  outside,  yet  so 
that  the  inward  parts  were  fastened  together  with  iron,  and 
preserved  the  joints  immovable  for  all  future  times.  When 
this  work  for  the  foundation  was  done  in  this  manner,  and 
joined  together  as  part  of  the  hill  itself  to  the  very  top  of  it, 
he  wrought  it  all  into  one  outward  surface,  and  filled  up  the 
hollow  places  which  were  about  the  wall,  and  made  it  a  level 
on  the  external  upper  surface,  and  a  smooth  level  also.  This 
hill  was  walled  all  round,  and,  in  the  midst  was  the  temple, 
about  which  were  fixed  the  spoils  taken  from  barbarous  na- 
tions ;  all  these  had  been  dedicated  to  the  temple  by  Herod, 
with  the  addition  of  those  he  had  taken  from  the  Arabians." 
The  entire  plan  of  the  temple  was  not,  however,  completed 
for  many  years,  and  perhaps  it  never  was.  Josephus  says 
some  parts  of  it  were  not  constructed  till  more  than  half  a 
century  after. 

That  the  rebuilding  of  the  temple  reconciled  the  Jews,  in 
a  considerable  degree,  to  the  government  of  Herod,  may  be 
inferred  from  the  fact,  that,  while  the  work  proceeded,  he 
sailed  to  Rome,  and  spent  some  time  in  the  society  of  his 
noble  friend  Augustus,  who  gave  him  many  proofs  of  his 
regard,  and  delivered  him  his  sons,  recommending  them  as 
worthy  of  his  love  and  confidence.  They  accompanied  him 
on  his  return  to  his  kingdom  ;  and  he  soon  after  married 
Aristobulus  to  his  niece  Bernice,  the  daughter  of  his  sistef 


I 


# 


200        HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY. 

Salome,  and  Alexander  to  Glaphra,  daughter  of  Archelaus, 
king  of  Cappadocia.  The  favours  showed  by  Augustus 
and  his  chief  officers,  especially  Agrippa,  to  the  Jews  in  the 
provinces,  were,  doubtless,  viewed  by  their  brethren  in  Judea 
as  the  result  of  Herod's  influence  in  the  Roman  court,  and 
must  have  greatly  tended  to  the  popularity  of  his  govern- 
ment. Several  striking  instances  of  this  are  recorded  by  the 
Jewish  historian.  The  Jews  of  'Cyrenaica,  or  Cyrene,  and 
of  Asia  Minor,  persecuted  and  oppressed  chiefly  on  account 
of  their  religion,  had  appealed  to  the  emperor  or  Agrippa. 
The  following  decrees,  sent  to  the  respective  provinces,  con- 
firmed the  privileges  which  had  been  granted  the  Jews  by 
their  former  Grecian  rulers.  "  Cesar  Augustus,  high-priest 
and  tribune  of  the  people,  ordains  thus : — Since  the  nation  of 
the  Jews  hath  been  found  grateful  to  the  Roman  people,  not 
only  at  this  time,  but  in  time  past  also,  and  chiefly  Hyrcanus 
the  high-priest,  under  my  father  Cesar  the  emperor,  it  seemed 
good  to  me  and  my  counsellors,  according  to  the  sentence 
and  oath  of  the  people  of  Rome,  that  the  Jews  have  liberty 
to  make  use  of  their  own  customs,  according  to  the  law  of 
their  forefathers,  as  they  made  use  of  them  under  Hyrcanus 
the  high-priest  of  Almighty  God  ;  and  that  their  sacred 
money  be  not  touched,  but  be  sent  to  Jerusalem,  and  that  it 
be  committed  to  the  care  of  the  receivers  at  Jerusalem  ;  and 
that  they  be  not  obliged  to  go  before  any  judge  on  the  sab- 
bath-day, nor  on  the  day  of  the  preparation  to  it,  after  the 
ninth  hour :  but  if  any  one  be  caught  stealing  their  holy 
books,  or  their  sacred  money,  whether  it  be  out  of  the  syna- 
gogue or  public  school,  he  shall  be  deemed  a  sacrilegious 
person,  and  his  goods  shall  be  brought  into  the  public  trea- 
sury of  the  Romans.  And  I  give  order,  that  the  testimonial 
which  they  have  given  me,  on  account  of  my  regard  to  that 
piety  which  I  exercise  toward  all  mankind,  and  out  of  regard 
to  Caius  Marcus  Censorinus,  together  with  the  present 
decree,  be  proposed  in  that  most  eminent  place  which  hath 
been  consecrated  to  me  by  the  community  of  Asia  at  Ancyra. 
And  if  any  one  transgress  any  part  of  what  is  above  decreed, 
he  shall  be  severely  punished." — This  was  inscribed  upon  a 
pillar  in  the  temple  of  Cesar. 

"  Cesar  to  Norbanus  Flaccus,  sendeth  greeting.  Let  those 
Jews,  how  many  soever  they  be,  who  have  been  used,  ac- 
cording to  their  ancient  custom,  to  send  their  sacred  money 
to  Jerusalem,  do  the  same  freely."  These  were  the  decrees 
of  Cesar. 


=# 


m 


HEROD    THE    GREAT,    AND   HIS   FAMILY.  201 

Agrippa  also  did  himself*  write  after  the  manner  following*, 
on  behalf  of  the  Jews: — "Agrippa,  to  the  magistrates,  senate, 
and  people  of  the  Ephesians,  sendeth  greeting.  I  will  that 
the  care  and  custody  of  the  sacred  money  that  is  carried  to 
the  temple  at  Jerusalem  be  left  to  the  Jews  of  Asia,  to  do 
with  it  according  to  their  ancient  custom ;  and  that  such  as 
steal  that  sacred  money  of  the  Jews,  and  fly  to  a  sanctuary, 
shall  be  taken  thence  and  delivered  to  the  Jews,  by  the  same 
law  that  sacrilegious  persons  are  taken  thence.  I  have  also 
written  to  Sylvanus  the  praetor,  that  no  one  compel  the  Jews 
to  come  before  a  judge  on  the  sabbath-day." 

"  Marcus  Agrippa  to  the  magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of 
Cyrene,  sendeth  greeting.  The  Jews  of  Cyrene  have  inter- 
ceded with  me  for  the  performance  of  what  Augustus  sent 
orders  about  to  Flavius,  the  then  praetor  of  Lybia,  and  to  the 
other  procurators  of  that  province,  that  the  sacred  money 
may  be  sent  to  Jerusalem  freely,  as  hath  been  their  custom 
from  their  forefathers,  they  complaining  that  they  are  abused 
by  certain  informers,  and,  under  pretence  of  taxes  which 
were  not  due,  are  hindered  from  sending  them ;  which  I  com- 
mand to  be  restored  without  any  diminution  or  disturbance 
given  to  them :  and  if  any  of  that  sacred  money  in  the  cities 
be  taken  from  their  proper  receivers,  I  farther  enjoin,  that 
the  same  be  exactly  returned  to  the  Jews  in  that  place." 

"Caius  Norbanus  Flaccus,  proconsul,  to  the  magistrates  of 
the  Sardians,  sendeth  greeting.  Cesar  hath  written  to  me, 
and  commanded  me  not  to  forbid  the  Jews,  how  many  soever 
they  be,  from  assembling  together  according  to  the  custom  of 
their  forefathers ;  nor  from  sending  their  money  to  Jerusa- 
lem :  I  have  therefore  written  to  you,  that  you  may  know 
that  both  Cesar  and  I  would  have  you  act  accordingly." 

Nor  did  Julius  Antonius,  the  proconsul,  write  otherwise. 
"  To  the  magistrates,  senate,  and  people  of  the  Ephesians, 
sendeth  greeting.  As  I  was  dispensing  justice  at  Ephesus, 
on  the  Ides  of  February,  the  Jews  that  dwell  in  Asia  demon- 
strated to  me  that  Augustus  and  Agrippa  had  permitted  them 
to  use  their  own  laws  and  customs,  and  to  offer  those  their 
first-fruits  which  every  one  of  them  freely  offers  to  the  Deity 
on  account  of  their  piety,  and  to  carry  them  in  a  company 
together  to  Jerusalem  without  disturbance.  They  also  pe- 
titioned me,  that  I  also  would  confirm  what  had  been  granted 
by  Augustus  and  Agrippa  by  my  own  sanction.  I  would 
therefore  have  you  take  notice,  that,  according  to  the  will  of 


! 


#= 


202        HEROD  THE  GREAT^  AND  IHS  FAMH^T. 

Augustus  and  Agrippa,  I  permit  them  to  use  and  do  accor- 
ding to  the  customs  of  their  forefathers  without  disturbanca" 
Probably  the  last  epistle  alludes  to  the  advantages  pro- 
cured for  the  Jews  by  the  direct  interposition  of  Herod  with 
Agrippa  on  their  behalf,  about  thirteen  years  before  the 
Christian  era.  Agrippa  at  this  period  was  accomplishing 
his  last  mission  to  the  East.  Herod  prevailed  on  him  to 
visit  Judea,  and  survey  the  great  works  which  he  had  finish- 
ed 'or  was  constructing,  and  designed  to  perpetuate  the  fame 
of  Augustus  and  Agrippa,  for  the  name  of  the  latter  was 
given  to  some  of  these  works.  On  this  occasion  Herod  em- 
ployed eyery  possible  device  to  honour  and  please  his  friend. 
And  when  he  departed  for  Pontus  to  quell  some  alarming 
commotions,  Herod,  without  any  previous  intimation,  followed 
him,  accompanied  with  a  strong  reinforcement,  and  con- 
tributed to  the  successful  termination  of  Agrippa 's  labours  to 
restore  peace  and  order  in  the  kingdom  of  Pontus.  They 
afterwards  travelled  together  through  various  provinces  of 
Asia.  While  they  rested  in  Ionia,  great  multitudes  of  Jews 
applied  to  them  for  redress  of  grievances,  which  they  had 
long  endured.  The  rulers  of  the  cities  had  prevented  them 
from  observing  their  own  religious  laws  and  customs,  and 
even  seized  the  money  which  they  had  collected  on  their 
holy  days,  and  held  sacred  for  the  temple  at  Jerusalem  ;  and 
the  governors  forced  them  to  serve  in  the  army  contrary  to 
the  privilege  of  exemption,  which,  it  appears,  they  had 
formerly  enjoyed.  Herod  requested  Agrippa  to  investigate 
their  complaints,  and  ordered  his  friend  Nicolaus,  an  orator, 
to  advocate  their  cause.  The  noble  Roman  listened  to  a 
long  oration,  and  as  the  Greeks  apologised  for  their  treatment 
of  the  Jews,  only  by  declaring  that  while  they  inhabited 
their  country  they  acted  unjustly  not  to  conform  to  its  reli- 
gion, he  instantly  pronounced  in  their  favour,  "  That,  on 
account  of  Herod's  good-will  and  friendship,  he  was  ready 
to  grant  the  Jews  whatsoever  they  should  ask  him,  and  that 
their  requests  seemed  to  him  in  themselves  just ;  and  that  if 
they  requested  any  thing  farther  he  should  not  scruple  to 
grant  it  them,  provided  they  were  no  way  to  the  detriment  of 
the  Roman  government ;  but  that,  while  their  request  was 
no  more  than  this,  that  what  privileges  they  had  already 
given  them  might  not  be  abrogated,  he  confirmed  this  to 
them,  that  they  might  continue  in  the  observation  of  their 
own  customs,  without  any  one  offering  them  the  least  injury ; 
and  when  he  had  said  thus,  he  dissolved  the  assembly :  upon 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAinLT.         263 

which  Herod  stood  up  and  saluted  him,  and  gave  him  thanks 
for  the  kind  disposition  he  showed  to  them.  Agrippa  also 
took  this  in  a  very  obliging  manner,  and  saluted  him  again, 
and  embraced  him  in  his  arms ;  after  which  he  went  away 
from  Lesbos  ;  but  the  king  determined  to  sail  from  Samos  to 
his  own  country ;  and  when  he  had  taken  his  leave  of 
Agrippa,  he  pursued  his  voyage,  and  landed  at  Cesarea  in  a 
few  days'  time,  as  having  favourable  winds ;  from  whence 
he  went  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  gathered  all  the  people  toge- 
ther to  an  assembly,  not  a  few  being  there  out  of  the  country^ 
also.  So  he  came  to  them,  and  gave  them  a  particular  ac- 
count of  all  his  journey,  and  of  the  affairs  of  all  the  Jews  in 
Asia,  how  by  his  means  they  would  live  without  injurious 
treatment  for  the  time  to  come.  He  also  told  them  of  the 
entire  good  fortune  he  had  met  with,  and  how  he  had  ad- 
ministered the  government,  and  had  not  neglected  any  which 
was  for  their  advantage :  and  as  he  was  very  joyful,  he  now 
remitted  to  them  the  fourth  part  of  their  taxes  for  the  last 
year.  Accordingly,  they  were  so  pleased  with  his  favour 
and  speech  to  them,  that  they  went  their  ways  with  great 
gladness,  and  wished  the  king  all  manner  of  happiness." 

But  Herod's  loftiest  pretensions  of  zeal  for  the  religion  of 
the  Jews,  nor  even  his  jnost  generous  and  beneficent  deeds, 
could  ever  win  him  their  confidence  and  love.  His  general 
conduct  demonstrated  him  utterly  unworthy  of  the  throne  of 
David  ;  indeed,  he  appeared  destitute  of  the  fear  of  God  and 
the  love  of  man.  This  was  equally  obvious  in  his  private, 
domestic,  and  public  life.  The  history  of  no  individual  of 
any  rank  ever  displayed  more  fearfully  than  his,  the  malig- 
nancy of  the  human  passions  uncontrolled  by  a  sound  judg- 
ment: and  in  his  family  were  witnessed  the  most  melancholy 
results  of  polygamy.  He  had  ten  wives — Josephus  makes 
the  number  nine — but  he  plainly  omits  the  second  Mariamne, 
not  less  celebrated  for  beauty  than  the  first.  She  was  daugh- 
ter of  Simon,  a  Jewish  priest  of  Alexandria,  on  whom  Herod 
conferred  the  high-priesthood.  He  had  children  by  seven 
of  his  wives.  The  first  was  probably  Doris,  regarded  as 
queen,  but  repudiated,  to  give  place  to  the  princess  Mariamne. 
Doris  was  restored  when  her  son  Antipater  supplanted  in  the 
aflTections  of  his  father  his  brothers  Alexander  and  Aristobu- 
lus,  sons  of  Mariamne,  who  left  also  two  daughters,  Silampsis 
and  Cypros.  The  other  children  of  Herod,  were  Herod 
and  Philip,  Herod  Antipas,  and  Archelaus  and  their  sister 
Olympias;   Phasaslus,   Roxana,  and  Salome.     This  family, 


204  HEROD   THE   GREAT,    AND   HIS   FAMILY. 

high  in  rank,  and  rich  in  all  the  productions  and  pleasures  of 
this  world,  experienced  the  consummation  of  human  woe, 
chiefly  from  the  selfishness,  jealousy,  and  suspicion  of  the 
king,  acted  on  by  the  ambition,  envy,  deceit,  and  malice  of  his 
sister  Salome.  This  venomous  serpent  almost  incessantly 
diffused  disease  and  death  to  all  who  came  within  the  limits 
of  her  vision.  Salome's  implacable  hatred  of  the  justly  ad- 
mired and  generally  lamented  Mariamne,  rekindled  in  all  its 
fury  against  her  noble  sons.  In  personal  aspect,  dignified 
manner,  and  intelligent  conversation,  they  surpassed  all  in 
Herod's  court ;  and  their  descent  from  the  Asmonean  race 
exceedingly  endeared  them  to  the  Jews.  They  were  proud, 
but  generous  and  condescending  in  society,  except  to  those 
whom  they  had  been  led  to  regard  as  the  enemies  of  their 
mother.  Their  popularity  soon  roused  'the  jealousy  of  their 
haughty  and  fierce  father  ;  and  he  too  attentively  listened  to 
the  insinuations  and  calumnies  thrown  out  against  them  by 
Salome  and  her  emissaries.  Their  elder  brother  Antipater 
strongly  supported  her  in  all  her  malicious  schemes,  plots,  and 
intrigues  ;  and  she  repaid  him  by  taking  every  opportunity  to 
recommend  him  to  his  father's  esteem  and  confidence.  Herod, 
tormented  by  suspicions  and  apprehensions  of  treacherous 
designs  in  his  favourite  sons,  summoned  them  to  answer 
before  Augustus  the  accusations  brought  against  them,  and 
proceeded  with  them  to  Rome.  The  emperor  effected  a  re- 
conciliation between  the  wretched  king  and  his  unhappy  sons. 
It  was,  however,  only  temporary ;  and  no  more  permanent 
was  that  which  followed  the  kind  offices  of  Archelaus,  king 
of  Cappadocia,  the  father-in-law  of  prince  Alexander,  who, 
soon  after  Herod's  return  from  Judea,  was  compelled,  for  the 
sake  of  his  daughter,  to  attempt  allaying  the  contentions  ol 
Herod's  family.  The  plot  thickened ;  and  the  royal  court 
and  nation  were  divided  into  parties,  which  rendered  the  life 
of  the  proud  monarch  almost  intolerable.  The  storm  first  fell 
on  Alexander.  There  were  three  eunuchs  who  were  in  the 
highest  esteem  with  the  king,  as  was  plain  by  their  offices ; 
for  one  of  them  was  appointed  to  be  his  butler,  another  of 
them  got  his  supper  ready  for  him,  and  the  third  put  him  into 
bed,  and  lay  down  by  him.  Now  Alexander  had  prevailed 
with  these  men,  by  large  gifts,  to  let  him  use  them  after  an 
obscene  manner ;  which,  when  it  was  told  to  the  king,  they 
were  tortured,  and  found  guilty,  and  presently  confessed  the 
criminal  conversation  he  had  with  them.  They  also  discov- 
ered the  promises  by  which  they  were  induced  so  to  do,  and 


J 


•= 


HEROD    THE   GEEAT,    AND   HIS   FABinLY.  205 

how  they  were  deluded  by  Alexander,  who  had  told  them 
that  they  ought  not  to  fix  their  hopes  upon  Herod,  an  old  man, 
and  one  so  shameless  as  to  colour  his  hair,  unless  they  thought 
that  would  make  him  young  again ;  but  that  they  ought  to  fix 
their  attention  to  him  who  was  to  be  his  successor  in  the  king- 
dom, whether  he  would  or  not ;  and  who  in  no  long  time 
would  avenge  himself  on  his  enemies,  and  make  his  friends 
happy  and  blessed,  and  themselves  in  the  first  place  ;  that  the 
men  of  power  did  already  pay  respects  to  Alexander  private- 
ly, and  that  the  captains  of  the  soldiery  and  the  officers  did 
secretly  come  to  him.  These  confessions  did  so  terrify  Herod, 
fhat  he  durst  not  immediately  publish  them ;  but  he  sent 
spies  abroad  privately  by  night  and  by  day.  who  should  make 
a  close  inquiry  after  all  that  was  done  and  said  ;  and  when 
any  were  but  suspected  of  treason,  he  put  them  to  death,  inso- 
much that  the  palace  was  full  of  horribly  unjust  proceedings; 
for  every  body  forged  calumnies,  as  they  were  themselves  in 
a  state  of  enmity  or  hatred  against  others  ;  and  many  there 
were  who  abused  the  king's  bloody  passion  to  the  disadvan- 
tage of  those  with  whom  they  had  quarrels,  and  lies  were 
easily  believed,  and  punishments  were  inflicted  sooner  than 
the  calumnies  were  forged.  He  who  had  just  then  been  ac- 
cusing another,  was  acused  himself,  and  was  led  away  to  exe- 
cution together  with  him  whom  he  had  convicted  ;  for  the 
danger  the  king  was  in  of  his  life  made  examinations  be  very 
short.  He  also  proceeded  to  such  a  degree  of  bitterness,  that 
he  could  not  look  on  f.nv  of  those  that  were  not  accused  with 
a  pleasant  countenance,* but  was  in  the  most  barbarous  dispo- 
sition towards  his  own  friends.  Accordingly,  he  forbade  a 
great  many  of  them  to  come  to  court,  and  to  those  whom  he 
had  not  power  to  punish  actually,  he  spake  harshly  ;  but  for 
Antipater,  he  insuhed  Alexander,  now  he  was  under  his  mis- 
fortunes, and  got  a  stout.compr'ny  of  his  kindred  together,  and 
raised  all  sorts  of  calumny  ngciinst  him  ;  and  for  the  king,  he 
was  brought  to  such  a  degree  of  terror  by  those  prodigious 
slanders  and  contrivances,  that  he  fancied  he  saw  Alexander 
coming  to  him  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand.  So  he 
caused  him  to  be  seized  upon  immediately  and  bound,  and. fell 
to  examining  his  friends  by  torture,  many  of  whom  died  un- 
der the  rack,  but  would  discover  nothing,  nor  say  any  thing 
against  their  consciences  ;  but  some  of  them,  being  forced  to 
speak  falsely  by  the  pains  they  endured,  said  that  Alexander, 
and  his  brother  Aristobulus,  plotted  against  him,  and  waited 
for  an  opportunity  to  kill  him  as  he  was  hunting,  and  then  fly 
vor,.   II.  18 


206  HEROD    THE    GIIEAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

away  to  Rome.  These  accusations,  though  they  were  of  an 
incredible  nature,  and  only  framed  upon  the  great  distress 
they  were  in,  were  readily  believed  by  the  king,  who  thought 
it  some  comfort  to  him,  after  he  had  bound  his  son,  that  it 
might  appear  he  had  not  done  it  unjustly." 

The  report  of  these  transactions  reached  the  court  of  Cap- 
padocia,  and  Archelaus  speedily  arrived  in  Jerusalem,  and 
succeeded  in  appeasing  the  anger  of  Herod  ;  and  thus  was 
he  for  the  time  prevented  from  murdering  his  sons.  But  the 
deluded  and  cruel  father  was  incapable  of  jSrmness  of  purpose 
when  exposed  to  the  seductive  power  of  flattery.  Eurycles, 
a  Lacedemonian,  had  gained  his  ear  ;  he  was  a  complete  sy- 
cophant, and  prepared  for  every  evil  work  by  which  he  ex- 
pected to  profit.  Antipater  eagerly  accepted  his  services  ; 
and,  under  the  pretence  of  ardent  friendship  for  Alexander 
and  Aristobulus,  he  drew  from  them  enough  to  form  a  basis 
on  which  his  inventive  subtlety  and  spurious  eloquence  raised 
a  mass  of  plausible  evidence  that  they  had  resolved  to  kill 
their  father.  He  instantly  cast  them  into  prison,  and  sent 
ambassadors  to  Augustus  requesting  to  know  how  he  ought 
to  proceed  with  his  rebellious  sons.  The  emperor  proposed 
that  they  should  be  tried  by  a  tribunal,  consisting  of  the  prin- 
cipal persons  of  the  royal  family,  and  of  the  governors  of  Sy- 
ria and  Judea.  These  were  summoned  in  Cesar's  name  to 
meet  in  Berytus,  the  modern  Beyrout,  a  seaport  of  Syria,  situ- 
ated between  Seyde  or  Sidon  and  Tripoli.  None  of  the  chief 
men  of  Syria,  nor  any  of  Herod's  kinsmen,  were  excluded 
from  this  illustrious  court,  except  Archelaus,  king  of  Cappa- 
docia,  and  the  princes  who  weie  accused.  Their  father,  con- 
trary to  all  sense  of  propriety,  enumerated  all  the  crimes 
which  they  had  committed,  or  rather  which  their  enemies  im- 
puted to  them.  The  Roman  officers  of  highest  rank  declined 
to  condemn  them,  but  the  majority  sentenced  them  to  death. 
No  one  in  Judea,  .the  historian  says,  supposed  that  Herod 
would  enforce  the  sentence  ;  if  so,  they  knew  not  the  savage 
barbarity  of  the  man.  He  conveyed  them  to  Tyre,  thence  by 
aea  to  Cesarea,  and  afterwards  removed  them  to  Sebaste, 
where  they  were  put  to  death,  and  their  bodies  sent  to  Alex- 
andrium  to  be  interred  close  by  the  side  of  their  maternal 
grandfather,  Alexander  king  of  Judea.  The  murdered  prin- 
ces left  families  to  bewail  their  dishonourable  death.  Glaphra 
had  two  sons,  Tygranes  and  Alexander ;  Bernice  daughter 
of  Salome,  was  the  wife  of  Aristobulus,  to  whom  she  brought 
Herod,  Agrippa,  and  Aristobulus,  Herodias  and  Mariamne 


HEROD   THE   GREAT,    AND   BOS   FAIBI/T.  207 

These  children  Herod  took  under  his  special  protection, 
which  exceedingly  displeased  his  son  Antipater,  and  their 
aunt  ihe  depraved.  Salome,  and  they  used  every  artifice  to 
prevent  Herod  from  promoting  their  interests  to  the  extent 
which  he  purposed. 

The  deatn  of  the  princes  was  chiefly  ascribed  by  the  Jews 
to  Antipaier,  and  from  this  time,  they  utterly  abhorred  him  ; 
but,  conceiving  the  throne  secure  to  him,  he  treated  them 
with  contempt,  and,  by  the  most  outrageous  acts  of  injustice 
and  cruelty,  sought  to  repress  their  indignation  by  the  dread 
of  his  vengeance.  His  mother  Doris  had  been  restored  to 
her  place  as  queen.  This  was  offensive  to  Salome  ;  hence 
the  domestic  stri/e,  contentions,  and  confusion  of  Herod's 
family  continued.  Antipater,  perceiving  that  his  intrigues 
against  his  royal  father,  whose  death  he  eagerly  desired,  could 
not  escape  the  vigiiant  eyes  of  Salome,  contrived  to  induce 
his  father  to  send  him  to  Rome.  While  there,  he  prosecuted 
his  schemes  to  remove  all  who  stood  in  his  way  to  the  throne. 
He  had,  it  is  said,  reduced  his  uncle  Pheroras  to  kill  his 
brother,  the  king,  by  poison.  This  was  discovered  in  the 
course  of  investigations  to  ascertain  whether  Pheroras,  who 
died  rather  suddenly,  nuU  not  been  poisoned.  This  discovery 
was  followed  by  the  immediate  disgrace  of  the  mother  and 
friends  of  Antipater  ;  ana  the  second  Mariamne  being  accused 
of  having  known  and  concealed  the  conspiracy,  the  name  of 
her  son  Herod  was  erased  from  the  testament  or  will  of  the 
king,  who  had  appointed  him  heir  to  the  throne  after  the 
death  of  Antipnter.  Letters  of  the  latter  were  also  produced, 
which  proved  that  he  was  plotting  to  destroy  his  brothers, 
Archelaus  and  Philip,  who  resided  at  Rome  to  complete  their 
education.  In  consequence  of  these  discoveries,  his  father, 
in  most  afTectionate  terms,  requested  him  to  return  home, 
without  informing  him  of  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge,  lest 
he  should  escape  the  punishment  which  he  merited.  He  im- 
mediately left  Rome,  but  reports  of  the  degraded  state  of  his 
mother  made  him  suspect  that  his  treacherous  deeds  were 
known.  He  hesitated  proceeding  through  Cilicia,  till  he  re- 
ceived a  friendly  epistle  from  his  father.  Though  confounded 
by  the  universal  silence  and  want  of  respect  which  he  met 
with  on  landing  at  Ccsaria,  yet  he  advanced  to  Jerusalem. 
He  was  admitted  into  the  palace,  but  his  friends  were  ex- 
cluded, and  the  king  repulsed  him  as  a  murderer.  The  next 
day  Antipater  was  tried  before  a  court  cf  which  his  father, 
and  Varus,  governor  of  Syria,  who  was  at  that  time  in  Jeru- 


1 


208  HEROD    THE    GREAT,    AND   HIS    FAMILY. 

salem,  were  presidents.  Herod,  in  a  long  and  impressive 
speech,  accused  his  son,  and  Nicoiaus  laid  the  evidence  of  his 
crime  of  conspiring  against  the  lives  of  his  father,  his  two 
brothers,  and  his  aunt  Salome,  before  the  court  :  and,  by  a 
powerful  oration,  demanded  sentence  of  death  against  him. 
His  guilt  appeared  unquestionable,  but  Herod  declined  putting 
him  to  death  till  he  had  implored  the  counsel  of  Augustus. 
In  the  meantime,  Antipater  was  committed  to  prison,  bound 
in  chains.  The  calumnies  which  he  had  raised  against  his 
brothers,  Herod  and  Philip,  had,  however,  excited  suspicions 
in  the  mind  of  their  father  against  them,  so  that  he  instantly 
made  a  will,  which  passed  them  over,  and  declared  Antipas 
his  successor. 

The  preceding  review  of  Herod's  public  and  private  life, 
which  was  near  its  end,  may  suffice  to  show  that  a  proud, 
suspicious,  jealous,  and  revengeful  spirit,' strongly  character- 
ised him,  and  impelled  him  to  unwearied  vigilance  to  detect 
and  avert  whatever  appeared  in  his  eyes  having  the  least  ten- 
dency to  undermine  his  power,  or  threaten  the  permanency 
of  the  possession  of  the  throne  of  Judea  to  him  and  his  nat- 
ural successors.  By  consequence,  any  event  indicating  even 
the  possibility  of  the  rise  of  a  successful  rival,  we  may  be 
certain,  could  not  fail  to  stimulate  him  to  adopt  any  plan, 
however  unrighteous  or  diabolical,  which  he  imagined  expe- 
dient or  necessary  to  prevent  what  he  must  have  deemed 
the  most  dreadful  catastrophe,  the  ruin  of  his  race. 

Two  events,  bearing  at  first  sight  this  aspect,  transpired 
during  the  period  that  Herod's  prominent  passions  were 
raised  to  their  highest  degree  of  vigour  by  the  intrigues, 
mancBuvres,  conspiracies,  and  strifes  of  his  court  and  family. 
The  result  was.  that  his  soul  was,  on  one  occasion,  so  har- 
assed and  tormented,  that  hrs  mind  lost  its  balance,  and  his 
conduct  and  manner  resembled  a  maniac  more  than  a  man  re- 
markable for  a  strong,  sound^and  determined  mind:  and 
though  he  recovered,  his  health  was  irreparably  injured,  in 
so  much,  that  his  powerful  feelings,  rather  than  his  mind,  regu 
lated  his  actions.  He  acted  by  the  impulse  of  passion,  like 
a  wild  beast,  rather  than  by  the  dictates  of  wise  reflection  and 
deliberate  consideration.  The  events  to  \vhich  we  allude 
were  the  announcements  by  angels  of  the  immediate  appear- 
ance of  the  forerunner  of  Messiah,  and  of  Messiah  himself 
The  peculiar  claims,  and  the  history  of  these  exalted  persona- 
ges, especially  of  the  latter,  who  stands  alone  in  the  annals 
of  the  world,  would  require  volumes  ;  and  what  we  consider 


HEROD    THE    GREAT,    AND   HIS   FAMILT.  209 

indispensable  for  our  object  to  say  respecting  them  will  form 
the  succeeding  chapter.  We  would  advert  here  to  the  inti- 
mations given  from  Heaven  of  their  birth,  which  look  place 
in  accordance  with  the  divine  predictions  of  the  heavenly- 
messengers,  within  the  last  two  years  of  Herod's  reign. 

That  infidel  monarch  most  probably  regarded  the  report 
of  the  vision  of  Zacharias,  as  nothing  more  than  an  inci- 
dent common  to  fanatics.  He  had  certainly  no  reverenct;, 
and  perhaps  no  knowledge  of  the  peculiarity  of  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Jewish  nation,  as  ordained  by  Moses  ;  for  he 
either  did  not  conceive  or  truly  believe  that  supernatural  in- 
terposition to  punish  the  Jews  when  they  neglected  the  laws 
instituted  by  their  inspired  legislator,  or  signally  to  favour 
them  when  they  paid  obedience,  was  to  be  expected  by  the 
Jews  while  the  covenant  of  Sinai  remained  in  force.  This 
i.s  manifest  from  his  reasoning  respecting  the  extreme  suffer- 
ings which  they  endured  from  famine,  pestilence,  anarchy, 
insurrection,  and  particularly  from  the  earthquakes.  These 
evils  he  contemplated  with  the  eye  and  mind  of  a  pagan 
philosopher.  Thus  in  the  earlier  part  of  his  reign,  he  en- 
couraged and  animated  his  troops,  by  representing  all  the 
sufferings  of  their  nation  as  mere  accidents,  and  their  losses 
in  war  as  nothing  more  than  common  occurrences,  insepa- 
rable from  the  mutable  nature  of  providence,  which  ought  to 
excite  their  hopes  of  success  in  the  ensuing  contest,  because 
the  late  victory  of  their  enemies  would  have  so  elated  their 
spirits,  that  they  Would  most  probably  neglect  to  prepare  to 
make  a  vigorous  resistance.  "  Fortune,"  he  says,  "  passes 
from  one  side  to  the  other.  You  were  overcome  in  the  last 
battle,  but  the  victors  assuring  themselves  of  continued  vic- 
tory will  most  probably  be  defeated  in  the  next  combat.  This 
we  calculate  on  from  what  we  have  ourselves  experienced. 
A  victory  has  frequently  been  succeeded  by  a  defeat  of  our 
armies.  And  do  not  disturb  yourselves  at  the  quaking  of  inan- 
imated  creation,  nor  imagirye  that  this  earthquake  is  a  sign  of 
some  new  calamity  ;  for  such  affections  of  the  elements  are 
according  to  the  course  of  nature,  and  portend  nothing  fu- 
ture, and  concern  mankind  only  to  the  extent  of  injury  and 
mischief  which  they  immediately  occasion.  And  if  you  will 
be  ruled  by  me,  I  will  myself  go  before  you  into  danger  ; 
for  you  know  this  well,  that  your  courage  is  irresistible,  un- 
less by  acting  rashly  you  give  the  enemy  an  advantage  over 
you."  Whoever  adopted  such  sentiments  were  not  likely  to 
attach  more  importance  to  the  oracles  of  the  Jewish  prophets 

18* 


#  M 


210 


HEROD    THE    GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 


than  to  those  of  the  priest  of  Rome  or  Athens.  And,  by 
consequence,  Herod,  notwithstanding  the  usual  strength  of 
his  suspicions,  and  violence  of  his  jealousy  respecting  the 
actions  that  had  any  tendency  to  obscure  the  lustre,  or  threaten 
the  stability  of  his  throne,  was  not  likely  to  feel  much  inter- 
est in  the  report  that  a  priest,  eminent  for  piety  and  integrity, 
was  supposed  to  have  seen  a  prophetic  vision,  because  he  had 
remained  a  very  unusual  time  in  the  holy  temple,  and  come 
out  of  it  utterly  deprived  of  the  power  of  speech.  The  re- 
covery of  this  power  was  as  sudden  and  unexpected  as  had 
been  the  loss  of  it,  and  enough  to  awaken  universal  interest 
to  the  astonishing  predictive  discourse  which  was  immedi- 
ately delivered  by  Zacharias.  This  prophecy  was  peculiarly 
calculated  to  alarm  the  jealous  and  infidel  king  ;  for  it  de- 
scribed in  the  most  beautiful  and  expressive  language  the 
advent  of  the  great  Heir  of  David,  to  fulfil  the  promises  made 
to  ancient  Israel,  and  the  moral  revolution  which  the  prophet's 
infant  son  just  circumcised,  was  to  effect  preparatory  to 
the  royal  Prince  entering  on  his  triumphant  reign.  These 
sayings  were  noised  abroad  in  all  the  hill-country  of  Judea, 
and  those  who,  from  their  vicinity  to  Zacharias'  dwelling, 
knew  best  the  things  respecting  his  childy  were  filled  with 
fear,  perhaps,  lest  Herod  should  be  roused  to  pour  out  his 
fury  on  their  families  and  friends.  It  is  altogether  uncertain 
whether  the  king  ever  heard  of  the  transactions  which  had 
occurred  in  the  retired  family  of  the  priest  whom  God  had 
honoured  ;  or,  if  he  was  informed  of  them,  he  may  have 
been  at  the  time  too  deeply  involved  in  domestic  broils  to  ex- 
amine into  their  truth,  especially  when  he  reflected  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  higher  and  thinly  peopled  lands,  south  of 
Jerusalem,  were  known  to  be,  almost  at  all  times,  the  most 
peaceful  of  his  subjects.  He  may,  indeed,  on  the  news 
reaching  him,  have  regarded  the  whole  as  the  idle  and  mar- 
vellous tales  by  which  a  rural,  simple,  and  ignorant  people 
amuse  themselves  in  their  comparative  solitude.  But  he  nat- 
urally listened  with  more  intense  sensations  to  the  informa- 
tion of  the  birth  of  Jesus,  when  it  was  communicated  to  him 
by  persons  equally  remarkable  for  their  intelligence,  candour, 
and  impartiality.  That  the  wise  men  of  the  East  were  thus 
viewed  by  Herod,  will  not  be  questioned.  The  marvellous 
story  of  the  shepherds  of  Bethlehem,  which  they  made 
known  abroad,  the  king  might  possibly  regard  as  meriting 
no  more  attention  than  the  account  of  Zacharias'  vision.  But 
he  perceived  at  once  that  the  relation  of  the,  wise  men  car- 


=-ab 


S^n^aJ!} 


AND    HIS    FAMILY.  211 

ried  on  it  the  most  distinct  seal  or  impression  of  truth,  which 
its  miraculous  character  could  not  even  render  questionable. 
"  Wise  men"  or  magi,  was  an  appellation  appropriated  to  per- 
sons eminent  for  learning  and  investigation  in  the  objects  of 
nature,  particularly  the  heavenly  bodies.  Those  who  came 
to  do  homage  to  the  new-born  King,  on  arriving  in  Judea. 
appear  to  have  publicly  and  everywhere  made  known  the 
object  of  their  journey,  and  the  country  whence  they  came, 
and  importunately  requested  to  be  directed  where  the  infant 
was  that  they  had  come  to  honour.  No  one,  therefore,  could 
imagine,  nor  does  it  seem  that  any  one,  not  even  the  suspi- 
cious Herod,  suspected  that  any  collusion  existed  between  them 
and  the  infant's  friends.  Nor,  indeed,  as  far  as  history  in- 
structs us,  had  their  country  any  connexion,  political,  com- 
mercial, or  religious,  with  Judea.  We  may  not  be  able  to 
decide  what  was  the  particular  region  called  "  the  East  ;" 
various  opinions  have  been  entertained  by  the  learned  on  the 
subject, — the  most  probable  is  that  which  fixes  on  Arabia 
Deserta,  which  extended  east  from  Judea  to  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates  ;  for  this  country  was  commonly  named  "  the 
East"  by  the  inhabitants  of  Judea  ;  see  Judges  vi.  3.  ;  Jol 
i.  3.  Natives  of  its  districts  were  celebrated  for  their  wisdom 
in  ancient  times,  and,  being  descendants  of  the  sons  of  Abiu- 
ham  by  Hagar  and  Keturah,  might  well  be  supposed  tohuv*- 
preserved  traditions  respecting  the  promised  son  of  their 
great  ancestor,  who  was  to  bless  and  be  blessed  by  all  nations. 
Nor  is  it  incredible  that  they  still  remembered  the  prediction 
of  Balaam,  one  of  themselves,  of  the  rise  of  the  star,  Jacob, 
which,  in  Oriental  imagery,  denoted  a  prince  or  king.  That 
the  great  men  of  Arabia  possessed  much  gold  and  myrrh, 
and  frankincense,  and  other  aromatics,  ancient  records  suffi- 
ciently attest. 

Now,  from  this  extensive  region  Herod  had  nothing  to  fear 
in  his  time ;  and  consequently  he  had  ample  reason  to  credit 
the  simple  and  undisguised  narration  of  the  distinguished 
personages  who  announced  to  him  that  they  had  seen  a  star, 
whose  course  they  were  divinely  instructed  by  a  dream  to  re- 
gard as  appointed  to  indicate  the  residence  of  a  child  destined 
by  Heaven  to  be  "  the  King  of  the  Jews"  and  the  Deliverer, 
(jonqueror,  and  Sovereign  of  all  nations.  These  words  Herod 
and  all  Jerusalem  with  him  considered  to  mean  the  Christy 
or  the  Messiah,  whom  all  the  prophets  had  predicted  under 
the  character  of  universal  Conqueror  and  Sovereign,  chosen 
by  God  to  elevate  the  Jews  to  unfading  prosperity,  and  to  de 


212  HEROD    THE    GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

Jiver  all  nations  from  the  ungodliness  of  idolatry  and  the  op- 
pressions of  tyrants.  However  desirable  this  news  was  to  the 
Jews,  it  was  enough  to  produce  in  them  the  most  distressing 
anxiety,  and  alarming  apprehensions,  for  they  could  not  but 
perceive  that  it  would  most  probably  rouse  all  the  tormenting, 
cruel,  and  sanguinary  passions  of  their  king,  and  that  he 
would,  in  all  probability,  inundate  the  metropolis  and  country 
in  blood,  did  he  deem  this  necessary  to  free  himself  frnm 
dread  of  the  new-born  prince.  Though  their  fears  may  have 
been  more  than  the  case  was  fitted  to  excite,  yet  Herod  soon 
showed  that  they  were  natural.  For  to  alleviate  his  distress, 
he  first  ascertained  where  "the  Christ"  was  to  be  born. 
And  this  being  determined  by  the  infallible  prediction  of  Mi- 
cah,  which  the  interpreters  of  the  law  showed  him,  he  next 
endeavoured  to  seduce  the  wise  men  to  return  to  him  as  soon 
as  they  found  the  royal  child,  that  he  might  join  them  in  do- 
ing him  homage.  Being  admonished  in  a  supernatural 
dream,  they  escaped  the  snare  of  the  demon-king ;  and  he,  to 
secure  his  object,  instantly  ordered  all  the  children  of  Bethle- 
hem, under  two  years  old,  or,  as  some  interpret  the  words  of  the 
sacred  writers,  all  children  who  had  entered  their  second  year, 
to  be  slain.  From  this  massacre,  the  infant  Jesus  was  rescued 
by  the  Divine  interposition  ;  for  his  supposed  father,  Joseph, 
was  enjoined  by  a  Divine  dream  to  depart  for  Egypt ;  and  he 
was  encouraged  to  obey  by  the  rich  gifts  of  the  wise  men, 
which  formed  an  ample  treasure  for  the  support  of  the  family 
during  their  exile.  This  unparalleled  barbarity  was  no 
greater  than  might  be  expected  from  the  king,  considering 
his  general  conduct,  and  the  occasion  of  this  bloody  deed. 
It  had,  compared  to  some  of  his  proceedings,  a  semblance  of 
compassionate  policy  ;  for  how  often  did  h€  punish  with  death 
numbers  whose  lives  had  no  apparent  tendency  to  thwart  his 
purposes  or  frustrate  his  schemes  of  ambition  ?  Insatiable  re- 
venge along  impelled  him  to  many  bloody  deeds,  while  his 
daring  attempt  to  obstruct  the  designs  of  the  Almighty  was 
the  fruit  of  ambition,  and  regulated  by  worldly  wisdom.  On 
the  supposition  that  Josephus  thus  contemplated  the  slaughter 
of  the  children  of  Bethlehem,  one  is  not  much  surprised  that 
he  has  not  specified  it  among  the  unjust  and  cruel  acts  of 
Herod  the  Great ;  for  the  political  motive  may  have  appeared 
to  him  a  most  plausible  apology  for  the  dreadful  edict.  But 
the  passing  over  this  event  entirely  harmonises  with  the  pur- 
pose and  plan  of  the  Jewish  historian  in  writing  the  history 
of  his  nation,  which  obviously  was  to  mention  nothing  that 


HEROD   THE   GREAT,   AND   HIS   FAltflLT.  213 

he  had  reason  to  think  might  exceedingly  displease  either  the 
Romans  or  the  Jews  who  were  enemies  to  Christianity.  He 
has  made  no  satisfactory  statements  in  relation  to  Christianity ; 
indeed,  some  insist  that  the  trivial  allusions  to  it  in  his  works 
are  interpolations;  and  that  he  carefully  avoided  mentioning 
the  facts  concerning  the  Christ  and  his  followers,  the  certain- 
ty of  which  the  future  state  of  the  world  demonstrates,  because 
they  would  have  rendered  his  works  unpopular.  Supremely 
ambitious,  as  he  evidently  was,  of  the  praise  of  man  more 
than  the  approbation  of  God,  he  had  sufficient  to  satisfy  him 
that  it  was  not  expedient  to  refer  to  Herod's  savage  decree 
against  the  infants  of  Bethlehem,  for  how  could  he  notice  it 
without  announcing  the  confident  hope  entertained  by  the 
Jews,  that  their  Messiah  was  to  claim  and  acquire  the  sover- 
eignty of  the  world  1  What  sentiment  could  more  provoke 
the  indignation  of  the  Romans  against  the  Jews  ?  Nor  was 
any  thing  less  agreeable  to  the  Jews  than  to  be  reminded  that 
wise  men,  directly  instructed  and  admonished  by  God,  had 
declared  to  Herod  and  the  Jews  of  his  age  that  Jesus,  whom 
their  fathers  had  crucified,  was  "  The  King  of  the  Jews,"  and 
that  as  such  the  divinely  taught  men  had  worshipped  him, 
and  presented  to  him  the  most  precious  gifts.  Their  com- 
mission may  be  regarded  as  a  remarkable  proof  of  the  Divine 
goodness  and  long-suffering  of  God  towards  the  Jews,  and  es- 
pecially towards  Herod.  The  unexceptionableness  and  plain- 
ness of  their  testimony  rendered  his  unbelief  in  the  Christ  in- 
excusable, and  exceedingly  augmented  the  guilt  of  his  con- 
duct in  persecuting  him,  and  killing  the  innocent  infants  of 
Bethlehem.  If  Herod's  character  be  considered,  what  wit- 
nesses were  more  likely  to  command  his  attention  and  confi.- 
dence.  The  testimony  of  the  pious  Zacharias  and  the  devout 
shepherds  might  be  despised  as  the  mere  delusion  of  supersti- 
tious men ;  but  that  of  the  wise  men  was  peculiarly  adapted 
to  reach  conviction  to  his  mind,  although  perverted  by  infidel- 
ity and  the  scepticism  of  pagan  philosophy. 

While  Herod's  last  days  were  embittered  by  the  most  dread- 
ful and  agonizing  domestic  evils,  and  by  the  assured  testimony 
that  the  legitimate  King  of  the  Jews  was  already  born,  his 
wretchedness  was  greatly  increased  by  decided  indications  of 
the  unconquerable  antipathy  of  the  Jews  to  his  person  and 
government,  from  which  it  was  manifest  that  the  chief  object 
for  which  he  had  lived, — the  permanency  of  his  throne, — 
was  as  remote  and  uncertain  as  it  was  when  he  ascended  it 
What  then  had  he  to  alleviate  the  remorse  which  must  have 


#=- 


2A'^ 


HEROD   THE   GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 


harrowed  up  his  soul  on  the  least  recollection  of  the  many 
awful  and  guilty  crimes  which  he  had  committed  to  preserve 
his  crown?  In  his  seventieth  year  he  was  attacked  by  a  dis- 
ease, in  its  nature  incurable,  and  most  hideous  and  terrific  in 
its  aspect.  No  sooner  was  this  noised  abroad  than  the  patriots 
of  the  nation  conceived  that  the  time  was  arrived  to  avenge 
themselves  on  their  enemies,  and  to  restore  their  constitution 
and  lands.  Long  had  they  groaned  under  his  tyranny,  and 
viewed  with  indignation  his  deliberate  and  continued  viola- 
tions of  all  that  they  deemed  sacred,  and  contempt  for  almost 
all  that  they  considered  the  glory  of  their  race.  They  had 
long  deplored  his  servility  to  Augustus  and  predilection  for 
the  paganism  of  Rome  and  Greece  ;  and,  probably,  the  extra- 
ordinary proof  of  both  which  he  gave  at  the  dedication  of 
Cesarea,  about  six  years  before  his  death,  had  fixed  the  deter- 
mination of  some  01  the  most  zealous  Jews,  to  take  his  life,  at 
whatever  risk.  Cesarea  was  a  more  complete  and  splendid 
imitation  of  the  first  cities  of  the  Romans  and  Grecians  than 
any  other  of  the  numerous  structures  raised  by  Herod  to  the 
honour  of  Augustus,  the  empress,  and  Agrippa.  Amon^  its 
many  fine  buildings  of  white  stone,  one  of  the  largest  and 
most  beautiful  was  a  temple  to  the  emperor,  in  which  was 
fixed  a  statue  of  him,  resembling  in  size  and  figure  that  of 
Jupiter  Olympus,  in  Rome.  The  dedication  to  his  honour 
was  performed  with  the  greatest  degree  of  pagan  solemnity 
and  splendour.  It  had  been  proclaimed  in  all  the  adjacent 
kingdoms,  and  was,  of  course,  witnessed  by  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  all  ranks.  The  varied  games  of  Greece  and 
Rome  were  exhibited  on  a  grand  scale,  at  an  immense  ex- 
pense. Romans  of  the  highest  rank  were  present,  and  many 
dignified  persons  of  other  nations.  The  king  entertained  these 
with  great  magnificence  and  profusion.  That  the  scene 
might  contribute  to  the  celebrity  of  the  emperor,  the  empress 
presented  Herod  with  five  hundred  talents.  He,  on  this  oc- 
casion, decreed  the  observance  of  the  pagan  games,  in  Ce- 
sarea, every  fifth  year. 

Herod  was  accused  by  the  Jews  of  having  desecrated  the 
sepulchre  of  David,  their  most  illustrious  and  beloved  king, 
to  procure  supplies  to  meet  his  vast  expenditure, — an  act  not 
less  offensive  in  their  eyes  than  the  introduction  of  pagan 
customs.  Whether  ne  was  guilty  of  this  deed  or  not,  has 
been  disputed.  Hyrcanus,  who  had  set  him  an  example, 
procured,  it  is  said,  three  thousand  talents  of  silver,  and  left 
much  behind.     But  Herod  was  less  successful;  for,  after  ^^ 


215 

strict  search,  in  the  night  season,  when  he  had  reached  the 
bodies  of  David  and  Solomon,  he  was  compelled  to  retire, 
from  flames  which  broke  out,  and  consumed  two  of  his 
guards.  This  terrible  phenomenon,  Josephus  says,  was 
publicly  acknowledged  by  the  king,  for  he  raised  a  very 
rich  propitiatory  monument  at  the  entrance  to  the  sepulchre. 
Whatever  truth  may  be  in  this  anecdote,  it  derives  proba- 
Sility  from  the  fact,  that  the  sepulchre  of  David  being  most 
iacred  in  the  eyes  of  the  Jews,  was  a  most  fit  place  in  which 
to  deposit  articles  of  value. 

The  most  popular  deed  of  Herod,  the  building  of  the 
temple,  was  vile  in  the  eyes  of  the  Jewish  patriots,  from  his 
presumption  in  placing  an  immense  and  admirably  formed 
golden  eagle  above  the  gate  of  the  holy  edifice.  They  had 
always  looked  on  this  object  with  extreme  disgust;  and  so 
impatient  were  they  to  destroy  it,  that  on  hearing  a  vague 
report  one  day  that  the  king  had  expired,  a  considerable 
number  hurried  to  the  gate,  and  commenced  the  work  of 
destruction.  The  spoliation  was  quickly  arrested  by  the  sol- 
diers, led  on  by  the  chief  captain  of  the  army,  who  con- 
ceived that  the  chief  actors  were  at  the  head  of  a  general 
insurrection;  but  it  was  soon  ascertained  they  consisted  of 
only  about  forty  religious  students,  under  the  direction  of 
their  teachers,  Matthias  the  chief  priest,  and  Judas  son  of 
Sepphoris,  the  two  most  renowned  teachers  in  the  nation. 
This  band  alone  resolutely  persevered  in  removing  from  the 
temple  every  thing  allied  to  Paganism,  and  boldly  avowed 
that  they  were  doing  nothing  more  than  they  had  for  a  long 
period  purposed  ;  and  that  they  feared  neither  the  anger  nor 
the  power  of  the  king,  for  they  knew  that  their  acts  were 
well-pleasing  to  God.  They  were  instantly  all  seized,  and 
conducted  to  the  king.  Feeble  as  he  was,  the  insult  seemed 
to  re-invigorate  his  frame.  He  ordered  them  to  be  sent  in 
chains  to  Jericho,  and  followed  them  in  a  carriage.  Having 
assembled  the  principal  Jews,  he  addressed  them  in  an  ora- 
tion designed  to  expose  their  ingratitude  for  the  unparalleled 
generosity  he  had  showed  them  during  the  whole  of  his 
reign,  and  the  uncommon  baseness  and  profaneness  of  their 
conduct  in  having,  in  open  day,  not  only  attempted  to  degrade 
him  during  his  life,  but  also  dishonoured  God,  to  whom  he 
had  consecrated  the  golden  eagle.  Though  he  could  not 
convince  them  that  it  was  a  crime  to  remove  any  idolatrous 
symbol  from  the  temple,  yet  he  was  able  to  punish  those 
accused  of  the  deed.    They  were  all  burnt  alive,  and  Joazar. 


H 


#^ 


I 


216  HEROD    THE   GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

the  brother  of  Matthias,  was  appointed  his  successor  in  the 
high-priest's  office.  The  last  acts  recorded  of  Herod  forcibly- 
attested  that  his  predominant  passions  were  strong  in  death. 
His  disease  increased  in  loathsomeness  and  pain,  so  as  to 
become  intolerable,  but  inefficient  to  repress  his  resentment, 
or  even  his  love  of  fame.  He  summoned  all  the  Jewish 
chiefs  to  assemble  at  Jericho,  and  commanded  his  sister 
Salome,  and  Alexas  her  husband,  to  confine  them  in  the 
circus,  and  massacre  them  as  soon  as  he  was  dead ;  an  event 
which  he  would  have  hastened,  for  he  employed  a  knife, 
which  he  procured  to  cut  an  apple,  to  take  his  own  life.  This 
was  happily  prevented  by  a  relative  present,  whose  loud  cries 
alarmed  the  whole  court.  The  report  that  he  was  dead 
reaching  Antipater  in  prison,  he  openly  expressed  the  joy 
which  he  felt.  This  was  made  known  to  the  king,  who  im- 
mediately ordered  him  to  be  put  to  death.  He  followed  his 
son  in  five  days,  but  not  before  he  had  made  another  and 
final  correction  of  his  will,  by  which  he  left  the  throne  to  his 
son  Archelaus ;  the  tetrarchy  of  Galilee  and  Peraea  to  An- 
tipas,  whom  he  had  lately  declared  his  heir ;  the  tetrarchy  of 
Trachonitis,  Gaulon,  Batanea,  and  Panias,  to  Philip ;  and 
the  cities  of  Jamnia,  Azotus,  and  Phasaelis,  to  Salome,  with 
fifty  thousand  pieces  of  money.  He  testified  his  lasting 
esteem  for  his  chief  friends,  especially  the  emperor  and  em- 
press, by  large  legacies. 

Alexas  and  Salome,  who  had  carefully  concealed  the  san- 
guinary order  given  them  respecting  the  principal  Jews, 
immediately  on  the  death  of  Herod  liberated  them,  and  re- 
quested them  and  the  officers  of  the  army  to  meet  them  in 
the  amphitheatre  of  Jericho.  They  read  to  the  assembly  a 
letter,  said  to  have  been  left  by  their  sovereign,  in  which  he 
thanked  them  for  their  fidelity  and  services,  and  entreated 
them  to  discover  similar  attachment  to  his  successor,  Arche- 
laus. Ptolemy,  keeper  of  the  royal  seal,  read,  at  the  same 
time,  the  late  king's  testament,  which  was  found  to  contain  a 
clause,  declaring  it  of  no  use  till  ratified  by  Cesar.  The 
audience,  however,  having  no  doubt  that  Augustus  would 
confirm  the  will,  at  once  exclaimed,  "  Long  live  king  Arche- 
laus." After  having  honoured  his  father  by  a  most  splendid 
funeral,  Archelaus  appeared  before  an  assembly  of  the  people 
near  the  temple,  and  announced  his  purpose  not  to  adopt  the 
title  of  king,  nor  to  use  the  diadem  until  authorised  by  the 
eniperor  ;  when,  should  he  be  placed  on  the  throne,  the  chief 
object  of  his  reign  would  be  to  promote  the  peace  and  pro? 


^  m 


AND   HIS   FAMILT.  217 

perity  of  all  ranks^  more  than  his  father  had  done.     He  was 

hailed  with  the  loudest  praise,  and  gratified  the  Jews  by  gra- 
ciously complying  with  several  of  their  requests,  such  as  the 
diminution  of  taxation,  and  the  release  of  prisoners.  But 
this  day  of  rejoicing  was  scarcely  ended,  when  it  became 
evident  that  many  had  no  confidence  in  his  royal  promises. 
Multitudes  assembled  and  demanded  that  Joazar,  lately  ap- 
pointed high-priest,  should  be  deposed,  and  those  who  put  to 
death  Matthias,  Judas,  and  their  associates,  punished.  The 
master  of  the  horse  was  sent  to  appease  them,  by  pleading 
that  Archelaus  could  not  exercise  the  functions  of  govern- 
ment before  he  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  emperor.  They 
refused  to  listen  to  his  arguments,  and  he  was  glad  to  escape 
^  from  their  fury.  The  city  assumed  a  still  more  alarming 
aspect  on  the  arrival  of  great  numbers  to  observe  the  pass- 
over.  Archelaus  gave  orders  to  the  troops  to  keep  the  peace 
of  the  city.  Almost  all  these  fell  a  sacrifice  to  the  rage  of 
what  Josephus  calls  "the  innumerable  multitude,"  whom 
their  presence  provoked,  because  they  unnecessarily  inter- 
fered with  them  while  engaged  only  in  preparations  for  the 
sacred  solemnities  of  the  season.  In  consequence  of  this 
bloody  tumult,  the  whole  army  entered  the  city,  and  not  less 
than  three  thousand  were  slain,  and  the  remainder  compelled 
to  seek  safety  in  the  adjacent  mountains ;  after  which,  all 
strangers  were  commanded  to  return  to  their  homes,  so  that 
the  observance  of  the  passover  was  interrupted.  As  soon  as 
the  city  enjoyed  a  degree  of  tranquillity,  Archelaus  com- 
mitted the  government  of  the  kingdom  to  his  brother  Philip, 
and  proceeded  to  Rome,  a.p.  3,  accompanied  by  a  few  friends, 
and  his  aunt  Salome,  with  her  sons,  and  his  brother  Antipas. 
He,  however,  appears  to  have  been  not  more  esteemed  by  his 
own  kindred  than  by  the  Jewish  people,  and  accordingly 
those  of  them  who  left  Judea  with  him  under  pretence  of 
zeal  for  his  cause,  were  his  first  accusers  before  Augustus 
and  his  court.  His  cousin  Antipater,  one  of  the  sons  of 
Salome,  was  possessed  of  considerable  oratorical  powers. 
These  he  employed  to  show  that  Archelaus  had  at  once  im- 
posed on  his  father,  and,  by  violating  his  last  will,  had  dis- 
honoured Cesar.  Antipas.  he  said,  had  obviously  the  best 
claims  to  the  crown,  for  he  was  named  by  his  father  in  the 
testament  which  he  made  while  his  mind  was  capable  of 
forming  a  correct  judgment.  It  was  not  till  the  last  days  of 
his  life,  when  he  was  in  extreme  torture,  that  the  name  of 
Archelaus  was  inserted.     His  father,  most  certainly,  would 

VOL.    II.  JQ 


gg  m 


2HBt<^  HEROD   THE   GREAT,   AND   HIS    FAMILY. 

never  have  thought  of  him,  had  he  not  deceived  him  by 
pretending  great  sympathy  with  him  in  his  suflferings,  al- 
though he  plainly  rejoiced  in  the  prospect  of  his  speedy 
departure ;  for  he  passed  his  nights  in  scenes  of  licentious 
pleasures  and  riotous  mirth.  Nor  was  Herod  sooner  dead 
than  he  assumed  all  the  authority  of  an  independent  sove- 
reign, and  cruelly  murdered  thousands  who  questioned  his 
claims,  which  were  of  no  force  before  the  will  of  the  em- 
peror was  known.  Damascena*,  the  advocate  for  Archelaus, 
ably  repelled  the  objections  of  his  opponents,  except  that 
founded  on  the  levity,  inhumanity,  and  cruelty  of  his  con- 
duct. These  (qualities  prevented  not  Augustus  from  con- 
soling him,  when  he  implored  his  mercy  by  casting  himself  at 
his  feet ;  but  they  certainly  sufficiently  account  for  the  uni- 
versal dislike  of  him  entertained  by  the  Jews.  Besides  the 
extreme  depravity  of  his  character,  most  probably  his  descent 
rendered  him  peculiarly  hateful  in  their  sight.  Not  a  drop 
of  Jewish  blood  flowed  in  his  veins ;  his  mother  was  a  Sa- 
maritan, than  whom  no  race  were  more  detested  bj'^  the  Jews 
How  natural  was  it  then  for  Joseph,  on  returning  from 
Egypt  with  his  wife  and  the  child  Jesus,  to  dread  a  residence 
in  any  dominions  governed  by  Archelaus ;  as  the  evangelist 
informs  us,  when  Joseph  heard  that  "  Archelaus  did  reign  in 
Judea,  in  the  room  of  his  father  Herod,  he  was  afraid  to  go 
thither ;  notwithstanding,  being  warned  of  God  in  a  dream,  he 
turned  aside  into  the  parts  of  Galilee :  and  he  came  and  dwelt 
in  a  city  called  Nazareth  ;  that  it  might  be  fulfilled  which 
was  spoken  by  the  prophets,  He  shall  be  called  a  Nazarene." 

Archelaus  would  have  been  most  probably  confirmed  the 
successor  of  his  father  by  Augustus,  had  not  the  Jews  ap- 
pealed against  him.  A  number  of  melancholy  events,  which 
came  to  pass  in  Judea  during  the  period  in  which  Archelaus 
prosecuted  his  claims  at  Rome,  fully  convinced  the  most 
intelligent  and  most  peaceful  of  the  Jews  that  the  nation 
would  never  enjoy  rest  under  his  government,  nor  in  all 
probability  under  the  sceptre  of  any  one  who  belonged  not 
to  the  family  of  David. 

Sabinus,  who  was  appointed  to  manage  the  affairs  of  Syria, 
in  which  the  emperor  was  personally  interested,  proceeded 
•to  Jerusalem,  after  Archelaus  had  sailed  for  Rome,  contrary 
to  the  agreement  which  he  had  entered  into  v^^ith  Varus,  the 
Roman  president  of  Syria,  and  demanded  possession  of  all 
the  legacies  assigned  by  Herod  to  the  enriperor.  Previously' 
to  his  arrival,  a  general  insurrection  had  been  suppressed  by 


i 


HEROD   THE    GREAT,    AND   HIS   FAMILY.  219 

Varus ;  and  he,  on  returning  to  Antioch,  had  left  a  Roman 
legion  to  preserve  the  peace  of  the  capital.  These  Sabinus 
rashly  employed  in  the  time  of  pentecost  to  attempt  the  cap- 
ture of  the  strong  places,  and  the  treasures  of  the  family  of 
Herod.  He  even  forced  his  way  into  the  treasury  of  the 
temple,  and  robbed  it  of  four  hundred  talents,  while  the  sol- 
diers seized  many  things  most  valuable.  The  vast  multitude 
assembled  in  the  city,  exceedingly  indignant,  divided  them- 
selves into  three  companies,  and  surrounded  the  Romans, 
who  took  refuge  in  the  hippodrome,  and  on  the  north  and 
east  sides  of  the  temple,  and  impatiently  waited  for  a  rein- 
forcement from  Varus,  from  whom  Sabinus  had  urgently 
implored  aid.  In  the  fierce  contest  which  ensued,  many  of 
both  parties  perished,  and  the  buildings  belonging  to  the 
temple  were  much  injured  by  a  conflagration  raised  by  the 
Romans.  The  army  of  Archelaus  took  diflferent  sides  on 
this  occasion ;  several  thousands  of  them  joined  the  Jews. 
The  Romans,  however,  appear  to  have  been  able  to  main- 
tain their  position  till  relieved  by  Varus,  who  was  induced, 
from  the  general  disturbed  state  of  Judea,  to  invade  it  with  a 
large  army. 

'^  At  this  time,"  Josephus  remarks,  "  there  were  ten  thou- 
sand other  disorders  in  Judea,  which  resembled  tumults,  for 
many  armed  either  from  hope  of  spoil,  or  enmity  to  the  Jews, 
appeared  in  diflferent  places,  and  seized  or  destroyed  what- 
ever came  in  their  course.  Two  thousand  of  the  veterans, 
whom  Herod  had  dismissed,  also  assembled  and  attacked  the 
army  of  his  son,  commanded  by  his  cousin  Achiabus,  and 
forced  them  to  flee  to  the  mountains.  Ezekias,  a  leader  of 
banditti,  whom  Herod  had,  with  difliculty,  taken  and  slain, 
left  a  son,  Judas,  who  trode  in  his  steps.  He  collected  a 
number  of  men,  utterly  depraved,  and  captured  the  palace  of 
Sapphoris,  in  Galilee.  Having  procured  here  money  and 
weapons  of  war,  he  assumed  the  dignity  of  sovereign,  but 
he  pursued  the  destructive  course  of  a  leader  of  plunderers 
and  murderers,  who,  like  so  many  beasts  of  prey,  spread  deso- 
lation everywhere,  without  respect  to  persons  or  places.  A 
slave  of  the  late  king,  distinguished  above  his  class  by  the 
beauty  of  his  person,  vigour  of  frame,  and  mental  capacity, 
acquired  more  power  than  Judas.  He  had  been  intrusted 
by  his  master  with  important  services,  and  now  aspired  to 
the  sovereignty  of  the  kingdom.  Having  gathered  around 
him  a  muUitude,  he  put  on  the  diadem,  and  was  proclaimed 
king  of  Judea.     He  attacked,  spoiled,  and  burnt  the  palace 


-41^ 


220        HEUOD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY. 

of  Jericho,  and  several  other  royal  seats.  After  committing 
great  devastation,  he  was  overcome  and  put  to  death  by 
Gratus  at  the  head  of  a  Roman  band.  Athrongas,  a  shep- 
herd, known  only  by  bodily  strength,  assisted  by  four 
brothers,  presumed  in  like  manner  to  take  the  title  of  king. 
He  and  his  brothers  procured  numerous  followers,  and 
preyed  on  the  country  for  a  considerable  time.  They  re- 
peatedly defeated  the  Romans  and  the  royal  army,  and  were 
the  terror  of  the  whole  land,  till  some  time  after  the  return 
of  Archelaus,  who  succeeded  in  slaying  the  shepherd,  when 
his  only  surviving  brother  submitted,  on  being  assured  upon 
oath  that  his  life  would  be  spared. 

Such  was  the  wretched  state  of  Judea  when  Varus  pro- 
ceeded to  subdue  the  revolters.  He  led  two  legions,  with  a 
number  of  soldiers  supplied  by  the  neighbouring  provinces, 
especially  by  Aretus,  king  of  Patraea,  who  hated  the  family 
of  Herod.  Varus  sent  a  division  of  his  troops  under  his  son, 
to  reduce  Galilee.  This  army  overcame  all  opposition,  cap- 
tured the  fine  city  of  Sephoris,  and  set  it  on  fire,  by  which  it 
was  completely  ruined  ;  all  the  inhabitants  were  sold  into 
slavery.  The  division  commanded  by  Varus  passed  peace- 
fully through  Samaria,  because  the  inhabitants  were  not  im- 
plicated in  the  revolt.  On  their  way  to  Jerusalem,  the  Roman 
army  destroyed  several  towns  and  villages.  His  appearance 
at  the  capital  alarmed  the  Jews  who  besieged  Sabinus.  They 
suffered  him  to  escape,  and  admitted  Varus  into  the  city.  He 
readily  received  the  apology  of  the  Jews  for  their  treatment 
of  Sabinus  ;  but  he  ordered  his  soldiers  to  search  the  city, 
and  every  part  of  the  kingdom,  for  all  who  were  known  to 
have  been  the  chief  agents  of  the  recent  commotions.  More 
than  two  thousand  were  seized,  and  put  to  death  by  crucifix- 
ion. From  Jerusalem,  he  advanced  into  Idumea,  where  an 
army  of  ten  thousand  were  still  in  arms  for  the  recovery  of 
the  liberty  of  the  kingdom.  They  soon  submitted,  and  were 
pardoned,  except  their  captains,  who  were  sent  prisoners  to 
Rome.  None  of  them,  however,  were  punished  with  death, 
except  a  few  who  were  related  to  the  family  of  Herod. 

Varus  having  restored  peace  to  Judea,  left  a  legion  in  Je- 
rusalem, disbanded  his  army,  and  returned  to  Antioch.  The 
Jews,  however,  were  not  by  these  events  prepared  to  receive 
Archelaus  for  their  king,  nor  was  the  exaltation  of  that  prince 
desired  by  Varus.  Hence,  with  his  approbation,  an  em- 
bassy, consisting  of  not  fewer  than  fifty  of  the  chief  men, 
was  commissioned  to  request  Augustus  to  take  Judea  under 


4 


*= 


HEROD    THE    GREAT     AND   UIS    FAMILY.  221 

his  immediate  protection,  and  constitute  it  a  Roman  provmce. 
On  their  arrival  in  Rome,  eight  thousand  Jews  residing  in 
that  city  joined  them  in  their  petition  and  appeal  to  the  em- 
peror. In  their  oration  in  his  presence,  they  enumerated  the 
many  sufferings  which  resulted  from  the  tyrannical  and  op- 
pressive government  of  Herod,  and  the  reasons  which  satis- 
fied them  that  they  could  expect  no  relief  from  Arohelaus. 
They  therefore  humbly  supplicated  his  majesty  Augustus  to 
place  their  nation  under  the  government  of  the  Roman  pres- 
ident of  Syria,  and  assured  him  that,  by  granting  their  re- 
quest, he  would  at  once  gratify  the  Jews  every  where,  and 
find  them  loyal  and  peaceful  subjects.  The  result  of  their 
appeal  was  known  about  four  days  after  it  was  made,  and 
strongly  indicated  the  regard  which  Augustus  entertained  for 
the  memory  of  Herod  ;  for  though  it  was  manifest  that  he 
had  no  great  confidence  in  Archelaus,  yet  he  resolved  to  put 
it  in  his  power  to  obtain  the  object  of  his  ambition.  He  ac- 
cordingly constituted  him  ruler  of  the  Jews,  with  the  title  of 
ethnarch,  which  denotes  governor  of  a  nation,  and  pledged 
his  word  to  make  him  king,  should  he  prove  himself  worthy 
of  that  dignity.  The  country  committed  to  him  comprised 
Judea  Proper,  Samaria,  Idumea,  Cesarea,  and  Joppa,  which 
afforded  the  annual  revenue  of  about  six  hundred  talents. 
Herod  Antipas  was  made  tetrarch  of  the  greater  part  of  Gal- 
ilee and  some  districts  east  of  the  Jordan,  from  which,  Jose- 
phus  says,  he  derived  two  hundred  talents  yearly.  About 
half  that  inromo  v)ci  r{cciv<d  by  Herod  Philip,  who  was 
made  tetrarch  of  a  small  part  of  Galilee,  Batanea,  Trachon- 
itis,  and  Auronitis.  Salome  received,  in  addition  to  the  pos- 
sessions assigned  her  by  her  brother  Herod,  the  city  of  As- 
calon,  and  a  large  sum  of  money  ;  her  annual  income  was 
estimated  at  sixty  talents.  To  the  unmarried  daughters  of 
Herod,  besides  the  portions  1  'ft  them,  Augustus  presented 
them  with  all  the  legacies  wijich  were  allotted  him,  except 
trifling  memorials  of  his  friend,  and  gave  them  in  marriage 
to  the  sons  of  their  uncle  Pheroras. 

During  the  almost  total  disorganization  of  the  Jewish  na- 
tion, an  incident  occurred  strikingly  illustrative  of  the  intense 
solicitude  for  the  prosperity  and  permanence  of  their  native 
kinjrdom.  which  every  where  distinguished  the  Jews.  The 
only  sons  of  Herod,  whom  they  perhaps  sincerely  esteemed, 
for  the  sake  of  their  mother  Mariamne,  were  Alexander  and 
Aristobulns,  who  were  murdered  by  their  infidel  father.  A 
Jew  named  Simon,  residing  in  Sidon,  was  accounted  almost 


■«= 


222  HEROD    THE    GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

a  perfect  likeness  af  Alexander.  Taking  advantage  of  this 
popular  opinion,  he  caused  it  to  be  disseminated  that  he  was 
indeed  that  prince,  and  that  he  and  his  brother  had  been  pre- 
served by  the  dexterity  of  a  faithful  friend,  who  had  substi- 
tuted in  their  place  two  other  persons.  He  was  assisted  in 
his  imposture  by  a  young  man  who  had  belonged  to  Herod's 
household,  or  had  acquired  by  some  means  an  accurate 
knowledge  of  the  persons,  manners,  and  intrigues  of  that 
monarch's  court.  Thus  prepared,  Simon  presented  himself 
to  the  numerous  Jews  in  the  island  of  Crete,  as  the  legitimate 
heir  to  the  crown  of  Judea,  and  succeeded  in  receiving 
from  them  large  sums  of  money.  He  was  equally  fortunate 
in  the  island  of  Melos,  the  modern  Milo,in  the  Grecian  arch- 
ipelago, and  became  confident  that  he  had  only  to  present 
himself  at  Rome  to  obtain  the  public  acknowledgment  of  his 
claims  by  Augustus.  He  was  cordially  received  by  the  Jews 
at  Puteoli,  and  received  from  them  most  valuable  gifts.  His 
arrival  was  soon  known  at  Rome,  and  the  whole  multitude 
of  Jews  came  out  to  receive  him.  He  was  carried  in  state 
into  the  city  by  many  Jews,  who  had  accompanied  him 
from  Melos.  The  emperor  summoned  him  into  his  presence, 
and  instantly  detected  the  imposture,  for  he  recollected  dis- 
tinctly all  the  features  of  the  prince  Alexander.  In  public 
the  impostor  justified  his  claims  by  plausible  arguments,  and 
asserted  that  he  left  his  brother  for  safety  at  Cyprus  ;  but,  on 
the  promise  of  life,  he  confessed  in  private  to  Augustus  the 
imposition,  by  which  he  had  received  more  presents  in  every 
city  which  he  had  visited,  than  Alexander  had  in  his  whole  . 
life.  His  story  amused  the  emperor,  who,  on  account  of  his 
vigorous  frame,  made  him  one  of  the  rowers  of  his  royal 
galleys. 

Archelaus  returned  to  Judea,  and  reigned  in  peace  a  few 
years ;  but  his  government  was  most  tyrannical  and  oppressive, 
and  at  length  became  so  intolerable,  that  the  principal  per 
sons  in  Judea  and  Samaria  petitioned  Augustus  to  depose  him. 
Their  complaints  being  found  just  by  the  agent  commissioned 
by  the  emperor  to  investigate  the  state  of  his  dominions,  he 
was  immediately  carried  to  Rome.  His  cause  was  calmly 
examined  before  the  royail  tribunal.  He  was  sentenced  in 
the  tenth  year  of  his  reign,  to  exile  in  the  city  of  Vienne  in 
Graul,  his  personal  property  confiscated,  his  kingdom  reduced 
to  a  province  of  the  empire,  and  put  under  the  cai:e  of  Cluiri- 
nus,  or  Cyrenius,  governor  of  Syria.  He  was  the  first  Ro 
man  who  had  levied  tribute  or  taxation  on  Judea ;  for  though 


#—  •  ^ 


-^ 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY.         223 

it  appears  to  have  been  the  custom  of  Augustus  to  order  a 
register  to  be  taken  of  its  inhabitants,  as  well  as  of  all  those 
belonging  to  the  empire,  yet  he  interfered  not  with  the  man- 
agement of  its  administration  before  it  was  constituted  a  Ro- 
man province.  By  attending  to  this  distinction,  we  see  that 
there  can  be  no  real  difficulty  in  Luke  ii.  1,  2.  Augustus 
decreed  a  register  or  enrolment  of  all  his  subjects  repeatedly 
during  his  reign,  including  those  belonging  to  tributary 
kingdoms  as  well  as  those  in  the  provinces,  but  the  latter  only 
were  taxed  by  Roman  officers.  What  Luke  calls  the  taxing 
of  Judea  properly  denotes  the  general  register,  which  was 
made  in  the  year  that  Jesus,  the  son  of  Mary,  was  born,  but 
it  had  no  immediate  effect  on  the  interests  of  Judea,  till  Cyre- 
nius,  B.  c.  8.  doubtless  regulated  by  the  existing  register,  im- 
posed the  first  Roman  tax  on  the  Jewish  nation.  Cyrenius 
committed  the  provincial  government  of  the  Jews  to  Copo- 
nius,  master  of  the  horse,  an  officer  next  in  rank  to  that  of  the 
president,  or  chief  governor  of  the  large  provinces  of  the 
empire. 

From  this  time  the  peculiar  constitution,  commonly  named 
the  theocracy,  established  by  Moses,  was  utterly  subverted ; 
and  the  attainment  of  the  object  for  which  the  race  of  Abra- 
ham by  Isaac  were  specially  chosen,  and  separated  from  the 
nations,  became  wholly  impracticable.  By  consequence,  it  is 
manifest  that,  if  the  true  religion  was  to  be  maintained  in  the 
world,  the  introduction  of  a  new  divine  institution  was  indis- 
pensable. As  a  Roman  province,  the  Romans  claimed  the 
exclusive  superiority  over  Judea ;  they  were  now  the  only 
acknowledged  lords  of  the  soil,  the  disposers  of  the  lives  and 
property  of  its  inhabitants,  and  the  supreme  civil  legislators. 
They  manifestly  assumed  the  place  of  Jehovah,  who,  in  a 
peculiar  sense  was,  by  the  constitution  of  Moses,  declared  the 
sole  proprietor  of  the  land,  which  was  therefore  called  holy ; 
and  its  visible  chief  rulers  were  regarded  merely  as  his  depu- 
ties. The  Romans  permitted  the  Jews,  like  all  other  nations 
subjected  to  their  dominion,  to  observe  their  religious  ceremo- 
nies and  customs ;  but  they  allowed  them  no  power  in  the 
political,  civil,  or  even  moral  government ;  they  were  com- 
pletely deprived  of  power  over  the  lives  and  property  of  the 
community.  In  every  thing,  religious  rites  and  customs  ex- 
cepted, the  community  were  governed  by  Roman  laws.  The 
observance  of  the  covenant  of  Sinai  was  therefore  rendered 
impossible,  and  the  form  of  the  true  religion,  as  prescribed  by 
Moses,  could  be  no  longer  exemplified      Thus,  for  example, 


=-i% 


,<S3, 


224         HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY. 

however  great  the  abhorrence  of  idolatry  entertained  by  the 
Jews,  they  had  no  physical  power  to  arrest  its  progress,  for 
they  were  not  at  liberty  to  punish  the  idolaters  with  death  or 
exile.  It  was  an  act  of  policy  and  apparent  condescension  in 
the  Romans  to  allow  the  Jews  to  keep  their  temple,  syna- 
gogues, and  houses  clear  of  the  symbols  of  idol-worship  ;  but 
they  had  no  license  to  touch  the  persons  who  worshipped 
idols,  or  to  enter  their  houses  to  remove  or  destroy  their 
idols. 

The  Jewish  teachers  might  declaim  against  the  advocates 
or  observers  of  idolatrous  rites,  diviners,  drunkards,  children 
who  disobeyed,  reviled,  or  cursed  their  parents,  and  the  vio- 
lators of  the  precepts  respecting  the  seventh  day  or  sabbath, 
and  festival  days ;  but  they  were  compelled  to  leave  the  Gen- 
tiles to  be  judged  by  the  Romans,  whose  judgment  of  such 
crimes  was  far  from  the  sentence  denounced  by  Moses.  The 
Divine  justice  in  regard  to  these  and  many  other  transgres- 
sions ceased  to  be  more  distinctly  or  impressively  exhibited  in 
Judea  than  in  heathen  lands ;  and  the  Jews  ceased  by  their 
national  government  to  proclaim  to  the  surrounding  nations, 
that  Jehovah  was  the  supreme,  and  holy,  and  just  God  ;  the 
One,  only  Living,  and  True  God. 

That  they  had  deliberately  and  resolutely  renounced  their 
Divine  government  by  their  practice,  long  before  Providence 
deprived  them  of  power  to  observe  it,  the  facts  recorded  in  the 
preceding  pages,  strongly  attest.  They  had  altogether  sepa- 
rated religion  from  morals.  While  enthusiastically  zealous 
for  the  ritual  of  religion,  they  were,  as  a  nation,  inexpressibly 
demoralized.  A  more  lawless  race  were  scarcely  to  be  seen 
on  the  face  of  the  earth.  This  is  plain  from  the  universal 
anarchy,  confusion,  and  wickedness,  which  Josephus  and 
other  profane  historians  declare  to  have  prevailed  in  the  king- 
dom of  Judea,  from  the  time  of  the  death  of  Herod  the  Great, 
till  the  final  dispersion  of  the  Jews.  And  thus  testimony 
illustrates  and  corroborates  the  more  certain  statements  in  the 
New  Testament,  which  pourtrays  the  Jews  in  the  age  of  our 
Lord  and  his  apostles,  as  more  degenerate  than  any  former 
generation  of  their  race. 

And  now  most  hopeless  was  their  condition.  The  appara- 
tus by  which  their  fathers  had  been  again  and  again  reclaimed 
had  fallen  to  pieces.  No  signs  of  the  presence  of  their 
heavenly  King  were  visible,  at  least  none  indicating  his  pur- 
pose or  desire  to  deliver  them  from  foreign  dominion,  and  to 
restore  them  to  their  original  rank  in  the  nations.      Prophets 


-^ 


HEROD   THE    GREAT,    AND    HIS   FAMILY.  225 

enjoiningf  them  to  observe  the  laws  of  Moses,  and  encour- 
aging them  to  obey,  by  assurances  of  the  Divine  protection 
and  assistance,  had  not  appeared,  as  far  as  we  know,  for  sev- 
eral generations.  No  heroes,  animated  by  the  spirit  of  Joshua, 
Caleb,  and  other  holy  patriots,  or  conformed  to  the  institu* 
tions  and  laws  of  Moses,  rose  among  them.  Every  thing 
announced  that  the  time  was  past  when  the  Messiah  had  come, 
if  God  had  not  ceased  to  be  faithful,  for  he  had  distinctly  an- 
nounced that  the  great  Heir  of  the  throne  of  Judea  would 
appear  before  the  superiority  and  legislative  dignity  should 
pass  from  the  tribe  of  Judah :  "  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart 
from  Judah,  nor  a  lawgiver  from  between  his  feet,  until  Shi- 
loh  come,  and  to  him  shall  the  gathering  of  the  people  be." 
This  prediction  the  ancient  Jews  decidedly  appropriated  te 
Messiah,  as  Christians  have  uniformly  done ;  and  that  to  no 
other  prince  of  Judah  can  it  be  applied,  might  be  easily 
shown,  but  we  are  indisposed  to  enter  on  controversial  sub- 
jects. The  penjfUj  or  more  properly,  the  peoples,  denote 
in  the  Hebrew  language  all  nations  who  were  not  of  the  race 
of  Abraham.  Now  these  never  gathered  or  assembled  under 
any  prince  of  Judah.  Many  were  subdued  by  David,  Ju- 
dah's  mightiest  king;  but  few  voluntarily  submitted  to  him. 
And  though  the  Jews,  as  a  nation,  have  had  no  sceptre  or 
lawgiver  for  more  than  eighteen  hundred  years,  the  peoples 
have  never  had  a  prince  of  the  family  of  David,  except  Jesus 
of  Nazareth,  to  assemble  around. 

From  the  days  of  Abraham  to  the  deposition  of  Archelaus, 
Judah  was  never  completely  destitute  of  persons  to  enforce, 
when  God  pleased,  either  by  physical  or  miraculous  power^ 
the  laws  of  Moses.  The  Jews  had  always  rulers  invested 
with  Supreme  power,  or  prophets  endowed  with  miraculous 
power,  to  vindicate  the  Divine  claims  of  the  constitution  and 
laws  of  Moses.  They  enjoyed  the  latter  all  the  period  of 
their  captivity  in  Babylon ;  none  such  has,  however,  risen 
among  them  since  their  kingdom  was  constituted"  a  Roman 
province.  John  the  Baptist  was  greater  than  all  the  prophets, 
inasmuch  as  he  announced  that  the  Messiah  was  to  come,  not 
to  restore  the  constitution  of  Moses,  but  to  introduce  a  new 
kingdom,  whose  subjects  were  required  to  worship  God  in 
spirit  and  truth,  and  prove  their  reconciliation  in  heart  to  God 
and  his  Messiah,  by  good  works.  Jesus  of  Nazareth  was  a 
man  more  mighty  in  word  and  deed,  and  evidently  endowed 
with  the  excellencies  peculiar  to  Deity.  He,  however,  ap- 
proved of  the  Baptist's  message,  and  confessed  himself  the 


# 


226  HEROD   THE   GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 

Messiah  sent  to  establish  a  religious  constitution  among  the 
Jews,  surpassing  far  in  its  nature  and  tendency  the  purity 
and  happiness  which  characterised  that  established  by  Moses. 
As  to  the  princes  of  the  Herodean  family,  who  ruled  over  the 
dominions  of  Herod,  none  of  them  presumed  to  prefer  the  in- 
terests of  the  Jews  to  those  of  Cesar. 

Herod  Antipas,  Herod  Philip,  and  Salome,,  were  not  de- 
prived of  their  respective  divisions  of  Herod's  dominions  at 
the  time  when  the  division  of  Archelaus  was  made  a  Roman 
province.  Neither  of  these  discovered  any  zeal  for  the  insti- 
tutions of  Moses  ;  nor  had  they  any  right  to  interfere  in  the 
civil  government  of  Judea,  or  the  ecclesiastical  arrangement 
of  the  Jewish  worship.  Salome  appears  to  have  died  in  the 
same  year  as  Augustus,  and.  by  will  left  her  property  and 
treasures  to  the  Roman  empress.  Herod  Philip  was,  accord- 
ing to  Josephus,  the  most  virtuous  of  his  race.  He  governed 
his  tetrarchy  about  thirty-seven  years,  and  died  a.  d.  34,  if 
not  in  the  preceding  year,  ever  memorable  for  the  crucifixion 
of  Jesus,  the  Christ,  the  Saviour  of  the  world.  Philip  employed 
his  time  in  the  conscientious  discharge  of  his  office  ;  he  re- 
sided constantly  in  his  district,  and  at  stated  times  visited  every 
part  of  it,  dispensing  justice  to  all  ranks.  He  was  remarkable 
for  his  unambitious  views  and  love  of  peace.  Bethsaida,  a 
village,  near  the  confluence  of  the  Jordan  with  the  lake  of 
Galilee  or  Tiberias,  was  raised  by  him  to  the  rank  of  a  city, 
and  named  Julias,  in  honour  of  the  infamous  daughter  of  Au- 
gustus. He  also  erected  a  fine  city  at  the  springs  of  the  Jor- 
dan, and  called  it  Cesaria  Philippi,  in  honour  of  the  inhuman 
emperor,  Tiberius.  These  places  and  their  districts  were  ren- 
dered illustrious  by  the  ministrations  of  John  the  Baptist,  and 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  The  tetrarchy  of  Philip  was,  at  his 
death,  united  with  the  Roman  province  of  Judea.  The  great- 
est insult  which  one  man  can  inflict  on  another,  Philip  re- 
cived  from  his  brother  Herod  Antipas.  The  former  had  mar- 
ried Herodias,  daughter  of  his  late  brother  Aristobulus ;  she 
was  easily  prevailed  on  to  desert  her  husband,  who  was  also 
her  uncle,  on  condition  that  Antipas  should  divorce  his  own 
wife,  who  was  a  daughter  of  Aretus,  king  of  Petrsea.  This 
princess,  on  discovering  the  infidelity  of  her  husband,  fled  to 
her  father,  and  persuaded  him,  in  revenge  for  the  dishonour 
done  her,  to  make  war  on  Herod  Antipas.  This  war  was 
most  disastrous  to  the  latter  who  was  forced  to  apply  to  the 
Romans  for  aid.  The  Roman  governor,  who  was  little  dis- 
posed to  oflfend  the  Jews  of  Judea,  declined,  on  the  earnest  en- 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY.        227 

treaty  of  their  chief  men,  from  passing  through  their  country, 
lest  the  sight  of  the  idolatrous  ensigns  of  his  army  should  ex- 
cite an  insurrection.  He  accordingly^  after  approaching 
Judea,  sent  his  troops  back  to  Antioch,  and  left  Herod  Antipas 
to  contend  as  he  was  able  with  the  Arabians,  and  proceeded 
with  Herod  and  other  friends  to  Jerusalem,  where  they  of- 
fered sacrifices  to  God,  and  received  strong  expressions  of  the 
friendship  of  the  Jews. 

Herodias  laid  a  snare  doubtless  much  more  destructive 
than  this  war,  of  his  personal  happiness,  and  which  was  de- 
monstrative of  the  extreme  depravity  and  malignity  of  her  char- 
acter. We  refer  to  the  schemes  by  which  she  induced  her 
seducer  to  imprison  and  murder  the  Precursor  of  Messiah. 
This  fearful  deed  was  committed  a  considerable  time  before 
the  visit  of  Antipas  to  Jerusalem,  noticed  in  the  preceding 
paragraph,  and  most  probably  accounts  for  the  extraordinary 
respect  which  was  shown  him  in  that  city.  The  most  popu- 
lar sects,  the  Pharisees  and  Saducees,  joined  at  first  in  the  uni- 
versal applause  with  which  the  Baptist  was  hailed  when  he 
began  his  ministry.  But  the  leaders  continued  not  long  his 
admirers,  for  he  spoke  no  good  of  them.  Being  envious  of 
his  popularity,  his  disgrace,  doubtless,  was  gratifying  to  their 
malice  ;  and  they  would  be  especially  inclined  to  express  the 
satisfaction  which  they  felt  that  Herod  had  cut  off  him  whom 
they  deemed  their  enemy  and  rival ;  for  he  was,  perhaps,  the 
last  whom  they  could  have  expected  to  perform  this,  to  them, 
desirable  deed.  He  appears  to  have  been  much  esteemed 
and  favoured  by  the  emperor  Tiberias,  to  whom  he  was  per- 
sonally known,  and  whose  fame  he  bad  laboured  to  perpet- 
uate. At  the  extremity  of  the  lake  Genesareth,  or  Galilee, 
opposite  Bethsaida,  he  erected  a  noble  city,  which  he  named 
Tiberias,  which  soon  gave  name  to  the  lake.  He  found  some 
persons  of  respectability  willing  to  reside,  in  it,  as  well  as  many 
foreigners.  Knowing  that  its  site  was  deemed  unclean  by 
the  Jews,  because  it  had  been  ocupied  by  numerous  sepul- 
chres, he  was  compelled  to  confer  peculiar  privileges  on  the 
city  to  reconcile  numbers  to  people  it.  He  built  good  houses 
for  the  poor,  and  for  slaves,  whose  freedom  he  granted  and 
procured,  and  bestowed  on  them  land  in  the  vicinity.  One 
of  its  attractions  were  the  warm  baths  of  Emmaus,  a  village 
situated  near  it.  As  a  friend  and  admirer  of  the  Romans, 
Herod  was,  of  course,  exceedingly  disliked  by  the  sectarians, 
who  abhorred  all  connexion  with  idolaters,  or  with  those  who 
had  taken  from  them  their  national  liberty.     But  he  had  stil* 


m 


m 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY. 


more  offended  them  by  the  countenance  he  had  given  to  the 
ministry  of  the  Baptist.  He  had  not  only  permitted  him  to 
preach  in  his  dominions,  but  Hstened  with  deep  interest  to  his 
discourses,  and  conformed,  in  many  things,  to  his  salutary  in- 
structions :  "he  had  done  many  things,  and  heard  John  gladly," 
till  that  faithful  reformer  urged  him  to  prove  that  his  repen- 
tance was  genuine,  by  putting  away  Herodias,  his  brother's 
wife.  This  act  of  self-denial  he  had  neither  inclination  nor 
firmness  of  purpose  to  practice ;  and  the  strong  remonstrances 
and  denunciations  of  his  anger  roused  his  indignation  so,  that 
instead  of  hearing  him  gladly  he  cast  him  into  prison.  He, 
probably,  was  impelled  to  this  unrighteous  deed  to  please 
Herodias,  who  hated  and  eagerly  sought  the  destruction  of 
the  faithful  monitor.  And  this  she  at  length  accomplished 
on  the  birth-day  of  Herod,  who,  rather  than  expose  himself 
to  the  ridicule  or  scorn  of  persons  of  rank,  rashly  murdered 
the  innocent  and  holy  prophet.  The  narrative  of  his  foolish, 
wicked,  and  inexcusable  treatment  of  John  is  related  with  in- 
imitable simplicity  and  energy  by  the  Evangelist  Mark  vi. 
14 — 29.  Josephus  alludes  to  the  same  subject,  and  remarks, 
that  the  Jews  regarded  Herod's  sufferings  from  his  war  with 
Arabia,  as  a  judgment  inflicted  on  hi|;n  for  the  murder  of 
John,,  whom  he  calls  "a  righteous  man." 

From  a  false  estimation  of  the  favour  and  praise  of  man, 
Herod  Antipas  unhappily  sacrificed  peace  of  conscience  and 
the  approbation  of  God.  Without  desiring  to  recover  the 
latter,  he  very  soon  lost  also  the  former,  and  this  he  did  by 
compliance  with  the  unwise  advice  of  her  whose  fascinating 
influence  over  him  appears  to  have  hurried  him  on  in  a 
course  of  wickedness,  and  vanity,  and  pleasure,  utterly  de- 
structive of  his  present  as  well  as  future  happiness. 

At  the  time  that  he  and  Vitellus,  the  proconsul  or  presi- 
dent  of  Syria  were  in  Jerusalem,  they  received  the  news  of 
the  death  of  Tiberius,  who  was  succeeded  by  Caius  Caligula. 
This  new  emperor,  among  his  first  acts,  put  Agrippa,  son  of 
Aristobulus,  one  of  the  sons  of  Herod  the  Great  in  posses- 
sion of  the  tetrarchy  of  the  late  Herod  Philip,  with  the  ad- 
dition of  several  other  districts,  and  the  title  of  king.  On 
this  title  being  given  her  brother,  while  her  husband  w^as 
only  tetrarch,  Herodias  felt  intolerably  mortified.  Antipas 
yielded  to  her  entreaties  to  apply  in  person  to  the  emperor  fol* 
the  dignity  of  king.  He  went  to  Rome,  and,  on  presenting 
himself  before  the  emperor,  he  was  confounded  on  being  ac 
cused  of  having  joined  the  conspiracy  of  Sejanus,  principa' 


# 


HEROD    THE    GRKAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY.  229 

minister  of  the  late  emperor.  On  failing  to  vindicate  him- 
self, he  was  deposed  and  exiled  to  Lyons,  in  Gaul.  Hero- 
dias,  contrary  to  the  requests  of  the  emperor  and  of  Agrippa, 
preferred  accompanying  her  husband,  who,  after  being  te- 
trarch  more  than  foityyears,  died  in  banishment.  His  do- 
minions and  treasures  were  bestowed  on  his  nepheAv  and  ac- 
cuser, Agrippa,  about  a.  d.  40. 

The  political  gtate  of  Galilee,  and  the  character  of  its  prin- 
cipal rulers,  from  the  biith  of  John  the  Baptist  and  Jesus 
Christ,  till  the  time  of  Herod  Agrippa,  may  be  considered 
sufficient  evidence  that  this  country  was  peculiarly  favourable 
for  their  ministry.  The  inhabitants  enjoyed  comparative 
tranquillity  ;  the  government  discovered  no  zeal  to  maintain 
the  religion  of  the  Jews,  and  its  servants  were  unconnected 
with  the  leaders  of  the  chief  sects  of  the  Jews,  who  dreaded 
any  innovation  in  the  religion  which  they  had  received  from 
their  predecessors.  Indeed,  the  Galileans  were  remarkable 
for  their  indifference  to  religion  in  any  of  its  forms,  and  were 
on  this  account  reviled  by  the  Pharisees,  and  were  in  general 
regarded  by  all  religious  persons  as  infidels,  idolaters,  and 
profligates.  Not  a  few  pagans  had  been  encouraged  by  the 
governments  to  reside  in  Galilee,  especially  in  the  division 
belonging  to  Antipas.  Thus  the  heavenly  teachers  were  ^lot 
only  permittpd  to  promulgate  Divine  truth,  with  little  inter- 
ruption, but  that  truth  was  probably  widely  disseminated  by 
the  foreigners  who  heard  it,  either  on  their  revisiting  their 
native  countries,  or  by  correspondence  with  their  distant 
friends. 

Nor  was  the  state  of  Judea  during  this  period,  especially 
the  latter  part  of  it,  very  unfavourable  to  the  announcement 
of  the  gospel ;  particularly  as  to  the  publicity  of  the  truths 
concerning  the  new  empire,  \vhich  the  Divine  ambassadors 
were  commissioned  to  proclaim  as  about  to  appear.  The 
sovereign  of  this  empire  was  pourtrayed  by  the  Jewish  pro- 
phets as  infinately  surpassing  all  other  princes  and  conquerors, 
in  every  excellence,  claiming  either  reverence,  esteem,  confi- 
dence, or  obedience.  The  writings  of  the  prophets  were  re- 
garded by  the  Jews  as  inspired;  and  by  consequence  they 
all  firmly  believed  that  the  predicted  King  would  appear  in 
the  character  of  the  irreat  successor  of  Moses,  their  wise  legis- 
lator, and  as  the  proper  Heir  of  David,  their  mightiest  king. 
Nay  more,  they  are  known  to  have  expected  him  about  the 
very  time  that  John  the  son  of  Zacharias,  proclaimed  his  im- 
mediate approach.     And  we  have  seen  that  at  no  former  pe 

VOL.  If  20 


«= 


*■- 


230  HEROD   THE   GREAT,    AND   HIS   FAMn.Y. 

riod  in  their  history  had  the  Jews  more  reason  to  entreat 
Heaven  to  perform  the  promises  to  their  fathers  by  sending^ 
them  the  Prince  of  the  house  of  David,  who  was  destined  to 
deliver  his  people  and  subdue  and  govern  all  nations.  How 
eagerly  must  they,  especially  the  trujy  godly  among  them, 
have  listened  to  the  various  reports  concerning  the  birth  of 
John  and  of  Jesus  !  With  what  excited  feelings  of  doubt, 
and  wonder,  or  of  joy  and  hope,  would  they  detail,  in  every 
place,  what  they  had  heard.  Now  their  sentiments  must 
in  have  speedily  spread  through  the  empire  ;  for  Judea  was 

Jl,  visited  by  Jews  from  every  province,  and  by  the  most  dis- 

tinguished Romans.     It  is  not,  we  apprehend,  an  exagger- 
ation to  say,  that  no  court  in  that  age,  except  that  at  Rome, 
j  was   more   universally  known   and  admired   than  that  of 

Herod  the  Great.  And  in  his  time,  messengers  were  un- 
ceasingly passing  between  Judea  and  Italy;  and  after  his 
death,  the  opinions  promulgated  in  Judea  must  have  been  as 
easily  ascertained  by  the  Romans  as  those  of  Greece  or  any 
other  of  the  provinces  to  which  many  of  them,  of  all  ranks, 
resorted.  Hence,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  expectation  of 
a  king,  destined  to  produce  a  great  moral  revolution  in  the 
world,  should  have  been  cherished  by  many  throughout  the 
entire  empire  ;  or  that  the  idea  of  such  a  person  should  have 
become  common  to  all.  It  passed  from  the  worshippers  of 
God  to  idolaters  ;  from  the  admirers  of  the  Divine  prophets 
to  the  flatterers  of  princes.  It  revived  the  spirits  of  the  op- 
pressed and  the  slave,  and  transported  the  imaginations  of  the 
philanthropist  and  poet.  The  resplendent  and  glowing  de- 
scriptions by  Isaiah  of  David's  Son  and  Lord,  were  appa- 
rently borrowed  by  Virgil,  and  transferred  to  the  supposed 
heir  of  the  emperor,  to  whom  the  poet  looked  for  honour  and 
wealth. 

"  Comes  the  last  age,  by  Cumje's  maid  foretold: 
Afresh  the  mighty  line  of  years  unroH'd, 
The  Virgin  now,  now  Saturn's  sway  returns  ; 
Now  the  blest  globe  a  heaven-sprung  Child  adorns, 
Whose  genial  power  shall  whelm  earth's  iron  race, 
And  plant  once  more  the  golden  in  its  place — 
Thou,  chaste  Lucina,  but  that  child  sustain : 
And,  lo  !  disclosed  thine  own  Apollo's  reign  ! 
This  glory,  Pollio,  in  thy  reign  begun. 
Thence  the  great  months  their  radiant  course  shall  van : 
And  of  our  crimes  shuuld  still  some  trace  appear, 
Shall  rid  the  trembling  earth  of  all  her  fear 


#  ■  :)^ 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY.         231' 

His  shall  it  be  a  life  divine  to  hold, 

With  heroes  mingled,  and  'mid  gods  enroll'd  ; 

And  form'd  by  patrimonial  worth  for  sway 

Him  shall  the  tranquil  universe  obey. 

Gladly  to  thee  its  natal  gifts  the  field, 

Till'd  by  no  human  hand,  bright  Boy,  shall  yield ; 

The  baccar's  stem  with  curling  ivy  twine 

And  colocasia  and  acanthus  join. 

Home  their  full  udders  goats,  unurged,  shaJl  bear ; 

Nor  shall  the  herd  the  lordly  lion  fear  : 

Flowers  of  all  hues  shall  round  thy  cradle  vie, 

The  snake  and  poison's  treacherous  weed  shall  die. 

And  far  Assyria's  spice  shall  every  hedge  supply. 

Those  honours  thou — 'tis  now  the  time — approve, 
Child  of  the  skies,  great  progeny  of  Jove  ! 
Beneath  the  solid  orb's  vast  convex  bent. 
See  on  the  coming  year  the  world  intent : 
See  earth,  and  sea,  and  highest  heaven  rejoice  ; 
All  but  articulate  their  grateful  voice," 

Notwithstanding  that  the  inconceivable  and  inexpressible 
majesty,  riches,  felicity,  and  purity  of  the  approaching  Prince, 
and  his  empire,  were  exhibited  in  the  Old  Testament  by  thr 
sublimest,  most  beautiful,  and  expressive  imagery  which  ih< 
former  empires  aflforded,  the  prophets  had  often  employed 
phraseology,  that  evidently  taught  that  the  new  empire  dif- 
fered from  all  others,  as  heaven  did  from  earth,  and  woulu 
consist  in  a  religious  and  moral  renovation  rather  than  in  any 
essential  change  in  the  aspect  of  the  material  or  political 
world.  This  peculiar  characteristic  of  the  new  empire,  was 
not  perceived  by  the  Jews  ;  they  extended  not  their  view^s  of 
it  beyond  their  predominant  desires,  in  conformity  to  which 
these  teachers  interpreted  their  sacred  writings.  They  de- 
sired and  longed  for  their  promised  and  predicted  Prince  to 
restore  the  prosperity  and  extend  the  dominion  and  glory  of 
their  nation,  so  that  they  should  obtain  universal  authority 
and  power  over  all  nations.  This  conception  of  the  predic- 
tions was  fatal  to  their  safety,  peace,  and  prosperity,  in  re- 
spect to  this  life,  and  occasioned  their  final  rejection  by  God, 
their  supreme  King  ;  for  it  induced  them  to  welcome  every 
presumptuous  individual  who  stimulated  them  to  aspire  to 
emancipation  from  the  Roman  yoke,  and  to  revile,  hate,  per- 
secute, and  kill  the  Prince  of  Life,  and  his  first  ministers. 

The  civil  government  of  Judea,  after  its  subjugation  to  a 
Roman  province,  was  placed  successively  for  more  than  thirty 
years,  under  Coponius,  Marcus  Ambivius,  Annius  Rufus, 
Valerius  Gratus,  and  Pontius  Pilate.     These  appointed  who- 


J 


1 


232  HEROD    THE   GREAT,   AND   HIS    FAMILY. 

ever  they  judged  proper  to  exercise  the  office  of  high-priest, 
without  any  respect  to  the  constitution  of  Moses  ;  and  this 
exalted  office  repeatedly  and  suddenly  passed  from  one  to  an- 
other, as  if  it  were  no  more  sacred  than  any  Roman  office. 
This  must  have  grieved  every  pious  Jew,  and  moitified  all ; 
but  the  nation  was  powerless,  and  seems  to  have  silently 
endured  the  iron-sceptre  of  Home.  Strongly  disposed  a* 
they  were  to  resist  foreign,  authority,  no  instance  of  msurrec 
lion  is  recorded  before  the  time  of  Pilate,  except  that  pro 
duced  by  Theudas,  or  Judas,  a  Galilean,  and  Sadduc,  a  Phar 
isee  ;  the  former.  Joseph  us  says,  was  the  founder  of  a  reli 
gious  sect,  who,  probably,  held  that  the  Jews  could  never  be 
reduced  to  slavery.  This  insurrection,  alluded  to  in  Acts.  v. 
37,  was  occasioned  by  the  tax  imposed  by  the  Romans,  and 
to  be  delivered  from  it,  the  leadess  inflamed  the  minds  of  the 
multitude,  by  representing  to  them  the  disgrace  of  submission 
to  any  foreign  power,  and  assuring  them  that  they  had  only 
to  rise  in  defence  of  their  original  constitution  or  covenant, 
to  obtain,  like  their  fathers,  miraculous  aid  and  complete  vic- 
tory. Speedily  were  their  hopes  dispersed,  and  the  impos- 
tors punished. 

Pilate  was  appointed  procurator  of  Judea,  about  a.  d.  25, 
and  inflicted  great  sufferings  on  its  inhabitants  for  ten  years. 
History  presents  him  as  one  of  the  most  unprincipled  of  men, 
and  more  tyrannical,  unjust,  and  cruel  than  any  of  the  Ro- 
man governors  who  had  preceded  him.  He  hated  the  Jews, 
and  seems  to  have  invented  schemes  to  provoke  their  wrath, 
that  he  might  have  occasion  to  indulge  the  violent  and  relent 
leas  revenge  which  he  cherished  against  them.  Their  incon- 
querable  zeal  for  the  law  he  deemed  pride  and  obstinacy, 
which  he  burned  with  fury  to  subdue.  He  appears,  indeed, 
to  have  detested  all  religious  fervour,  probably  because  he 
may  have,  from  what  he  witnessed  among  the  Jews,  identi- 
fied it  with  tumults  and  insurrections.  How  resolutely  de- 
termined he  was  to  overcome  and  extirpate  it,  a  few  of  his 
acts  amply  show. 

The  Jews  indulged  utter  abhorrence  of  every  symbol  of 
idolatry.  Such  symbols  were  exhibited  on  the  Roman  stan 
dards  ;  and  lest  the  land  should  be  polluted  by  them,  the 
Jews  had  successfully  persuaded  the  Roman  governor,  Varus 
from  leading  his  army  through  Judea,  to  aid,  as  we  have 
noticed,  Herod  Antipas  against  the  Arabians.  Despising 
their  prejudices,  Pilate  ordered  his  troops  to  enter  Jerusalem 
in  the  night,  with  their  standards  covered,  and   to   expos* 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY.        233 

hem  next  day  to  the  public  gaze.  The  abhorred  object  over- 
whehned  the  Jews  in  sorrow.  They  immediately  sent  a 
number  of  messengers  to  Cesarea  to  implore  Pilate  to  remove 
the  standards  from  the  metropolis.  He  insisted  that  this  could 
not  be  done  without  dishonouring  the  emperor.  The  Jews 
persevered  in  urging  their  request.  They  remained  five 
nights  and  days  prostrate  on  the  ground  before  his  palace. 
On  the  sixth  day  he  entered  the  circus,  and  ascended  his  tri- 
bunal, as  if  he  designed  to  give  them  audience  ;  but,  instead  of 
summoning  them  to  plead  before  him,  he  ordered  his  soldiers 
to  fall  on  them,  and  put  all  to  death,  who  refused  to  leave  the 
palace.  This  treachery  and  barbarity  were  insufHcient  to 
overcome  their  fortitude  and  patience.  I'hey  nobly  braved 
the  danger,  and  the  proud  procurator  yielded  to  their  en- 
treaties. 

Pilate,  however,  soon  put  their  religious  principles  and 
feelings  to  a  severer  test.  In  the  royal  palace  of  Jerusalem 
he  set  up  shields  on  which,  most  probably,  were  fixed  em- 
blems of  paganism,  although  no  images  of  idols,  in  honour 
of  the  Roman  emperor  Tiberius.  The  Jews  again  requested 
him  to  respect  their  laws  and  customs.  He  declined  to  hear 
them,  although  the  tetrarchs  of  Galilee  joined  them  in  their 
petitions.  The  shields  continued  to  irritate  and  vex  the 
people  till,  after  their  appeal  to  Tiberius,  Pilate  received  at 
once  the  rebuke  of  the  emperor  for  his  folly  and  imprudence, 
and  an  order  to  remove  from  the  palace  the  useless  objects  of 
offence. 

Still  greater  grief  and  sufferings  to  the  Jews  resulted  from 
the  attempt  of  the  unjust  governor  to  procure  the  treasury  of 
the  temple.  That  they  might  more  willingly  deliver  it,  he 
pretended  to  expend  it  in  constructing  an  aqueduct  to  convey 
water,  from  a  considerable  distance,  into  the  city.  They 
again  appealed  to  his  tribunal,  before  which  they  assembled 
in  crowds ;  some  publicly  dciiouncing  his  acts,  and  many 
more  calling  for  vengeance  on  his  person.  His  soldiers  in 
disguise,  and  armed  with  clubs,  attacked  the  multitude  indis- 
criminately; and  many  were  wounded  or  killed. 

The  deed  of  Pilate' which  led  to  his  degradation  was  as 
unprovoked  as  it  was  base  and  cruel.  Soon  after  Vitellius 
was  constituted  proconsul  and  president  in  Syria,  as  he  was 
the  superior  of  the  procurator  of  Judea,  the  Samaritans  ap- 
periled  to  him  against  Pilate.  Deluded  by  an  impostor,  sup- 
posed to  have  been  Simon  the  sorcerer,  a  great  number  of 
them  consented  to  accompany  him  to  their  sacred  mountaia ; 
20* 


ir, 

^  284  HEROD   THE    GREAT,    AND    HIS    FAMILY. 


i 


Gerizim,  to  procure  the  sacred  vessels,  which  he  asserted 
had  been  buried  there  by  Moses.  Many  assembled  in  an 
adjacent  village,  and  waited  for  others  whom  they  expected 
to  join  them.  Pilate,  on  hearing  of  this  event,  probably 
imagined  that  they  had  formed  some  secret  plans  against  the 
government.  He  deigned  not  to  investigate  the  affair,  but 
instantly  sent  a  strong  force  of  infantry  and  cavalry,  with 
orders  to  disperse  the  infatuated  people.  Many  of  them  were 
killed,  and  others  were  captured ;  and  the  most  influential 
either  for  rank  or  wealth  among  the  prisoners  were,  at  the 
tyrant's  command,  put  to  death.  On  Vitellius  receiving  an 
account  of  these  barbarous  proceedings  of  Pilate,  which  he 
knew  was  only  a  specimen  of  his  general  conduct,  he  sum- 
moned him  to  resign  his  government  to  Marcellus,  and  pro- 
ceed to  Rome  to  answer  the  accusation  of  the  Samaritans 
before  Tiberius.  He,  however,  reached  not  the  capital  of 
the  empire  till  after  the  death  of  that  emperor,  and  nothing 
certain  is  known  of  his  future  life.  Tradition  informs  us 
that  he  was  afterwards  tried  and  condemned  for  the  many 
crimes  charged  against  him,  and  banished  to  Vienne  in  Gaul, 
where  he  was  reduced  to  such  wretchedness  that,  in  despair, 
he  killed  himself 

Who  can  wonder  that  such  a  man  should,  to  please  the 
Jews,  sentence  to  death  the  innocent  and  beloved  Being  who 
stood  at  his  tribunal,  without  one  to  plead  his  cause,  or  any 
visible  friends,  whose  power  or  displeasure  the  unrighteous 
judge  had  any  reason  to  dread  ?  But  that  he  should  have 
hesitated,  and  resorted  to  a  variety  of  means  to  avoid,  as  we 
know  he  did,  the  pronouncing  of  the  sentence,  strongly 
attests  the  power  of  truth  and  moral  excellence  over  the  most 
demoralized  mind  and  unfeeling  conscience.  He  had  no 
solicitude  to  discover  truth  or  execute  justice;  and  yet  the 
announcement  of  the  importance  of  the  former,  and  the  de- 
nouncement of  the  guilt  of  violating  the  latter,  by  sentencing 
to  death  the  most  innocent  and  excellent  individual,  awakened 
fearful  apprehensions,  which  made  him  pause  again  and 
again  ere  he  reluctantly  yielded  to  the  clamour  of  the  mob, 
and  the  threatening  demands  of  the  Jewish  teachers.  No 
one  who  has  listened  to  divine  truth,  or  contemplated  moral 
excellence,  can  persevere  in  infidelity  and  wickedness,  with- 
out experiencing  the  most  agonising  of  all  sufl^erings,  self- 
condemnation,  and  the  dread  of  future  retribution. 

We  have  no  historical  facts  which  would  lead  any  one  to 
believe  that  the  Roman  governors  were  accustomed  to  report 


HEROD  THE  GREAT,  AND  HIS  FAMILY.        235 

,0  the  imperial  court  any  transactions  in  theii  respective 
provinces,  which  appeared  not  in  the  eyes  of  a  statesman  to 
affect  the  integrity,  peace,  or  prosperity  of  the  empire ;  and 
hence  we  could  not  reasonably  hope  that  events  of  another 
nature,  however  interesting  in  themselves,  should  be  found 
in  the  writings  of  the  Romans,  especially  when  these  trans- 
pired among  the  Jews,  a  people  whom  the  principal  Roman 
authors  unquestionably  viewed  with  supercilious  contempt. 
This  sufficiently  accounts  for  their  omission  to  record  many 
great  events  concerning  Jesus  the  Christ,  and  his  followers, 
whose  doings  they  doubtless  had  heard  of  or  witnessed.  To 
these  events  we  shall  have  occasion  to  refer  in  the  subsequent 
pages.  It  may,  however,  be  expedient  to  notice  here  that 
some  of  the  fathers  speak  of  the  "  Acts  of  Pilate,"  in  which 
he  narrates,  for  the  information  ©f  the  emperor,  among  other 
incidents  which  happened  in  Judea  during  his  government, 
the  trial,  death,  and  resurrection  of  Jesus,  the  Christ  Though 
many  of  the  learned  justly  regard  the  work  so  denominated 
as  in  general  the  production  of  after  ages,  yet  it  may  have 
originated  in  an  authentic  narrative  now  lost,  to  which  Justin 
and  Tertullian  appealed  in  their  apologies  for  the  Christians. 
They  were  not  men  who  would  .present,  for  the  consideration 
of  the  Roman  emperor  and  all  the  learned  among  the  Ro- 
mans, arguments  founded  in  statements,  the  fallacy  of  which 
could  be  detected  at  once,  and  expose  their  authors  to  deri- 
sion, and  their  cause  to  scorn.  The  epistle  to  Tiberius, 
ascribed  to  Pilate,  runs  thus : — "  I  have  been  forced  to  con- 
sent at  length  to  the  crucifixion  of  Jesus  Christ,  to  prevent  a 
tumult  from  the  Jews,  though  it  was  very  much  against  my 
will ;  for  the  world  never  saw,  nor  probably  will,  a  man  of 
such  extraordinary  piety  and  uprightness.  But  the  high- 
priest  and  sanhedrim  fulfilled  in  it  the  oracles  of  their  pro- 
phets, and  of  our  sybils.  Whilst  he  hung  on  the  cross,  a 
horrid  darkness,  which  covered  the  earth,  seemed  to  threaten 
its  total  end.  His  disciples,  whp  pretend  to  have  seen  him 
rise  from  the  dead,  and  ascend  into  heaven,  and  acknowledge 
him  for  their  God,  still  subsist ;  and,  by  their  excellent  lives, 
show  themselves  the  worthy  disciples  of  so  extraordinary  a 
Master.  I  did  what  I  could  to  save  him  from  the  malice  of 
the  Jews ;  but  the  fear  of  a  total  insurrection  made  me  sacri  . 
fice  him  to  the  interest  and  peace  of  your  empire,"  &c. 

END   OF  VOL.    n. 


^- 


CONNEXION 


SACRED  AND  PROFANE  HISTORY; 


■iixo  A  mcTiBw  or  thb 


PRINCIPAL  EVENTS  IN  THE  WORLD, 

Al  THBT  BBAK  VTOlf 

THE  STATE  OF  RELIGION, 

TROM    THE   CLOSE    OF   THE    OLD    TESTAMENT   HISTORY,    TILL 
THE   ESTABLISHMENT   OF   CHB.ISTIANITT. 

BY  D.  DAVIDSON. 
IN  THREE  VOLUMEa 

VOL.  m. 


NEW   YORK: 

ROBERT    CARTER    &    BROTHERS, 
No.    285    BROADWAY. 

1849. 


1 


ViO  ! 


m 


m 


CONTENTS 


VOL.  ni. 


CHAPTER  I. 


P»f» 


Rise  of  the  Fifth  Empire,  or  Kingdom  of  God,  (from  1  to  64  A.  Di)        5 


CHAPTER  II. 
The  Roman  Empire  Triumphant,  (from  14  to  54  A.  D.)  53 

CHAPTER  III. 
The  Roman  Empire  Trimnphant,  continued,  (from  54  to  68  A.  D.)     133 


CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Roman  Empire  Triumphant,  continued,  (from  63  to  70  A.  7>.) 

Destruction  of  the  Jewish  nation  by  the  Romans,         .        .    171 

CHAPTER  V. 
The  Roman  Empire  Triumphant,  contmued,  (from  54toll6A.D)    198 


? 


aTKa 


)/ 


-'i    :r'i'  = 


1 


-m 


CONNEXION 

BETWEEN 

SACRED  AND  PROFANE  HISTORY 


CHAPTER  I. 


RISE  OF  THE  FIFTH  EMPIRE,  OR  KINGDOM  OF  GOD. 

The  whole  history  of  man  demonstrates  the  truth  uniformly 
attested  in  the  sacred  Scriptures,  that  he  can  only  enjoy  ra- 
tional happiness  in  the  same  proportion  as  he  cultivates  and 
attains  to  moral  excellence.  In  every  age  and  country,  he 
experiences  present  misery,  and  the  fearful  apprehension  of 
Its  perpetual  increase  and  eternal  duration,  to  be  inseparable 
from  subjection  to  the  malignant  and  impure  passions,  and 
perseverance  in  such  practices  as  manifestly  tend  to  produce 
disquietude,  destruction,  or  despair  in  his  own  bosom,  and  dis- 
tress and  wretchedness  to  his  species,  and  to  every  living 
thing.  "  The  wages  of  sin,"  he  truly  finds  "  to  be  death." 
"  God  is  love,"  and  in  his  good  pleasure  he  purposed  in  him- 
self to  restore  his  disobedient  race  to  conformity  to  his  own 
likeness  and  participation  of  his  favour,  which  is  life  or  hap- 
piness, and  of  his  loving-kindness,  which  is  better  than  life. 
This  purpose  he  graciously  revealed,  when  he  announced  his 
design  to  pbce  the  human  race  under  the  government  of  the 
Almighty  Deliverer,  whom  he  had  chosen  to  be  head  or  ruler 
of  all  wbo  should,  in  any  age,  voluntarily  confide  in  him, 
and  humbly  obey  him.  Till  he  should  appear  on  earth  as 
the  sovereign  Lord  of  all,  they  who  looked  for  him  were 
placed  under  the  government  of  certain  individuals,  to  whom 
he  committed  the  authority  of  deputies,  responsible  to  him  for 
the  manner  in  which  they  acted  for  him  in  the  promotion  of 
the  interests  of  all  who  waited  for  him,  and  publicly  worship- 
ped the  True  and  Living  God.  The  first  order  of  these 
deputies  were  the  patriarchs,  who  were  generally  prophets, 
1* 


«= 


"^QV 


6  RISE   OF  THF  FIFTH  EMPIRE. 

and  intercessors  with  God  for  his  visible  worshippers,  in  things 
pertaining  to  this  life.  They  were  succeeded  by  Moses,  the 
great  legislator,  prophet,  deliverer,  and  intercessor  of  Israel. 
His  successors  were  the  judges,  and  the  divinely  chosen  kings 
of  Judah,  and  the  many  prophets  who  were  raised  up  in  their 
age.  Their  ministry  was  recommended  by  God  to  the  confi- 
dence of  the  people  by  many  signal  and  supernatural  inter- 
positions ;  and  those  of  them  who  were  unfaithful  to  their 
trust  were  publicly  punished,  often  by  the  most  striking  ex- 
pressions of  the  displeasure  and  indignation  of  the  Supreme 
Sovereign,  Saviour,  and  Judge  of  the  whole  community,  who 
professed  to  do  him  homage. 

How,  and  to  what  an  extent  this  Divine  administration 
failed  to  accomplish  the  moral  and  spiritual  deliverance  of  the 
great  majority  of  those  who  enjoyed  it,  we  are  fully  instruct- 
ed in  the  sacred  history  preserved  in  the  Old  Testament. 
Few  comparatively  of  any  generation  of  Israel  were  visibly 
subjects  of  moral  renovation,  and  by  consequence  active  in- 
struments in  the  promotion  of  human  happiness.  The  mul- 
titude despised  the  spiritual  blessings  of  the  eternal  covenant 
made  with  the  patriarchs,  and  thought  and  acted  without  rev- 
erence for  God,  or  love  for  man.  TKis  failure  was  foreseen 
by  the  Most  High,  to  whom  are  known  all  his  works  from 
the  beginning;  and  it  was  more  early  and  frequently  predicted, 
in  respect  of  the  Abrahamic  race,  than  almost  any  event  in 
their  history.  Moses  and  all  the  prophets  distinctly  announced 
infidelity,  mere  formality  in  religion,  hypocrisy,  idolatry,  or 
obstinate  and  ruinous  wickedness,  to  be  the  characteristics  of 
this  race,  diying  all  their  existence  as  a  nation  or  a .  people 
separated  from  the  nations.  They  had  been  separated  from  all 
other  people,  and  specially  favoured  by  God,  in  order  that 
they  should  celebrate  his  praise,  by  publicly  proclaiming  his 
immeasurable  excellencies  and  wonderful  works ;  and  it  was 
on  account  of  their  utter  worthlessness  in  relation  to  this  great 
work,  that  Jehovah  declared  his  unchanging  purpose  to  re- 
nounce them  as  his  worshippers,  and  to  adopt  a  new  mode  of 
administration  to  accomplish  his  benevolent  designs  towards 
the  human  race.     Numb.  xiv.  21. ;  Jer,  xxxi.  31 — 34. 

The  Divine  administration  appointed  for  the  worshippers 
of  God,  during  the  ages  preceding  Messiah,  was  confessedly 
not  perfectly  adapted  to  display  the  Divine  benevolence  in  ail 
its  fulness,  on  the  supposition  that  all  nations  should  become 
his  worshippers.  This  is  plain,  if  we  only  advert  to  the  com- 
mand, that  all  who  would  enjoy  the  most  important  means  of 


RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 


religious  instruction  and  comfort  should  ascend  to  Jerusalem, 
the  chief  seat  of  public  worship,  to  keep  the  three  great  an 
nual  festivals.  That  their  moral  deliverance  did  not,  how- 
ever, depend  on  this,  is  unquestionable ;  for  whoever,  believ- 
ing the  revelation  of  mercy  that  God  would  send  an  Almighty 
Saviour,  feared  God  and  wrought  righteousness,  were  always 
accepted  by  him. 

That  the  means  of  religious  instruction  which  God  con- 
ferred on  the  Jewish  nation  were  amply  sufficient  to  effect 
their  moral  renovation,  will  be  acknowledged  by  all  who  can- 
didly and  deliberately  investigate  their  history.  They  were 
constituted  his  visible  family,  and  were  granted  visible  signs 
of  his  presence  to  receive  their  confessions  of  sin,  and  answer 
their  supplications  for  mercy.  To  them  also  were  granted  the 
covenants,  promises  of  mercy,  a  succession  of  inspired  guides, 
and,  finally,  the  complete  Oracles  of  truth  contained  in  the 
Old  Testament.  But  these  favours,  as  well  as  his  miraculous 
doings  on  their  behalf,  were  misinterpreted  and  misimproved 
by  many  of  them  in  every  age,  and  by  almost  all  of  them  in 
the  reigns  of  Herod  the  Great  and  of  Augustus.  They  had 
been,  from  the  time  of  Nehemiah,  continually  degenerating ; 
and  were  now  as  the  facts  which  have  been  already  noticed 
show,  scarcely  exceeded  in  wickedness  by  any  people  on  the 
face  of  the  earth :  nor  ought  it  to  be  forgotten  that  their  wick- 
edness was  that  species  which  is  most  odious  and  hateful  in 
the  sight  of  God  and  man.  They  had,  in  all  generations, 
appeared  a  strong-minded  race,  remarkable  for  powerful  pas- 
sions, and  resolute  determination  in  gratifying  them ;  but  in 
no  former  period  were  they  equally  distinguished  by  intellec- 
tual acquirements.  Far  were  they  from  being  the  weak,  ig- 
norant, rude,  semi-barbarous  people  that  many  of  the  learned 
would  have  us  to  regard  them.  Their  perfect  hatred  of 
idolatry  disposed  the  most  devotional  among  them  to  despise 
the  literature  of  Rome  and  Greece  from  its  idolatrous  aspect 
and  tendency ;  but  Roman  and  Grecian  literature,  arts,  and 
customs  were  generally  known  and  admired  by  many  Jews. 
This  knowledge,  of  course,  had  no  salutary  influence  on  the 
minds  of  its  possessors.  This  class  most  probably  belonged 
to  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees  ;  and  these,  we  know,  were  as 
destitute  of  moral  excellence  as  the  Pharisees,  who,  as  a  sect, 
embraced  almost  all  who  discovered  any  ardent  zeal  for  reli- 
gion. The  religious  leaders  excused  many  species  of  wicked- 
ness in  any  one  who  avowed  reverence  for  their  authority 
devoutly  observed  the  laws  ef  Moses  and  the  traditions  of  thf 


m= 


^8  RISE   OF   THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE. 

elders,  and  lilerally  devoted  his  property  to  religious  purpo- 
ses. The  teachers  restrained  not  themselves  from  what  their 
covetous,  ambitious,  and  sensual  hearts  desired,  for  they  per- 
suaded themselves  that  their  religious  services  were  a  suffi- 
cient expiation  for  every  possible  sin.  Thus  Jesus  charged 
them  with  devouring  widows'  houses,  and,  for  a  pretence  of 
godly  intentions  in  all  their  actions,  they  made  long  prayers. 
All  classes  were  completily  debased  by  indulgence  of  every 
selfish,  revengeful,  and  impure  desireand  pission.  The  best 
of  them  was  a  briar,  and  the  most  upright,  a  thorn  hedge. 
The  Sacred  Scriptures  were  entirely  perverted.  The  demands 
of  the  laws  of  Moses  were  limited  to  the  external  conduct ; 
and  pardon  for  violations  of  moral  precepts  pronounced  cer- 
tain to  all  who  most  zealously  observed  the  ceremonies  of  re- 
ligion. 

Thus  the  Jews,  as  a  nation,  lived  only  to  cause  the  name 
of  God  to  be  blasphemed,  and  his  Revelation  to  be  contemp- 
tuously treated  or  neglected.  A  few,  like  the  gleanings  of 
grapes  after  vintage,  remained  to  point  the  way  to  the  tree  of 
life.  With  this  exception,  the  whole  race  had  renounced  in 
heart  and  life  the  authority  of  God,  and  were  wholly  ignorant 
of  the  true  nature  and  import  of  the  writings  of  Moses  and  the 
prophets.  Nothing  almost  remained  to  prevent  the  entire 
moral  death  of  the  human  race,  but  the  reading  of  the  Scrip- 
tures in  the  synagogues  ;  and  this  was  rertdered  almost  useless 
by  the  false  interpretations  of  them,  and  the  traditions  exalted 
above  them,  by  the  public  instructors.  How  urgently  and 
loudly  then  did  the  mojral  condition  of  the  Jews  call  for  the 
Divine  interposition  of  a  new  and  more  mighty  apparatus  of 
means  and  influence  to  avert  the  entire  extermination  of  the 
true  religion,  and  to  make  it  felt  and  acknowledged  among 
the  nations !  Nor  was  such  an  interposition  of  Deity  less 
imperatively  required  from  the  moral  condition  of  the  whole 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Fourth  Empire.  They  had,  doubt- 
less, advanced  to  a  considerable  degree  in  what  is  called  civi- 
lization ;  the  conveniences  and  comforts,  and  even  rational  plea- 
sures of  life,  were  multiplied  and  more  widely  and  generally  dif- 
fused ;  and,  probably,  the  ferocities  of  human  nature  were  some- 
what softened, and  its  most  oppressive  evils  diminished  orameli- 
orated.  But,viewed  in  their  relation  to  their  Creator  and  his  law, 
and  in  their  relation  to  one  another,  as  rational,  intelligent,  and 
immortal  beings,  they  had  made,  in  general,  no  essential  im- 

(>rovement.     Moral  evil  everywhere  reigned  with  uncontrol- 
ed  and  destructive  power.     Vice,  in  its  most  diabolical  and 


.=4 


®= 


ki?;e  op  the  fifth  impire. 


pollatei  forms,  universilly  triumphevl  ;  the  whole  worlJ  coa'^- 
tinned  in  willing  and  abject  sb very  to  Satan,  the  pjinre  ofj 
dirkness.      The  solitary  individuals   emancipated  IVom  his, 
tyranny  were  almost  unnoticed  and  unknown.     All  human, 
governments  have  been  estiblished  with  the  avowed   purpose 
of  ministering  to  the  reformation,  safety,  and  welfare  of  man- 
kind ;  arj]  almost  every  chief  ruler  considered  it  his  highest- 
glory  to  be  called  the  father  of  his  people.     Appell.itions  of,, 
this  import  were,  and,  still  are,  in  many  countries,  e.xclusively 
appropiiated  to  designate  their  successive  kings.     Such  issaid 
to  be  the  signification  of  PJi>i./anh,  the  royal  title  of  the  men-,, 
archs   of  ancient  Egypt;  and  of  Praw,  the  princely  nime  of., 
the  sovereigns  of  Burmah.     Good,  less  or  more,  undoubtedly, 
results    to  mm    from    the  least  enlightened  and  benevolent,, 
government,  devised  by  human  wisdom,  and  maint.iined  by,| 
human  power.     How  much  more  desirable  is  any  govern- 
ment than  entire  anarchy,  or  liberty  for  every  man  to  do  what 
is  right  in  his  own  eyes!     This  latter  state,  were  it  universal, 
would  undoubtedly  speedily  terminate  in  the  utter  ruin  of  the 
human  race,  and  in  the  complete  dissolution  of  the  globe. 
Less  order  and  happiness  would  be  known  among  mankind 
than  among  the  animals  that  rove  at  pleasure  over  the  deserts 
and  forests,  e.xulting  in  the  exercise  of  their  unceasingly  ac- 
tive and  devouring  capacities. 

But  what  moral  deliverance  di  1  the  mighty  governments  of 
the  four  empires  of  prophecy  accomplish  in  the  earth  ?     '^'hey  . 
certainly  brought  the  scattered  nations  into  a  closer  union  and,^ 
interci)U;3e  than  had  previously  e.xisted.     Law  acquired  more 
influence  over  mankind.     Knowledge,  and  the  useful  and  or- 
nament il  arts  of  life,  were  more  widely  disseminated,  and  the 
principles  of  true  religion  were  more  generally  made  known, 
and  invisibly  operated  to  subvert  the  dominion  of  human  au-; 
thority,  and  the  subtle  and  wicked  devices  of  the  wise  in  re*., 
ligion.     The  tyranny  of  Salaii  was,  nevertheless,  still  para- 
mount; the  evil  one  remained  apparently  immovably  seated 
on  his  iniquitous  throne.      How  little  could  any  one  of  the 
absolute  despots  of  Assyria  or  Babylon  do  to  mitigate  human 
woe  were  he  even  inclined  to  rule  according  to  justice  or 
mercy'?     Their  thrones  were  sustained  by  men  resolutely  de- 
termined to  uphold,  propagate,  and  establish  idol-worship,  by 
the  aits  of  divination  and  every  means  of  imposition  which  the 
perversion  of  human  knowledge  could  suggest.     And  the 
kings  were  equally  destitute  of  humanity  and  truth  as  their 
counsellois,  the  magicians,  astrologers,  and  priests^  insomuch 


l8  aiSE  of   THE   PIFIH    EMPIIIE. 

that  they  required  their  subjects  to  regard  them  as  gods,  who 
had  right  to  act,  without  being  questioned,  according  to  their 
own  pleasure.  Idolatry,  the  most  powerful  and  tremendous 
engine  which  hell  itself  ever  devised  to  deceive,  debase,  and 
destroy  the  children  of  Adam,  was,  in  fact,  the  chief  instru- 
ment employed  in  the  administration  of  the  first  empire.  And 
the  principal  gods,  whom  the  people  were  called  to  adore, 
were  represented  as  actuated  and  impelled  by  the  most  san- 
guinary dispositions,  and  as  accustomed  to  riot  in  the  most 
licentious  pleasures,  and  to  exult  in  the  most  revengeful  and 
cruel  practices.  To  resemble  them  in  heart  and  conduct 
was,  of  course,  believed  to  be  indispensable  to  secure  their  fa- 
vour. The  festivals  most  acceptable  to  them  were  character- 
ised by  splendid  follies  and  the  impurest  and,  sometimes, 
most  bloody  scenes.  Conceive  what  depravity  of  soul,  habits, 
and  customs,  must  have  characterised  the  worshippers  of  such 
demon  gods. 

The  dominion  of  the  second  Persian  empire  was  probably 
more  beneficial  than  that  of  the  first  empire,  especially  by  its 
treatment  of  idols  and  generous  patronage  of  the  Jews.  But, 
in  other  respects,  the  inhabitants  of  the  empire  were  not  much 
improved  in  religion  or  morals.  Fire-worship  was  not  much 
more  fitted  than  idol-worship  to  rescue  man  from  superstitions, 
vanities,  and  wickedness.  The  worshippers  acquired  no 
more  accurate  knowledge  of  the  True  God,  nor  were  required 
to  cultivate  moral  excellence  more  than  those  who  were  the 
most  zealous  votaries  of  idols.  And  almost  all  the  nations  of 
the  empire  remained  degraded  by  the  most  vile  and  detestable 
idolatrous  rites  and  customs,  and  by  unrestrained  indulgence 
of  immorality,  in  its  most  injurious  and  impure  forms. 

Nor  was  the  religion  or  the  conduct  of  the  nations  much 
improved  by  the  Third,  or  Grecian  Empire.  Many  of  the 
rulers  and  chief  men  perceived  the  delusion  and  folly  of 
their  mythology,  and,  personally,  entertained  little  or  no  ven 
eration  for  the  gods;  but  they  all,  without  one  exception, 
employed  idolatry  to  please  and  amuse  the  people,  that  the^ 
might  be  more  easily  retained  in  subjection  to  the  will  of  their 
superiors.  The  progress  of  philosophy,  literature,  and  the 
arts,  greatly  contributed  to  the  advancement  of  civilization 
and  religion ;  and,  we  apprehend,  that  the  numerous  syna- 
gogues of  the  Jews  had  an  extensive,  although,  perhaps,  un- 
observed, influence  in  enlarging  and  diffusing  the  most  im- 
portant knowledge  of  the  Supreme  God,  and  of  the  numerous 
duties  belonging  to  the  varied  relations  of  human  society 


RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE.  tl 

Though  the  human  mind  is  divinely  constituted  to  admit  the 
truth,  yet  its  power  was  repelled  by  the  dreadful  delusions, 
errors,  prejudices,  and  fascinating  pleasures  of  idolatry, 
which  ruled  the  hearts  of  its  votaries,  and  were  strongly 
supported  and  recommended  by  its  army  of  priests  and  poll* 
tical  patrons.  By  consequence,  all  classes,  in  all  countries, 
continued  the  voluntary  slaves  of  impure  superstitions,  and 
vicious  practices.  The  light  of  Grecian  philosophy  was 
darkness  ;  its  teachers  and  their  disciples  and  admirers  cher- 
ished little  respect  for  moral  excellence.  And,  in  general, 
while  they  knew  that  their  unhallowed  passions  and  ungodly 
and  unjust  practices  were  worthy  of  death,  they  not  only 
persevered  individually  in  the  inaulgence  of  them,  but  had 

Sleasure  in  one  another,  on  account  of  their  unworthy  con- 
uct 

.  The  rulers  of  the  Fourth,  or  Roman  Empire  assumed  no 
higher  standard  of  religion  land  morals,  any  more  than  in 
learning  and  the  arts,  than  what  Greece  afforded  them ;  and 
the  Romans  so  sedulously  imitated  the  enlightened  saffes  of 
the  Greeks  that,  before  the  death  of  Augustus,  they  almost, 
if  not  ahogether  equalled,  if  they  did  not  surpass,  the  noble 
examples  which  they  admired.  In  one  thing,  assuredly,  they  ' 
excelled  the  Grecians,  as  well  as  all  their  predecessors  in  the  ' 
sovereignty  of  the  world, — they  generously  encouraged  and 
assisted  all  the  nations  subject  to  Rome  to  aspire  to  all  the 
knowledge,  the  grandeur,  and  conveniences  of  the  first  cities 
of  Italy.  Hence  the  rapid  advancement  of  civilization 
throughout  the  empire.  The  Grauls,  the  Spaniards,  and  even 
Britons,  were  rescued  from  savage  barbarism,  and  many  of 
the  natives  acquired  a  taste,  and  laboured  to  attain  the  con 
veniences  and  comforts  of  social  life,  and  some  valued  its 
elegancies  and  embellishments.  The  empire,  however,  owed 
no  improvement  in  morals  or  religion  to  the  Roman  admin- 
istration. The  Augustan  age  is  celebrated  as  the  glory  of 
the  Romans ;  but  that  glory  included  no  moral  excellence, 
which  is  the  true  glory  of  human  nature.  The  generation 
that  grew  up  in  the  last  years  of  Augustus  is  universally 
acknowledged  to  have  reached  the  highest  degree  of  effem- 
inacy and  vice ;  it  was  drenched  in  every  abomination  which 
reduces  man  below  the  lower  and  meaner  animals.  The 
admirers  of  the  purest  philosophy  of  Cicero,  who  in  moral 
instruction  was,  perhaps,  never  excelled  by  a  pagan,  sanc- 
tioned by  authority,  and  example,  and  influence,  the  worship 
of  Venus,  of  which  prostitution  was  a  part ;  the  adoration  oi 


1*5  RISfi    OF    THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE. 

Bacchus,  whose  festivals  were  shocking  scenos  of  intoxica- 
tion and  riot;  and  supreme  reverence  for  Jupiter,  as  the 
father  and  prince  of  all  the  goJs,  but  not  less  famous  for 
debiuc:hery  an  I  cruelty.  Whit  more  desirable  than  the 
objects  of  this  life  could  be  expected  or  sought  f;om  such 
goJs  by  their  worshippeis?  and  how  coulJ  the  litter  be  sup- 
pose I  to  desire  or  endeavour  to  obtain  any  thing  superior  to 
those  things  which  gratify  "the  lust  of  the  flesh,  and  the  lust 
of  the  eye,  and  the  priJe  of  life?"  Surely  it  is  not  then 
surprising  that  the  most  enlightened,  most  talented,  and  most 
refined  of  the  Romms,  as  well  as  the  ignorant,  rude,  super- 
stitious, and  lawless  multitude,  should  neither  fear  God  nor 
love  man,  and  neither  cherish  pure  affections  and  pissions  in 
life,  nor  enjoy  psice  or  hape  in  the  prospect  of  deith.  How- 
ever ardently  they  might  cry,  "  Who  will  show  us  any 
good?*'  when  the  sorrows  of  life  harrowed  up  their  souls,  no. 
solution  to  their  question  was  to  be  expected  from  the  oracles 
of  their  gods.  No  fountain  of  happiness  was  discovered  by 
them,  except  what  uncertain,  distracting,  and  perishing  ob- 
jects of  sense  presenteJ  ;  and,  consequently,  many  of  the 
wisest  of  them  deemed  almost  the  maxim,  '•  Let  us  eat  and 
drink,  for  to-morrow  we  die,"  the  consummation  of  wisJom. 
Such  were  the  popalar  class  of  philosophers,  who  gloried  in 
being  named,  from  their  leaders,  Epicureans.  The  few  who 
co.mprisod  the  class  called  Stoics,  while  they  treated  con- 
temptuously the  pleasures  of  the  senses,  recommended  the 
pri.le,  ambition,  and  revenge  which  produce  many  of  the 
severest  calamities  which  overwhelm  the  human  race,  and 
tend  to  their  complete  destruction.  Rome,  in  which  were 
now  beheld  the  throne  of  philosophy,  the  seat  of  the  muses, 
and  the  theatre  of  the  finer  arts,  was  inundated  by  wicked- 
ness in  all  its  most  contemptible,  loathsome,  hateful,  terrific, 
ruinous,  and  frightful  aspects.  The  wealth  and  luxuries  and 
vices  of  all  the  provinces  were  imported  into  the  metropolis. 
The  intemperance  of  the  rich  was  almost  incredible;  and 
was  only  equalled  by  the  licentiousness  of  all  ranks  The 
name  of  Apicius  is  preserved  on  account  of  his  skill  to  re- 
duce gluttony  into  a  system.  Some  emulous  of  his  fame 
were  not  ashamed  to  give  one  hundred  pounds  sterling  for 
one  fish;  and  individuals  expended  fifty. thousand  pounds  on 
one  entertainment.  Debaucheries  of  every  kind  abounded  ; 
and  the  mental  powers  were  wasted  in  devising  means  to 
gratify  the  senses.  A  number  of  persons,  called  '-the  Spin- 
trias,"  who  were  much  favoured  and  honoured,  by  the  great, 


m  % 


^^ 


KiSE    OF   THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE.  18 

employed  their  whole  time  in  the  invention  of  new  modes  of 
pleasure  ;  in  other  words,  in  attempting  to  find  new  foims  of 
iniquity.  'I'he  senatois  had  lost  all  sense  of  honour  and  all 
respeit  for  the  inteirsts  of  the  community.  They  sought  Ky 
every  art  to  flatter  the  reigning-  empeior,  and  to  inflict  pun- 
isliment  in  the  manner  most  degrading  and  toimenting  on 
those  whom  he  hated.  How  great  was  their  mental  dehase- 
nwnt  when  they  pioprsed  to  place  Tiberias  among  the  gods, 
and  snppoTted  his  successor  in  V€quiring  the  inhabitants  of 
the  empiie  to  pay  him  religious  homage!  The  people  were, 
if  possible,  still  more  cotrupted.  Accustomed  to  be  suppoited 
by  the  largesses  of  the  emperor,  they  at  once  resigned  their 
liberty,  and  spent  their  time  in  idleness,  folly,  tumult,  or  in 
seditious  schemes.  Nor  were  moral  excellencies  more  valued 
in  any  province  or  city  of  the  empire  than  in  Rome.  "All 
flesh  had  corrupted  their  way;"  and  it  was  manifest  to  all' 
that  the  Fouith  Empire  was  equally  ineflicient,  as  the  former 
empires  had  been,  to  work  any  moral  deliverance  for  man- 
kin  I. 

Thus  the  mental  state  of  the  Jews  and  Gentiles  demon- 
strated the  absolute  necessity  that  a  power  altogether  different 
in  nature  and  operation  from  any  thing  hitherto  seen  should 
be  put  forth,  if  ever  the  human  race  were  to  be  reclaimed 
from  moral  evil,  and  rescued  from  the  wretchedness  insepa- 
rable from  living  according  to  their  perverted  conceptions  and 
impure  inclinations.  And  such  a  power  was,  according  to 
many  divine  predictions,  to  characterise  the  Fifth  Empire, 
denominated  in  the  Scriptures,  "  The  kingdom  of  God,"  and 
"  The  kingdom  of  heaven  :''  all  its  subjects  were  to  be  dis- 
tinguished by  obedience  to  the  Most  High,  and  all  its  immu* 
nities  to  be  conferred  on  the  saints  or  holy  ones,  whom  He 
saved  from  sin,  and  consecrates  to  his  service.  "  And  th& 
kingdom  and  dominion,  and  the  greatness  of  the  kingdom 
under  the  whole  heaven,  shall  be  given  to  the  people  of  the 
saints  of  the  Most  High,  whose  kingdom  is  an  evei lasting 
kingdom,  and  all  dominions  shall  serve  and  obey  him."  The 
rise  of  this  kingdom  is  dated  from  the  year  in'vvhich  its  sov- 
ereign, Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  Son  of  Mary,  was  born.  This 
is  said  to  have  been  about  the  thirty-fifth  year  of  the  reign  of 
Augustus  ;  but  the  common  computation  fixes  the  biith  of  the 
Saviour  four  years  later.  Jdhn  the  Baptist,  his  forerunner 
was  born  six  months  earlier.  He  w^as  one  of  the  most  emi- 
nently holy  men  that  ever  lived,  and  was  the  subject  of  sev- 
eral predictions.     A  general  view  of  his  character  we  have 

VOL.    ill.  2 


m.=  4 


14  RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

given  under  his  name,  in  the  Pocket  Biblical  Dictionary  ;  but 
his  ministry  in  relation  to  the  heavenly  empire  on  earth  de- 
mands some  additional  observations. 

In  some  predictions  of  individuals,  names  of  those  well 
known  are  appropriated  to  them,  on  account  of  their  relation 
or  resemblance  to  them  in  spirit,  office,  or  work.  Thus, 
Messiah  is,  in  prophecy,  repeatedly  called  David,  because  he 
was  to  be  the  descendant  and  heir  of  the  great  king  of  that 
name.  In  like  manner,  John  is  named  Elijah  by  Malachi, 
and  the  work  which  he  was  predicted  to  perform  showed  he 
was,  like  Elijah,  to  be  known  as  a  great  religious  reformer 
in  Israel :  "  Behold,  I  will  send  you  Elijah  the  prophet  be- 
fore the  coming  of  the  great  and  dreadful  day  of  the  Lord  : 
and  he  shall  turn  the  heart  of  the  fathers  to  the  children,  and 
the  heart  of  the  children  to  their  fathers,  lest  I  come  and  smite 
ij  the  earth  with  a  curse."     This  prediction  obviously  intimates 

both  the  time  of  John's  appearance,  and  the  nature  of  his 
ministry.  He  was  to  come  before  the  impenitent  Jews  were 
to  be  punished  and  rooted  out  of  the  land,  and  the  land  cursed 
or  ruined.  That  this  judgment  was  inflicted  in  less  than  a 
century  from  the  days  of  John,  will  not  be  questioned  by  the 
Jews  themselves.  By  consequence,  as  the  words  of  Malachi 
were  inspired  bv  God,  and  therefore  infallible,  it  is  certain 
that  Elijah  has  long  since  appeared.  But  from  the  comple- 
tion of  the  Old  Testament  to  the  present  time,  no  one  has  risen 
among  the  Jews  to  whom  the  name  could  with  any  propriety 
be  appropriated,  except  John  the  Baptist.  What  ministry 
could  more  accurately  correspond  with  that  of  Elijah  than 
that  of  the  Baptist,  whether  we  advert  to  its  nature  or  effects. 
Both  were  remarkable  for  disinterestedness,  self-denial,  bold- 
ness and  fidelity  ;  and  the  success  of  each  in  reforming  the 
nation  appears  to  have  been  considerable. 

John  was  eminently  useful  in  preparing  the  people  to  dis- 
cern and  appreciate  the  ministry  of  Jesus,  the  Christ ;  for  he 
exposed  the  fallacy  and  folly  of  their  errors  and  prejudices,  and 
awakened  them  to  a  sense  of  the  peculiarly  awful  danger 
which  threatened  them,  and  of  the  importance  of  them  duly 
estimating  the  transcendant  blessings  about  to  be  poured  out 
on  their  nation.  The  great  subject  of  his  ministry  was  the 
immediate  approach  of  the  new  and  holy  empire  predicted 
and  pourtrayed  by  all  the  prophets  ;  and  the  necessity  of  all 
being  prepared  for  it,  who  would  escape  the  vengeance  of  the 
True  God  :  "  Repent,"  he  unceasingly  cried,  "  for  the  king- 
dom of  heaven  is  at  hand." 


1 


« 


RISE   OF   THE   ^-IFTH   EMPIRE.  15 

Though  John  was  a  relative  of  Jesus,  the  Christ,  according 
to  the  flesh,  and  doubtless,  from  the  confidential  frienship  sub- 
sisting between  their  mothers,  knew  some  of,  if  not  all  the 
miraculous  accompaniments  of  his  birth,  yet  he  appears  not 
to  have  recognised  him  as  the  Sovereign  of  the  new  king- 
dom, till  he  was  supernaturally  instructed  :  "  And  I  knew 
him  not  ;  but  that  he  should  be  made  manifest  to  Israel, 
therefore  am  1  come  baptising  with  water.  And  John  bare  rec- 
ord, saying,  I  saw  the  Spirit  descending  from  heaven  like  a 
dove,  and  it  abode  upon  him.  And  I  knew  him  not :  but  he 
that  sent  me  to  baptise  with  water,  the  same  said  unto  me,  Upon 
whom  thou  shalt  see  the  Spirit  descending,  and  remaining  on 
him,  the  same  is  he  which  baptiseth  with  the  Holy  Ghost. 
And  I  saw,  and  bare  record  that  this  is  the  Son  of  God.'* 
Nor  does  it  appear  that  John  had  formed  any  friendship  with 
his  interesting  relative.  Indeed,  we  have  no  evidence  from 
the  sacred  narratives  that  they  had  ever  met  till  Jesus  re- 
quested his  precursor  to  baptise  him.  The  Son  of  Mary 
passed  thirty  years  in  retirement,  and  perhaps,  menial  labour 
in  Nazareth,  and  the  son  of  Zachanas  and  Elizabeth  lived 
the  same  period  apparently  still  more  retired  in  the  wilder- 
ness of  Judea,  remote  from  Nazareth  ;  and  no  close  alliance 
was  formed  between  them  after  they  knew  one  another.  John 
entertained  such  just  and  elevated  views  of  Jesus  as  prevented 
him  from  doing  any  more  than  simply  direct  all  men  to  fix 
on  him  their  attention  and  regards.  Each  pursued  his  proper 
and  separate  path  ;  the  one  as  the  principal  servant,  the  other 
as  the  only  Sovereign  in  the  new  kingdom.  John  rose  su- 
perior to  his  personal  interest  and  honour,  and  enjoyed  the 
purest  and  most  desirable  pleasure  in  witnessing  his  Lord's 
rising  popularity :  "  He  must  increase,  I  must  decrease." 
But  he  was  most  assiduous  in  showing  all  men  that  the  in- 
crease of  the  Messiah  was  not  designed  or  calculated  to  dete- 
riorate from  the  authority,  dignity,  or  honour  of  the  kingdoms 
or  rulers  of  this  world.  He  prepared  the  way  before  Him, 
not  by  collecting  a  vast  muUitude  to  form  an  army,  or  a  select 
number  to  form  a  ministry  for  the  heavenly  Prince  ;  but  by 
subjecting  all  hearts  to  the  service  of  the  Living  and  True 
God,  that  they  might  voluntarily  place  themselves  under  the 
government  of  his  Son  Jesus,  the  Christ.  Observe  how  con- 
summately adapted  was  John's  ministry  to  accomplish  this 
inconceivably  important  end. 

He,  as  far  as  the  Divine  Record  testifies,  neither  recom- 
mended by  precept  nor  example  the  sacrificature  of  Moses  \ 


J 


1(1  RISE  OF  THE  FIFTH    EMPIRE. 

nor  did  he  allude  to  its  excellences  or  defects.  The  only  sac« 
rificial  victim  for  the  sins  of  mankind,  Jews  or  (ienliles, 
which  he  called  all  to  value,  was,  "  'l"he  Lanh  of  God."  Je- 
sus, on  whom  had  descended  the  Spirit  of  God,  consecnitinj^ 
him  for  the  work  of  saving  all  who  trusted  in  him.  'I'his 
great  truth,  once  cordially  admitted  into  the  minJs  of  the 
Jews  was  sufficient  to  expose  the  fallacy  of  their  unhappy 
errors  respecting  the  litual  of  MostiS,  the  observance  of  which 
they  taught  and  believed  was  an  expiation  of  the  guilt  of 
whatever  sins  they  might  commit.  Without  unnecessa- 
rily provoking  their  wrath  by  intimating  premattnely  the  ab- 
olition of  the  rites  of  Moses,  by  »he  rising  Prince,  John  plainly 
announced  that  these  rites  would  not  be  required  when  the 
Prince  had  offered  himself  to  God  to  take  away  sin  and  pro- 
cure salvation  for  all  that  should  obey  him. 

Again,  John  spoke  nothing  of  the  great  national  and  re- 
ligious distinction  between  Jews  and  Gentiles,  which  was  the 
boast  of  the  former,  and  was  exceedingly  offensive  to  the  lat- 
ter. This  separation  of  the  Jewish  nation,  next  to  sacrifice, 
occupied  in  the  constitution  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  the 
highest  place.  But  in  the  new  kingdom  at  hand,  no  national 
or  ceremonial  separation  of  mankind  was  to  be  held  expedi- 
ent, necessary,  or  useful.  Those  alone  weie,  according  to 
John,  to  be  accounted  its  subjects,  who  showed  by  their  works 
that  they  had  repented  and  turned  to  God  ;  that  they  were 
not  only  natural  descendants  of  Abraham,  and  zealous  ob- 
servers of  the  laws  of  Moses  and  traditions  of  the  elders  ;  but 
who  were  also  like  the  patriarch  Abraham,  renovated  in  their 
minds,  and  truly  loved  and  served  God,  by  uniform  and  un- 
ceasing obedience  to  all  his  commandments.  To  be  destitute 
of  these  qualities,  whatever  national  or  even  personal  e.xcel- 
lences  might  distinguish  men,  they  would  find  no  place  in 
"  the  kingdom  of  God  ;"  the  royal  Ruler  and  Judge  would 
sentence  them  to  unending  woe.  "  But  when  he  saw  many 
of  the  Pharisees  and  Sadducees  come  to  his  baptism,  he  said 
unto  them,  O  generation  of  vipers  !  who  hath  warned  you  to 
flee  from  the  wrath  to  come  ?  Bring  forth,  therefore,  fruits 
meet  for  repentance  :  and  think  not  to  say  within  yourselves, 
We  have  Abraham  to  our  father  :  for  I  say  unto  you,  That 
God  is  able  of  these  stones  to  raise  up  children  unto  Abra- 
ham. And  now  also  the  axe  is  laid  unto  the  root  of  the  trees ; 
therefore  every  tree  which  bringeth  not  forth  good  fruit  is 
hewn  down,  and  cast  into  the  fire,''  Matt.  iii.  7—10.  The 
Jevs,  particularly  th^  numerous  and  popular  sect  of  the  Phar 


Mh 


^ 


isees,  supposed  that  they  had  peculiar  claims  to'tKe'tio 
tice  of  tlie  Sovereign  of  this  kingdom,  and  possessed  fitness 
to  serve  him  because  of  the  special  favours  which  heaven 
had  conferred  on  them,  and  especially  on  account  of  their 
own  zeal  for  the  law  ;  and  that,  consequently,  the  empire 
c6ul  1  not  rise  without  their  services.  To  convince  them  of 
their  folly  and  presumption  in  entertoining  such  sentiments, 
John  testified  that  the  Sovereign  was  independent  of  them, 
for  such  was  his  power,  that  he  could  create  a  people  out 
of  the  very  stones  of  the  desert  to  minister  to  him  and 
obey  him  ;  and  that  he  would  qualify  and  consecrate  every 
one  of  his  subjects  for  the  holy  work  of  his  kingdom  by  the 
Holy  Spirit  of  God,  exclude  from  its*immunities  all  who  re- 
ceived not  the  Spirit,  and  treat  them  as  his  enemies.  This 
strongly  intimated  that  the  kingdom  of  God  was  neither  to  be 
raised  nor  maintained  by  the  wisdom,  riches,  or  power,  which 
were  the  glory  of  all  the  empires  and  kingdoms  that  had  pre- 
ceded it.  The  sentiment  harmonised  with  the  ancient  pre- 
diction concerning  it,  '•  Not  by  might,  nor  by  power,  but  by 
my  Spirit,  saith  the  Lord  of  hosts,"  Matt.  iii.  11,  12. 

Further,  John  interfered  not  with  the  arrangements  or  laws 
of  the  kingdom  whose  approach  he  announced  ;  but  directed 
all  to  expect  these  things  to  be  attended  to  by  Him  whose 
minister  he  declared  himself  to  be,  even  Jesus  of  Nazareth, 
the  Son  of  Mary,  and  the  Son  of  God,  and  the  King  of  Is- 
rael. Accordingly,  instead  of  appointing  his  disciples  to  any 
office  in  the  kingdom,  or  requiring  any  of  them  to  prepare 
themselves  for  any  particular  service,  he  called  on  them  all  to 
cultivate  personal  religion,  and  to  perform  with  fidelity  the 
various  duties  of  their  station  in  society  ;  that  they  might 
truly  appear  suitable  persons  to  be  admitted  into  the  service 
of  Him  who  had  come  to  save  his  people  from  their  sins. 
"  And  the  people  asked  him,  saying.  What  shall  we  do,  then  ? 
He  answereth,  and  saith  unto  them.  He  that  hath  two  coats, 
let  him  impart  to  him  that  hath  none  ;  and  he  that  hath  meat, 
let  him  do  likewise.  Then  came  also  publicans  to  be  bap- 
tised, and  said  unto  him,  Master,  what  shall  we  do  ?  And  he 
said  unto  them.  Exact  no  more  than  that  which  is  appointed 
you.  And  the  soldiers  likewise  demanded  of  him,  saying, 
And  what  shall  we  do  ?  And  he  said  unto  them.  Do  violence 
to  no  man,  neither  accuse  any  falsely  ;  and  be  content  with 
your  wages.  And  as  the  people  were  in  expectation,  and  all 
men  mused  in  their  hearts  of  John,  whether  he  were  thie 
Christ  or  not ;  John  answered,  saying  unto  them  all,  I  indeed 

2* 


« 


4 


■f 


IS  RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

baptise  you  with  jvater  ;  but  one  mightier  than  I  cometh,  the 
latchet  of  whose  shoes  I  am  not  worthy  to  unloose  :  he  shall 
baptise  you  with  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  with  fire  :  whose  fan 
is  in  his  hand,  and  he  will  thoroughly  purge  his  floor,  and 
will  gather  the  wheat  into  his  garner  ;  but  the  chaff  he  will 
burn  with  fire  unquenchable.  And  many  other  things,  in 
his  exhortation,  preached  he  unto  the  people,"  Luke  iii.  10 — 
18.  This  plainly  announced  that  the  rulers  and  great  men 
among  the  Jews,  or  of  other  nations,  were  not  to  expect  any 
honourable  distinction  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  on  account  of 
their  birth,  rank,  intellectual  talents,  mental  acquirements,  or 
religious  forms  ;  but  that  those  only  would  be  exalted  whom 
the  Supreme  Sovereign  perceived  to  be  renewed  in  the  spirit 
of  their  minds,  and  unfeignedly  devoted  in  heart  and  life  to 
holiness  and  righteousness  before  God. 

However  much  the  mighty  in  this  world  might  dislike  or 
despise  the  humble  aspect,  the  austere  manners,  and  holy  in- 
structions and  life  of  John  the  Baptist,  his  ministry  nowise 
tended  to  excite  their  jealousy  or  alarm  their  fears  ;  for  he 
neither  explicitly  praised  nor  blamed  any  of  the  constitutions, 
administrations,  or  mere  political  institutions,  or  even  national 
forms  of  religion,  in  the  kingdoms  of  this  world  ;  nor  did  he 
drop  a  single  idea  to  induce  any  intelligent  person  to  view  the 
kingdom  which  he  proclaimed  at  hand,  as  a  rival  to  any  ex- 
isting or  wordly  kingdom.  It  is  therefore  not  surprising  that 
he  was  permitted  to  proceed  unmolested  in  his  work  by  those 
who  were  ambitious  of  worldly  power.  He  was  only  hated 
and  persecuted  by  those  whose  particular  sins  he  condemned, 
and  he  retained  astonishing  popularity  to  his  last  hour.  He 
was  admired  by  all  ranks  of  the  Jews,  and  the  Romans  re- 
garded him  only  as  a  leader  of  a  religious  and  harmless  sect. 
Thus  he  had  the  happiness  and  honour  to  prepare  the  way 
for  Messiah  ;  and,  on  being  arrested  in  his  work,  he  doubt- 
less exulted  that  Jesus  was  gladly  received  by  the  people  ; 
and,  cherishing  the  spirit  of  aged  Simeon,  in  prison  he  doubt- 
less would  pray,  "  Now  lettest  thou  thy  servant  depart  in 
peace,  for  mine  eyes  have  seen  thy  salvation." 

The  whole  life  of  John  attested  the  sincerity  of  his  belief  in 
the  message  which  he  proclaimed  concerning  the  Christ  and 
his  kingdom.  His  spirit,  conduct,  and  manners  accorded 
with  the  spiritual  character  of  that  empire  whose  immediate 
approach  he  announced.  He  sought  not  great  things  for 
himself  That  he  was  possessed  of  talents  equal  to  the  great- 
est enterprises  which  stimulate  the  envy  or  ambition  of  the 


m 


RISE   OF    THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE.  W 

wwest  and  mightiest  men  of  the  world,  and  command  the 
wonder  and  admiration  of  the  multitude,  will  be  conceded  by 
every  candid  reader  of  the  narrative  of  his  life  by  the  evange- 
lists ;  and  it  is  as  plain  that  the  state  of  his  nation,  in  his  age, 
was  peculiarly  favourable  to  men  of  daring  courage  and  am- 
bitious views.  The  Jews  panted  for  national  liberty  and  in- 
dependence, and  enthusiastically  hailed  any  one  who  pro- 
mised to  lead  them  to  victory,  freedom,  and  triumph.  Nor  is 
it  doubtful  that  they  would  have  gladly  placed  themselves 
under  John  as  their  supreme  chief  and  leader,  and  rushed  to 
the  field  of  battle  against  their  civil  rulers.  He  attained  the 
highest  degree  of  popularity,  and  many  earnestly  desired  tha: 
he  should  assume  the  authority  and  dignity  of  the  king  of  the 
Jews.  But  instead  of  this,  he  showed  himself  to  Israel  as  the 
humble  and  self-denied  prophet  of  the  Lord,  clothed  in  the 
coarsest  garments,  and  sustained  by  the  meanest  fare.  His 
manner  of  life  was  entirely  conformed  to  that  of  a  Nazarite, 
who  abstained  from  all  the  ornaments  and  luxuries  of  life ; 
and  his  constant  avowal  was,  that  he  regarded  it  as  his  most 
exalted  privilege  and  honour  to  be  the  servant  of  the  Messiah, 
whom  he  had  baptised  and  solemnly  recommended  to  the  con- 
fidence of  the  people. 

The  assumption  of  authority  to  baptise  all  his  disciples, 
was  a  remarkable  indication  that  he  was  appointed  to  intro 
duce  a  new  constitution  for  the  government  of  the  worship 
pers  of  God.  No  priest  or  prophet,  from  the  days  of  Moses, 
required  their  disciples  to  submit  to  baptism.  The  observ 
ance  of  this  rite  was  a  solemn  consecration  by  washing  to  the 
service  of  the  Most  High.  The  duties  of  the  office  of  all  for- 
mer prophets  and  priests  were  limited  to  the  enforcement  of 
obedience  to  the  institutes  of  Moses ;  but  John  called  all  to  be- 
lieve that  the  promised  Sovereign  was  come,  and  he  demanded 
all  who  received  his  testimony  publicly  to  confess  their  re- 
pentance and  belief  by  baptism,  the  well-known  symbol  of 
consecration  to  holy  services,  that  they  might  be  prepared  to 
enter  his  kingdom,  which  was  really,  and  not  merely,  cere- 
monially holy. 

When  Jesus,  the  son  of  Mary,  was  thirty  years  old,  about 
the  seventh  or  eighth  month  of  John's  ministry,  he  made  him- 
self knoNvn  in  Nazareth,  the  place  of  his  residence,  as  the 
great  Prophet  of  Israel  predicted  by  Isaiah,  and  by  conse- 
quence the  promised  and  expected  Saviour  of  the  world.  "  And 
he  came  to  Nazareth,  where  he  had  been  brought  up ;  and, 
as  his  custom  was,  he  went  into  the  synagogue  on  the  sab- 


I 


#= 


5i0  RISE   OF   THF   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

bath-day,  and  stood  up  for  to  read.  And  there  was  delivered 
unto  him  the  book  of  the  prophet  Esaias ;  ana.  when  he  had 
opened  the  book,  he  found  the  place  where  it  was  written, 
U'he  Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  me,  because  he  hath  anointed 
me  to  preach  the  gospel  to  the  poor ;  he  hath  sent  me  to  heal 
the  brokenhearted,  to  preach  deliverance  to  the  captives,  and 
recovering  of  sight  to  the  blind,  to  set  at  liberty  them  that  are 
bruised ;  to  preach  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord,"  Luke 
iv.  16  —  19.  Though  the  Nazarenes  discovered  that  he  was 
endowed  with  unparalleled  and  marvellous  qualifications  to  in- 
struct, yet  the  exalted  character  which  he  assumed  seemed  to 
them  incompatible  with  his  reputed  descent ;  and,  instead  of 
calmly  and  carefully  investigating  the  validily  of  his  claims, 
the  multitude  who  had  witnessed  his  progress  from  infancy 
to  manhood,  envious  of  the  sudden  rise  of  his  reputation,  and 
indignant  at  what  they  conceived  his  presumption  and  blas- 
phemy, were  enraged,  and,  with  all  the  impetuosity  of  beasts 
of  prey,  attempted  to  take  his  life.  They  looked  on  him 
merely  as  the  son  of  Joseph  the  carpenter.  Had  they  fully 
inquired  into  the  past  history  of  Jesus,  and,  with  minds  sin- 
cerely in  search  of  the  truth,  vigilantly  observed  the  future 
developments  of  his  character,  they  would  certainly  have 
adopted  the  sentiments  entertained  of  him  by  his  most  en- 
lightened disciples,  and  concluded  that  he  was  the  Jewish 
virgin's  son,  the  heir  of  David,  the  Son  of  the  Living  God, 
the  Saviour  of  Jews  and  Gentiles,  and  the  Lord  of  all,  pre- 
dicted by  all  the  prophets. 

The  first  promise  of  the  Conqueror  and  Victor  of  Satan, 
and  the  destroyer  of  his  dominions,  represented  him  as  "  the 
seed  of  the  woman,"  not  the  seed  of  the  man  ;  and  the  second 
most  distinct  promise  respecting  him,  intimated  that  he  was 
to  descend  from  Abraham.  These  promises  were  incontro- 
vertibly  accomplished  in  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  The  evangelists 
satisfactorily  show  that  he  was  born  of  a  virgin,  a  daughter 
of  Abraham;  and  that  his  human  body  was  immediately 
created  by  the  energy  of  the  Holy  Spirit.  This  statement 
alone  accounts  for  the  purity  and  dignity  of  his  character,  by 
which  he  was  manifestly  separated  from  the  whole  human 
race,  although  evidently  a  partaker  of  the  human  constitution. 
In  him  were  all  the  capacities  and  sensations  which  charac* 
terise  man,  without  the  least  trace  of  moral  defect,  which  are 
inseparable  from  the  seed  of  Adam,  all  of  whom  prove  them- 
selves to  be  alienated  from  God  and  from  one  another.  Every 
temper  which  he  discovered,  every  word  which  he  uttered, 


#  a? 


#= — —  =^=i^ 


tiiSE  b?  THE   FIFTH  Erf^H^.  "^1 

iiicl  every  action  which  he  performed,  demonstrated  that  his 
neart  was  the  seat  of  perfect  moral  excellence.  None  of  his 
kindre.'l  who  were  disaffected  to  his  claims,  none  of.  his 
friends  who  deserted  or  betrayed  him,  nor  any  one  of  his  nu- 
merous, powerful,  active,  and  implacable  enemies,  attempted 
to  convict  him  of  sin.  All  who  knew  him  were  the  reluctant 
or  zealous  witnesses  that  divine  love  supremely  ruled  over 
all  his  affections  and  pnssions,  and  that  he  only  lived  for  the 
present  and  eternal  welfare  of  all  ;  that  "he  went  about  doing 
good."  He  was  thus  manifestly  the  only  man  on  whom  the 
Holy  One  of  Israel  coulJ  look  with  entire  complaisance  ;  and 
he  was  therefore  not  of  this  world,  although  a  sojourner  in  it: 
for  every  one  of  Adam's  race  has  proved  himself  a  sinner, 
justly  deserving  the  divine  displeasure ;  they  are  all  by 
nature  the  children  of  wrath.  It  is  impossible  for  any  one 
to  adduce  a  satisfactory  reason  for  the  perfect  moral  purity 
of  the  Son  of  Mary,  the  Jewish  virgin-mother,  unless  the 
truth  of  the  sacred  record  be  admitted,  that  he  was  formed  by 
the  Holy  Spirit  in  his  mother's  womb,  and  was  therefore 
justly  called  the  Son  of  God. 

The  Jews  were  possessed  of  ample  evidence  that  Jesus  was 
the  proper,  legitimate  heir  of  David.  He  was  so,  whether  he 
was  regarded  as  the  son  of  Mary  or  of  Joseph,  his  reputed 
father ;  for  the  national  records  attested  that  they  occupied 
the  chief  place  in  the  register  of  David's  family.  It  is  indeed 
uncertain  if  thev  were  not  the  only  survivors  of  that  distin- 
guished race  ;  for  though  they  had  relations,  yet  these,  as  far 
as  the  record  informs  us,  Avere  intermixed  with  other  families 
and  tribes  in  Israel ;  and  if  so,  Jesus  was  the  only  remaining 
sprout  of  the  root  of  Jesse^  Genealogical  registers  of  the 
chief  families  are  common  in  every  country ;  but  in  the  East 
they  appear  in  all  ages  to  have  been  kept  with  great  care  by 
all  families.  The  family  register  was  indispensable  among 
the  Jews  while  they  possessed  the  Holy  Land  ;  for  if  they 
neglected  it,  they  might  find  it  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to 
show  their  rights  to  their  lot  or  inheritance  The  royal  and 
the  priestly  families  had  more  powerful  motives  than  any 
others  to  preserve  their  respective  genealogy.  How  diligent- 
ly and  faithfully  the  national  register  of  tribes  and  families 
was  kept,  may  be  learned  from  the  second  chapter  of  the  book 
of  Ezra,  and  the  seventh  chapter  of  the  book  of  Nehemiah. 

That  the  genealogical  tables  were  carefully  constructed  by 
ihe  Jews  down  to  the  times  of  Christ  and  his  apostles,  is  ob- 
vious from  several  allusions  to  them  in  the  New  Testament. 


#= 


4 


I 


22  RISE   OF   THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE. 

Thus  we  read  that  Anna  the  prophetess  was  of  the  tribe  ot 
Asher,  and  Paul  of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin.  Josephus  says 
that  he  transcribed  his  own  pedigree  from  the  public  register 
of  the  priesthood.  That  the  evangelists  transferred  their 
genealogies  of  Jesus  from  those  admitted  to  be  correct  by  the 
Jews,  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt ;  for  we  never  find  his 
descent  from  David  questioned  by  any  of  his  enemies.  Dif- 
ficulties or  obscurities  in  the  lists  given  by  the  evangelists  are 
therefore  not  to  be  ascribed  to  them,  but  to  the  compilers  of 
the  tables  from  which  they  copied ;  and  it  deserves  to  be 
remarked,  that  the  general  accuracy  of  these  lists  is  not 
rendered  in  the  least  doubtful,  on  the  supposition  that  the 
names  of  certain  persons  may  have  been  designedly  omitted, 
or  even  erazed,  from  causes  which  cannot  now  be  ascer- 
tained. Some  individuals  may  have  proved  themselves  during 
life  unworthy  of  the  place  in  the  family  register  in  which 
their  names  were  inserted  at  the  time  of  their  birth.  This 
circumstance,  however,  would  not  occasion  any  doubt  re- 
specting the  descent  of  their  heirs  or  successors  in  the  register. 
That  no  other  tables  of  the  genealogy  of  David  than  those 
made  and  approved  by  the  Jews,  would  have,  however  per- 
fect, been  regarded  by  them,  we  may  be  assured  ;  and  hence 
it  was  at  once  necessary  and  divinely  proper  that  the  evan- 
gelists should  appeal,  in  proof  of  the  descent  of  Jesus,  to 
those  genealogies  of  the  descendants  of  David  which  were 
preserved  in  the  national  archives.  This  mode  of  proceeding 
was  in  harmony  with  the  rule  which  the  first  ministers  of 
Christ  uniformly  followed,  of  testifying  none  other  things 
than  Moses  and  the  prophets  said  should  come ;  and  every 
Jew  had,  in  consequence  of  the  plan  acted  on  by  the  evan- 
gelists, an  opportunity  of  judging  the  truth  of  their  state- 
ment, the  claims  of  Jesus  to  be  heir  of  David,  by  comparing 
it  with  their  own  acknowledged  registers.  Nor  would  friends 
or  enemies  fail  to  do  this.  While  no  instance  is  recorded  of 
the  latter  accusing  Christ's  followers  of  falsehood,  when  they 
every  where  proclaimed  him  the  son  of  Abraham  and  of  the 
race  of  Judah,  and  the  heir  of  David,  the  former  in  all  coun- 
tries were  familiar  with  this  regular  descent  of  their  Master 
according  to  the  flesh.  Thus  Paul,  writing  to  the  Romans, 
evidently  views  it  as  a  well  known  and  received  fact,  that 
Jesus  "  was  made  of  the  seed  of  David  according  to  the 
flesh  ;"  and  he  reminds  the  Hebrews  to  whom  he  wrote, 
that  "  it  is  eviiient  that  our  Lord  sprangf  out  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah." 


^. 


RISE    OF   THE    FIFTH    EBfPIRE.  23 

We  conceive  it  inexpedient  to  attempt  here  to  reconcile  the 
discrepancies  or  differences  supposed  to  exist  between  the 
genealogies  of  Jesus  recorded  by  Matthew  and  Luke.  The 
learned  have  speculated  much  on  this  subject ;  but  the  candid 
reader  will  be  sufficiently  satisfied  that  the  difficuhies  are  not 
momentous,  after  perusing  the  following  extract  from  Mr. 
Watson's  Exposition  of  the  Gospels : — "  For  a  full  investi- 
gation of  the  questions  which  have  been  raised  on  the  gene- 
alogies of  Christ  given  by  St.  Matthew  and  St.  Luke,  recourse 
may  be  had  to  Grotius,  Hammond,  Le  Clerc,  Lightfoot, 
Bishop  Kidder,  Whitby,  Dr.  Barrett,  and  others  who  have 
written  at  large  upon  them.  The  genealogies  coincide  from 
Abraham  to  David  ;  and  then  so  entirely  differ,  except  in  two 
descents,  that  they  must  be  regarded  as  two  distinct  tables ; 
and  the  opinion  now  generally  admitted  is  that  of  Lightfoot, 
that  St.  Matthew  gives  the  genealogy  of  Joseph,  whose  adop- 
ted son  Jesus  was ;  and  St.  Luke  that  of  his  virgin  mother. 
This  derives  strong  confirmation  from  the  circumstance  that 
the  Jewish  Rabbins  in  their  writings  call  Mary  the  daughter 
of  Eli.  This  distinction  in  the  genealogies  also  serves  to  ex- 
plain the  reason  why  St  Luke  begins  his  genealogy  with 
stating  that  Jesus  was  the  supposed  son  of  Joseph,  '  who  was 
the  son  of  Eli'  The  natural  father  of  Joseph  was,  as  Mat- 
thew states,  Jacob;  but  Mary  being  the  daughter  of  Eli, 
Joseph  became  his  son-in-law ;  or  simply,  according  to  the 
vague  '.vay  in  which  the  Hebrews  used  such  relative  terms, 
his  son  ;  which  is  further  confirmed  by  another  instance  of  a 
son-in-law  being  called  a  son  in  the  same  table,  namely 
Salathiel,  who  is  called  'the  son  of  Neri,'  that  is,  his  son-in- 
law;  his  natural  father  being  Jechonias,  1  Chron.  iii.  17. 
The  only  point  of  real  importance,  however,  in  this  question 
is,  whether  Mary  as  well  as  Joseph  was  of  the  house  of 
David,  because  the  Christ  was  indubitably  to  be  of  the  seed 
of  David  'according  to  the  flesh,'  which  our  Lord  was  not 
by  mere  virtue  of  his  being  the  adopted  son  of  Joseph,  and 
entered  as  such  in  the  Jewish  genealogies.  Now,  though 
there  seems  sufficient  reason  to  conclude  that  Mary  married 
Joseph  as  next  of  kin,  and  though  the  very  silence  of  the 
Jews,  who,  upon  the  promulgation  of  the  doctrine  of  Christ's 
miraculous  conception,  at  whatever  period  that  was  first 
made  known,  whether  during  our  Lord's  life,  or  immediately 
after  his  ascension,  must  have  raised  this  fatal  objection,  if 
Mary  had  not  been  a  descendant  of  David  as  well  as  Joseph, 
proves  that  this  fact  was  a  subject  of  pubhc  notoriety ;  yet 


24  B.18E  OF  THE   PIPTH   EMFTRE. 

the  matter  is  settled  by  a  passage  in  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke, 
whicl:  ihose  who  have  investigated  this  ''uestion  of  the  two 
genealogies  nave  generally  overlooked  ^n  Luke  i.  32, 
when  the  angel  makes  the  annunciation  to  Mary  that  she 
should  become  the  mother  of  the  Messiah,  he  says, '  He  shall 
be  great,  and  shall  be  called  the  Son  of  the  Highest :  and 
the  liord  God  shall  give  unto  him  the  throne  of  his  father 
David,' — terms  which  could  not  have  been  used,  unless  Mary 
herself  had  been  David's  descendant.  It  may  be  added  to 
this,  that  unless  it  had  been  a  matter  sufficiently  well  known 
and  acknowledged,  that  Mary  and  Joseph  were  of  the  same 
house  and  lineage,  it  could  have  answered  no  end  for  Mat- 
thew to  have  copied  from  the  public  genealogical  tables  of 
the  Jews  the  descent  of  Joseph  from  David,  since  he  himself 
closes  the  list  of  descents  with  an  account  of  the  conception 
and  birth  of  Jesus,  which  declares  that  he  was  not  the  son  of 
Joseph,  but  of  Mary  only.  But  the  family  relationship  of 
Mary  and  Joseph  being  well  known,  the  one  genealogy  was 
as  well  suited  to  his  purpose  as  the  other.  Besides  that,  it 
has  also  this  advantage,  that  it  established  our  Lord's  legal 
right  to  the  throne  of  David,  through  Joseph,  of  whom  he 
was  the  son  by  adoption.  And  this  was  of  importance  in 
arguing  with  the  Jews ;  for,  ahhough  Mary  was  descended 
from  David,  yet,  had  she  married  into  the  tribe  of  Levi, 
under  the  same  circumstances  as  she  married  Joseph,  our 
Lord  would  have  been  reckoned  in  the  Jewish  genealogies 
as  of  the  tribe  of  Levi,  and  his  legal  claim  to  the  throne  of 
David  could  not  have  been  maintained  on  the  ground  of 
descent;  but,  having  married  into  her  own  tribe,  our  Lord 
was  the  descendant  of  David,  both  in  law  and  by  nature. 
With  respect  to  other  difficulties  in  these  tables  of  descent, 
they  are  to  be  referred  to  the  Jewish  records,  and  not  to  the 
evangelists  who  copied  them.  As,  however,  the  Jews  exerted 
particular  care  in  preserving  the  pedigree  of  their  priests, 
and  also  the  line  of  David,  in  which  they  expected  the  Mes- 
siah, the  discrepancies  are  probably  apparent  only,  and  the 
obscurity  arises  from  the  circumstance  that  their  mode  of 
keeping  them,  as  being  affected  by  their  changes  of  name, 
or  the  practice  of  bearing  double  names,  and  by  their  laws 
of  succession,  is  now  but  partially  known.  The  tables  are, 
however,  sufficiently  clear  to  prove  the  only  point  for  which 
they  were  introduced,  that  Jesus  was  the  son  of  David,  and 
the  son  of  Abraham;"  and  by  consequence  the  legitimat:' 


# 


RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EHFIRE.  25 

heir  of  David  to  the  throne  of  Israel,  and  heir  to  the  domin- 
'on  of  the  world  promised  unto  Abraham. — Rom.  iv.  13. 

But  Jesus  of  Nazarath  had  far  higher  claims  to  the  domin- 
ions and  power  of  David,  and  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  world ; 
for  he  is  the  Only-begotten  Son  of  the  Living  and  True  God. 
Such  he  was  declared  to  be  by  the  prophetic  Spirit,  Ps.  ii.  7. 
"I  will  declare  the  decree:  the  Lord  hath  said  unto  me. 
Thou  art  my  Son  ;  this  day  have  I  begotten  thee."  And  this 
language  distinctly  teaches  us  that  he  alone  is  the  proper  rep- 
resentative of  the  invisible  Deity,  and  the  legitimate  heir  of 
God  as  the  supreme  King  of  Israel,  and  the  Lord  of  all  Crea- 
tion ;  and  as  such  peculiarly  beloved  by  his  Father,  and  truly 
possessed  of  his  peculiar  perfections  or  infinite  excellencies. 
That  these  transcendently  glorious  features  were  to  be  beheld 
in  the  Messiah,  is  manifest  throughout  the  Divine  Revelation 
by  Moses  and  the  prophets ;  and  that  they  were  recognised 
ir  Jesus  of  Nazareth  by  his  disciples,  is  not  less  evident  in 
almo:*  every  page  of  the  New  Testament.  His  miraculous 
formar.or:  in  the  virgin's  womb  demonstrated  him  to  be  the 
most  beloved  Son  of  God.  By  this  he  was  distinguished  in 
excellence  from  Adam  and  all  his  race,  and  was  truly  seen  to 
be  '4hat  holy  being"  who  was  worthy  to  be  called  the  Son  of 
God.  That  he  was  in  the  highest  sense  the  beloved  of  God 
was  also  declared  at  his  baptism,  when  the  Spirit  of  God  de- 
scended like  a  dove  and  rested  upon  him,  and  a  voice  from 
the  excellent  glory  thus  addressed  him  :  •'  Thou  art  my  be- 
loved Son ;  in  thee  I  am  well  pleased."  God  a  second  time 
announced,  in  a  similar  manner,  his  complacency  in  him,  in 
the  hearing  of  his  most  honoured  disciples,  after  they  had 
seen  him  clothed  with  the  symbolical  cloud  of  glory ;  for  a 
voice  from  the  cloud  said,  "  This  is  my  beloved  Son,  in  whom 
I  am  well  pleased  ;  hear  ye  him."  A  testimony  resembling 
this,  God  pronounced  a  third  time  from  heaven,  in  the  hear- 
ing of  a  multitude,  when,  in  answer  to  this  public  prayer, 
•'  Father,  glorify  thy  name,"  a  voice  loud  as  thunder  said,  "  I 
have  both  glorified  it,  and  will  glorify  it  again."  More  mar- 
vellous and  decisive  still  did  his  resurrection  from  the  dead, 
without  his  body  being  subjected  to  corruption,  prove  God's 
peculiar  delight  in  him.  This  unparalleled  event  Jesus  pre- 
dicted, and  appealed  to  it  as  the  complete  confirmation  of  his 
high  claims.  His  enemies  felt  the  force  of  the  appeal,  and 
employed  all  that  human  wisdom  and  power  deemed  necessa- 
ry to  retain  his  body  in  the  tomb.  But  it  was  impossible  that 
he  should  be  chained  by  death  or  hell ;  for  God  had  pledged 

VOL.  m.  3 


m 


26  RISE  OP   THE  FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

himself  to  raise  him  from  the  dead,  and  thus  to  declare  him 
his  only-begotten,  and  well-beloved  Son. 

However  astonishing  and  incomprehensible  to  the  human 
mind  may  be  the  fact  that  Jesus,  as  God's  own  Son,  is  the 
equal  of  his  Father,  and  therefore  the  proper  heir  of  all  things, 
its  truth  he  incontrovertibly  confirmed  by  his  works  ;  for  who 
that  reflects  on  the  nature  of  what  he  performed  in  his  own 
name,  will  presume  to  say  that  the  whole  was  within  the 
power  of  a  mere  creature,  how  exalted  soever  might  be  the 
dignity  and  capacities  conferred  on  it  by  the  universal  Crea- 
tor? He  showed  himself  possessed  of  the  most  perfect 
knowledge  of  all  the  secret  operations  and  unrevealed  thoughts 
of  man,  and  the  sovereign  and  Almighty  Lord  of  all  nature. 
It  was  visible  to  all  that  all  the  perfections  of  Deity  resided  in 
him  ;  and  to  his  various  works  of  Almighty  power  to  heal 
all  kinds  of  incurable  diseases,  to  multiply  at  pleasure  the 
means  of  human  subsistence,  and  to  raise  the  dead  to  life,  he 
referred  in  proof  not  only  that  God  was  with  him,  but  also 
that  he  was  the^Son  of  God,  and  that  he  who  had  seen  him 
had  seen  the  Father. 

The  great  truth  of  the  Divine  dignity  of  his  nature  is  also 
clearly  showed  by  the  authority  and  honour  to  which  he  is 
exalted.  The  prophets  predicted  Messiah's  exaltation  to  the 
throne  of  the  Divine  JMajest)',  in  the  heavens,  and  investiture 
in  the  oflices  of  Saviour,  Sovereign,  and  Judge  of  the  human 
race.  Jesus  announced  that  these  offices  were  to  be  conferred 
on  him,  and,  that  he  would  ascend  unto  heaven  in  order  to  ex- 
ercise them.  Hundreds  of  his  disciples  saw  him  ascend  ;  and 
waited  for  the  fulfilment  o^  the  promise  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
which  would  demonstrate  that  he  was  admitted  into  ^lory,  and 
had  taken  possession  of  the  high  honours  to  which  he  was 
destined.  How  complete  was  the  evidence  given  that  he  was 
seated  on  the  throne  of  God,  in  the  gifts  received  ^y  his  fol- 
lowers, by  which  they  were  enabled,  in  his  name,  to  perform 
miracles  equally  great  and  more  numerous  than  he  had  him- 
self wrought.  Being  thus  raised  to  an  equality  with  his 
Father  in  dignity  and  power,  so  as  to  appear  worthy  of  all 
adoration,  worship,  and  praise ;  or  in  the  language  of  the 
Holy  Spirit,  having  thus  received  a  name  above  every  name, 
that  in  his  name  every  knee  should  bow,  and  tongue  confess 
that  he  is  Lord,  it  remains  no  longer  doubtful  that  he  is  the 
Son  of  God,  and  Heir  of  all  things  in  heaven  and  earth. 

These  things  proclaim  to  all  that  he  had  finished  the  work 
for  which  he  confessed  that  he  came  into  the  workU  for  had 


4^- 


# 


=!=#' 


RISE   OF   THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE.  27 

he  not  done  this,  is  it  credible  that  he  should  have  been  pub- 
licly approved  by  God  before  angels  and  men  ?  That  work 
chiefly  consisted  in  delivering  himself  up  as  a  sacrificial  vic- 
tim to  death  for  the  sins  of  mankind,  that  he  might  obtain 
eternal  redemption  for  every  one  who  shall  obey  him  ;  and 
this  is  the  great  truth  which  forms  the  basis  of  his  kingdom  ■ 
There  is  no  name  given  under  heaven  among  men  by  which 
we  must  be  saved,  but  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

This  is  the  King  of  the  new  empire ;  and  for  this  end  he 
confessed  that  he  was  born,  and  that  he  should  rule  all  na- 
tions, and  reign  till  all  his  enemies  were  made  his  footstool. 
But  he  distinctly  limited  the  visible  administration  of  his 
kingdom  in  this  world  to  religious  and  moral  affairs.  The 
entire  governmont  of  Israel  was  his  native  right,  as  the  heir 
of  his  father  David  ;  and  every  one  also  who  assumed  the 
supreme  rule  over  them  without  being  called  of  God,  whether 
a  native  or  foreigner,  was  unquestionably  an  usurper.  He, 
however,  explicitly  announced  that  he  came  not  into  the 
world  to  aspire  to  a  worldly  throne,  or  secular  dominion.  He 
voluntarily  renounced  all  temporal  rights,  and  appeared  on 
earth  not  "  to  be  ministered  unto,  but  to  minister,  and  to  give 
his  life  a  ransom  for  many"  His  royal  predecessors  were 
each  successively  appointed  as  deputy  of  Jehovah,  Israel's 
Supreme  Sovereign,  the  visible  head  or  superintendant  of  the 
whole  community,  in  all  things  relating  to  religion  as  well 
as  to  worldly  interests.  Jesus  took  the  charge  of  the  former, 
and  cfrefuUy  avoided  interference  with  the  latter.  He 
cleansed  the  temple  instructed  the  worshippers  how  to  serve 
God  acceptably,  and  made  known  to  them  His  mind.  But  he  de- 
sired not  to  preside  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  nor  to  con- 
duct their  armies,  or  to  receive  any  of  the  national  revenues. 
When  the  multitude  desired  to  make  him  a  temporal  prince, 
he  withdrew  from  their  society,  and  proceeded  to  discharge 
his  duties  as  the  prophet  of  the  Lord.  And  at  a  later  period, 
when  one  of  his  hearers  requested  him  to  examine  and  decide 
on  some  worldly  matter,  he  replied,  "  Man,  who  made  me  a 
ruler  or  divider  among  you  ?"  Scarcely  any  of  the  people, 
including  his  most  eminent  disciples,  seem  to  have  'interpre- 
ted correctly  his  conduct,  or  comprehended  his  plainest  in- 
structions, in  respect  to  the  objects  of  his  mission.  They  had 
no  just  conceptions  of  limited  royal  power.  Their  minds 
were  full  of  the  ideas  of  Messiah's  absolute  and  uncontrolled 
dominion  ;  and  imagined  that  he  would  exercise  it  in  this 
world  altogether  after  the  manner  of  the  despots  of  the  East 


9' 


9  -  -^ 


2f|  RISE    OF    THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE. 

Hence,  when  Jesus  chose  his  twelve  apostles,  they  and  his 
other  Followers  expected  that  he  would  next  restore  the  tem- 
poral kingdom  to  Israel,  and  constitute  the  Holy  Land  the 
seat  of  universal  empire.  This  false  conception  excited  the 
ambition  of  his  chief  ministers,  and  strife  threatened  to  de- 
stroy their  peace.  They  disputed  who  should  be  greatest. 
To  check  their  pride,  arid  prepare  them  for  the  humble,  ar- 
duous and  holy  work  to  which  they  were  destined,  he  set  a 
child  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  declared  that  none  was  fit  to 
serve  in  his  kingdom  who  were  not  teachable,  unassuming, 
and  humble  as  a  child,  who  implicitly  bows  to  the  authority 
of  its  parents,  and  depends  wholly  on  them  for  its  safety  and 
comfort.  And,  that  all  worldly  ambition  and  li.opes  should 
be  repressed  in  them,  he  distinctly  stated  that  in  his  kingdom 
he  who  was  the  humblest  and  most  active  in  serving  and  ad- 
vancing the  interests  of  his  fellow-subjects,  would  be  ac- 
counted deserving  the  highest  honour.  The  only  authority 
they  were  to  acknowledge  was  that  of  the  Supreme  King, 
and  the  only  applause  and  honour  tabe  sought  was  his  ap- 
probation :  "  Ye  know,"  said  Jesus,  "  that  the  princes  of  the 
Gentiles  exercise  dominion  over  them,  and  they  that  are 
great  exercise  authority  upon  them,  but  it  shall  not  be  so 
among  you :  but  whosoever  will  be  great  among  you,  let  him 
be  your  minister  ;  and  whosoever  will  be  chief  among  you, 
let  him  be  your  servant,"  Matt.  xx.  25 — 27. 

One  of  the  last  and  unexpected  scenes  of  his  most  wonder- 
ful life,  was  the  singular  procession  which  he  deigned  to  per- 
mit his  disciples  to  conduct  to  testify  their  belief  in  his  roy- 
alty. The  only  part  he  took  in  it  strongly  expressed  the  un- 
worldliness  of  his  kingdom,  and  fulfilled  in  him  certain  re- 
markable predictions  respecting  Messiah.  None  of  the  mighty 
or  noble  surrounded  him  ;  his  poor  disciples  and  the  multi- 
tude whom  the  rulers  contemned,  were  his  attendants.  No 
crown  or  diadem  adorned  his  head  ;  no  chariots,  horses,  or 
armed  band,  displayed  splendour  to  attract  or  dazzle  the  eyes, 
or  strike  terror  in  the  hearts  of  the  spectators  ;  nor  was  there 
any  kind  of  grandeur  to  produce  admiration,  nor  magnifi- 
cence tot  awaken  any.  He  rode  on  an  ass  ;  and  children 
were  loudest  in  his  praise.  He  was  manifestly  no  rival  of  the 
princes  and  great  men  of  the  earth.  He  acknowledged  him- 
self chiefly  delighted  with  the  plaudits  of  the  children,  who 
hailed  him  the  promised  Prince,  come  in  the  name  of  Jeho- 
vah. The  only  sceptre  or  arms  which  he  used  were,  small 
cords  ;  and  these  were  found  sufficient  to  expel  from  thetem 


*= 


RISE   OF   THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE.  ^ 

pie,  his  own  and  his  Father's  house,  all  wiio  dared  to  dishon- 
our and  defile  the  sacred  precincts,  consecrated  as  the  place  of 
prayer  for  all  peoples.  And  with  this  manifestation  of  his 
royal  dignity,  his  final  confession  of  his  claims  of  sovereignty 
perfectly  accorded.  In  his  answer  to  the  false  accusation 
that  he  had  declared  himself  king  of  Jiidea,  in  opposition  to 
the  sovereignty  exercised  by  the  Romans,  he  boldly  avowed 
that  he  was  born  a  king,  not  of  the  Jews  only,  but  of  every 
one  who  received  and  obeyed  the  truth,  that  he  was  the  prom- 
ised Saviour.  His  dominion  being  thus  wholly  sustained 
and  extended  by  the  truth,  no  prince,  s'upported  by  physical 
resources  of  human  wisdom  or  power,  had  reason  to  dread 
his  triumphs,  except  in  so  far  as  they  owed  the  continued  pos- 
session of  their  throne  to  falsehood  and  wickedness.  His 
kingdom  was  from  heaven  ;  its  principles,  laws,  customs  and 
resources,  were  derived  from  heaven  ;  and  it  could  not  be  ad- 
vanced by  mere  human  devices  or  assistance.  Had  it  been 
otherwise,  his  servants  would  have  engaged  in  battle  against 
their  enemies  ;  and  who  could  hope  to  overcome  them  ?  for 
the  whole  armies  of  the  angels  of  God  were  ready  to  join 
with  all  who  heareth  the  truth  to  resist  and  conquer  all  his 
opposers.  Consequently  his  patient  resigning  of  himself  into 
the  hands  of  his  false  accusers,  and  to  the  power  possessed  by 
Pilate  to  condemn  him  to  death,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  he 
only  requested  of  his  judges  to  spare  the  lives  of  his  follow- 
ers, clearly  showed  that  he  sought  no  earthly  throne,  or  secu- 
lar docfjinion. 

If  Jesus  indicated  the  exclusively  spiritual  and  moral  char 
acter  of  his  kingdom  on  earth,  by  publicly  disclaiming  all 
intention  to  exercise  the  temporal  government  of  the  Jews, 
belonging  to  him  as  David's  heir,  is  not  the  same  truth  to  be 
learned  from  his  voluntarily  neglecting  to  seize  the  Holy 
Land,  as  well  as  every  other  spot  on  earth,  for  the  whole  was 
his  own  property  as  the  Son  of  God  ?  This  act  of  self-de- 
nial he  alone  could  practice  ;  for  no  sovereign  had  any  legit- 
imate right  to  consider  himself  sole  lord  of  his  dominions. 
The  earth  belongs  only  to  God,  and  though  he  appoints  whom 
he  will  to  the  office  of  rulers,  yet  he  has  not  authorised  them 
to  look  on  it  as  their  special  property.  David  and  his  suc- 
cessors were  his  deputies,  and  not  his  heirs  to  Canaan,  which, 
in  a  particular  sense,  he  called  them* to  regard  as  his  own, 
selected  in  preference  to  all  lands,  as  the  site  of  his  greatest 
and  most  marvellous  manifestations  of  himself  to  man.  The 
king  of  the  Jews  had  no  right  to  any  other  position  in  th* 

3* 


®= 


-^^ 


80  RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH    EMPIRE. 

Holy  Land  than  that  which  fell  to  him  by  lot,  the  inheritance 
of  his  fathers.  He  could  scarcely  be  guilty  of  a  greater  crime 
than  forcibly  to  take  possession  of  the  least  spot  in  the  inher- 
itance of  any  of  his  subjects.  Nor  could  he  lawfully  retain 
forever,  as  his  own,  any  more  than  any  other  of  his  subjects, 
land  which  an  individual  might  sell  him.  But  God  gave  the 
land  to  Messiah  ;  and  hence  it  was  denominated  by  the  pro- 
phets, "  Immanuel's  land,"  and  one  of  the  sins  charged  against 
the  Jews,  in  relation  to  Jesus,  the  Son  of  God,  is,  that  "  he 
came  into  his  own  land,  and  his  own  people  received  him  not." 
Indeed,  Jesus  declared,  that  "  all  things  were  delivered  unto 
him  of  his  Father."  Nevertheless,  he  passed  through  life  one 
of  the  most  destitute  of  his  people.  "  The  foxes,"  he  said, 
"  have  holes,  and  the  birds  of  the  air  have  nests,  but  the  Son 
of  man  hath  nowhere  to  lay  his  head."  By  personal  labour 
he  appears  for  many  j^ears  to  have  procured  the  means  of  sub- 
sistence requisite  for  himself  and  his  mother  ;  and  during  his 
public  ministry,  while  he  repeatedly  miraculously  supphed 
food  for  thousands,  he  owed  his  own  support  chiefly  to  a  few 
women  who  generously  administered  to  him. 

In  contradistinction  to  all  the  princes  of  this  world,  and 
even  to  all  the  chief  Rulers  of  Israel  who  had  preceded  him, 
he  encouraged  no  one  to  follow  him  by  any  worldly  induce- 
ment :  he  pledged  himself  to  the  most  faithful  no  more  than 
that  he  would  be  with  them  always,  and  make  them  partakers 
of  all  that  their  Heavenly  Father  knew  to  be  necessary  for 
their  present  and  eternal  happiness.  This  he  pronounced 
sufficient  to  reconcile  to  his  service  ;  for  who  does  not  per- 
ceive that  " it  is  enough  for  the  servant  to  be  as  his  master?" 
What  prince  has  not  promised  his  chief  ministers  and  army 
the  good  and  glory  of  this  life?  Did  not  Jehovah  himself  con- 
descend to  assure  Israel,  when  he  announced  himself  to  have 
become  their  King,  that  he  would  reward  their  subjection  and 
obedience  to  him,  with  health,  long  life,  weahh,  and  honour? 
that  if  they  proved  their  fidelity  to  him  by  entire  renunciation 
of  idols,  and  entire  destruction  of  every  symbol  of  idolatry, 
and  stedfast  observance  of  his  institutions,  he  would  make 
them  th«i  most  prosperous  in  all  earthly  good  of  any  other 
nation  of  the  world?  How  many  promises  of  this  kind  were 
given  Israel  by  Moses  and  the  prophets?  And  how  many 
threatenings  of  temporal  calamities  of  every 'kind  were  de- 
nounced against  them,  should  they  prove  disloyal  and  disobe- 
dient? What  a  concrast,  in  this  respect,  is  evident  to  all, 
boiween  the  writinsrs  of  the  Old  Testament  and  those  of  the 


^ 


EISE   OP  THE   FIFTH   EMPHIE.  31 

New?  How  ignorant  must  he  be  who  perceives  not  the 
peculiar  spiritual  and  moral  character  of  Christ's  king-dom? 
Truly  it  consists  not  •'  in  meats  and  drinks,  but  in  righteous- 
ness, and  peace,  and  joy  in  the  Holy  Spirit." 

Benevolence  is  one  of  the  strongest  and  most  predominant 
features  of  the  kingdom  erected  by  Jesus  of  Nazareth.  Laws 
are  made  for  the  lawless  and  disobedient,  and  compared  to  a 
state  of  anarchy,  the  most  imperfect  form  of  government  is 
benevolence  itself.  But  the  infliction  of  the  sentence  of  law 
is  the  manifestation  of  justice  rather  than  mercy,  and  aug- 
ments the  present  misery  and  not  the  comfort  of  mankind. 
The  ruler  of  every  worldly  kingdom  is  a  terror  to  evil  doers; 
and  this  was  as  true  of  the  predecessors  of  Jesus  in  the  king- ' 
dom  of  Israel  as  in  any  other  kingdom  on  earth.  Justice 
triumphantly  reigned  rather  than  peace  and  good-will  to  man. 
The  national  constitution,  or  the  covenant  of  Sinai,  was  em- 
phatically "the  ministration  of  death."  The  laws  of  no  na- 
tion, before  the  Christian  era,  equalled  those  prescribed  by 
Moses,  considered  as  a  whole,  in  their  benevolent  and  benen 
cent  character  and  tendency.  ^  But  the  covenant  of  Sinai  con- 
stituted the  Israelites  the  Divine  instruments  to  exhibit,  for 
the  instruction  "and  warning  of  mankind,  the  holiness  and  jus- 
tice of  God,  not  less,  if  not  more,  than  his  mercy  and  power 
to  save.  The  human  race,  in  all  ages  and  countries,  have 
taken  occasion,  from  the  riches  of  the  goodness  and  long  suf- 
fering of  God,  to  despise  his  authority,  and  follow  their  vain 
imaginations,  appetites,  and  passions,  as  if  they  were  not  re 
sponsible  to  Him,  nor  much  in  danger  of  punishment.  How 
admirably  adapted  was  the  administration  of  the  national  law 
of  Israel  to  correct  the  false  conceptions  of  God  which  pre- 
vailed everywhere  ;  for  it  loudly  proclamed,  "  All  souls  are 
mine,  saith  Jehovah  ;  the  soul  that  sinneth  shall  die." 

Israel  were  chosen  to  execute  on  all  bold,  presumptuous, 
and  impenitent  sinners,  residing  in  Canaan,  the  vengeance  of 
God,  recorded  in  his  word.  As  the  Creator  and  Possessor  of 
heaven  and  earth,  He  deigned  to  select  that  land  for  the 
theatre  on  which  he  purposed  to  unveil  his  perfections;  and, 
in  order  to  this,  he  would  not  permit  the  public  acknowledg- 
ment in  it  of  any  rival  god  :  he  would  not  give  his  glory  to 
another,  nor  his  praise  to  graven  images.  When  therefore, 
the  seven  nations  of  Canaan  had  entirely  renounced  the  True 
God,  and  filled  up  their  iniquity  by  voluntary  slavery  to  the 
most  cruel  and  polluted  system  of  idolatry  and  immorality, 
he  commanded  Israel  to  extirpate  them,  take  possesion  of  their 


1 


«• 


r 


32  RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

land,  and  consecrate  themselves  and  it  to  his  pure  service. 
The  destruction  of  the  seven  devoted  nations  was  a  fearful 
manifestation  of  the  justice  of  God,  but  it  perfectly  accorded 
with  the  revealed  design  of  God  respecting  his  purpose  in 
declaring  Canaan  his  own  land,  in  a  peculiar  religious  sense  j 
for  he  ordered  no  severer  judgment  to  be  inflicted  on  the 
Canaan ites  than  he  ordained  for  all  the  Israelites  who  should 
imitate  them  in  their  apostacies  from  God,  and  licentious  and 
barbarous  habits  and  conduct.  For  all  such,  when  known, 
were,  by  the  laws  of  Moses,  to  be  cut  off  from  among  his 
people ;  that  is,  he  was  either  to  be  exiled  or  put  to  death. 
And  as  for  those  who  secretly  departed  from  God,  practised 
the  rites  of  idolators,  and  thus  polluted  the  land,  or  made  it 
like  other  lands,  God  announced  that  He,  as  the  Supreme 
King,  Proprietor,  and  Judge,  would  miraculously  cut  them 
off,  and  vindicate  the  righteousness  of  his  government.  It 
was  also  for  the  attainment  of  this  object  that  the  ritual  of 
sacrifice  was  instituted.  "  Almost  all  things  were  cleansed  by 
blood,  and  without  the  shedding  of  blood  there  is  no  remission 
of  sins.''  This  great  principle  was  solemnly  and  awfully 
taught  every  night  and  morning,  by  the  consuming  of  inno- 
cent animals  on  the  ever-burning  altar  of  burnt  offering,  in 
the  sight  of  all  the  people.  The  whole  creation  proclaims 
that  the  Creator  has  formed  all  creatures  for  happiness,  and 
has  amply  supplied  the  means  of  obtaining  it.  No  common 
reason,  doubtless,  moved  the  good  God  to  appoint  the  sacrifi- 
cature  which  he  minutely  described  by  Moses.  If  the  per- 
mission of  animal  food  attested  his  special  goodness  to  man, 
animal  sacrifice  still  more  strongly  indicated  this,  for  the 
avowed  object  was,  that  the  sins  of  the  offerer  might  be  expi- 
ated, by  being,  as  it  were,  transferred  from  him  to  the  victim, 
which  was  incapable  of  sin,  or,  properly  speaking,  of  feeling 
its  punishment.  The  rite  of  sacrifice  thus  proclaimed  daily 
the  great  truth,  that  "the  wages  of  sin  is  death ;"  and  every 
one  who  neglected  this  rite  had  suspended  over  his  head  the 
sword  of  Divine  justice,  which,  if  not  plunged  into  him  by 
the  magistrates  of  his  nation,  might,  in  a  moment  fall  on  him 
from  the  invisible  hand  of  the  Divine  Legislator  and  just 
Judge. 

Another  most  impressive  mode  of  preserving,  in  vigour, 
in  Israel  the  impression  of  the  justice  of  God,  was  lex  talio- 
nis,  the  law  of  retaliation  or  retribution.  Transgressions  of 
the  laws,  for  which  no  expiatory  victim  was  provided,  were, 
when  distinctly  known,  instantly  adequately  punished,   by 


# 


RISE    OF   THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE.  33 

fire  or  death.  The  king  or  magistrates  had  no  authority  tb' 
confine  the  accused  in  prison,  he  was  to  be  placed  before  the 
tribunal  without  delay.  Moses  gave  no  directions  respecting 
prisons,  except  we  call  by  this  name  the  cities  of  refuge.  No 
ruler  had  authority  to  change,  or  mitigate,  or  remit  the  sen- 
tence of  the  h\v,  or  defer  its  e.xecution.  All  legislators  have 
agieeJ  that  immediate  punishment  is  one  of  the  most  efiectual 
means  of  maintaininij  the  dignity  and  honour  of  the  law  and 
government.  This  was  strictly  enjoined  by  Moses.  Ar- 
bitrary power,  caprice,  or  even  compassion,  was  incompatible 
with  liie  faithful  discharge  of  the  office  of  judge  in  Israel. 
He  was  not  to  pity  or  spare  any  more  than  to  judge  rashly, 
partially,  or  unjustly.  Retribution  was  to  regulate  all  his 
decisions:  "Life  for  life,  eye  for  eye,  tooth  for  tooth,  hand 
for  hand,  foot  for  foot,  burning  for  burning,  wound  for 
wound,  stripe  for  stripe,  death  for  death." 

These  remarks  may  suffice  to  show  that  the  administration 
of  the  kingdom  of  Israel  was  peculiarly  framed  to  place  be- 
fore man  the  immutable  connexion  between  sin  and  punish- 
ment; it  was  verily,  "the  ministration  of  death."  And  the 
Divine  propriety  of  this  will  be  manifest  to  those  who  observe 
that,  during  the  period  for  which  it  was  designed,  the  justice 
of  God  was  not  demonstrated.  No  punishment  was  inflicted 
6n  man  that  had  any  fitness  to  prove  that  "though  hand  join 
in  hand,  the  sinner  shall  not  go  unpunished."  For  no  one 
appeared  to  suffer  equal  to  what  he  deserved  as  a  trans- 
gressor of  the  l".v.  s  of  his  Creator,  or  as  an  enemy  of  the 
benevolent  government  of  the  sovereign  of  the  world.  And 
everywhere,  and  in  every  age,  many  most  notorious  for  wick- 
edness were  most  prosperous  in  this  world.  While,  however, 
justice  thus  strictly  executed  in  Israel,  discovered  the  wisdom 
of  Jehovah,  it,  to  a  considerable  degree,  veiled  his  compas- 
sionate love  and  benevolence  towards  the  human  race.  He 
was  revealed  by  it  to  be  "the  great  and  dreadful  God,  who 
keepeth  the  covenant ;  the  jealous  God,  and  a  consuming 
fire."  It  pleased  him  to  reserve  for  the  future  age.  and  for 
the  period  of  the  Fifth  Empire,  the  perfect  demonstration  of 
his  justice  and  the  perfect  manifestation  of  his  own  nature, 
as  the  God  who  delighteth  in  mercy,  so  that  every  man 
might  know  that  "  God  is  love."  And  for  this  end  he  sent 
his  Son  into  the  world,  "  not  to  condemn  the  w-orld,  but  that 
the  world  through  him  might  be  saved."  The  substitution 
of  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God  instead  of  sinners  is  at  once 
the  highest  possible  moral  evidence  that  Go^l  is,  at  once,  in 


1 


34 


RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH    EMTIRE. 


flexibly  just  and  inexpressibly  merciful.  To  illustrate  and 
confirm  this  sentiment  we  will  not  attempt  here ;  but  refer 
our  readers  to  the  works  of  those  who  have  ably  treated  this 
most  important  of  all  subjects.  Whoever  will  contemplate 
the  character,  doctrines,  sufferings,  death,  resurrection,  and 
glory  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  will  not  fail  to  perceive  that  God 
has  given  irrefragable  proof  that  he  has  no  pleasure  in  the 
death  of  sinners,  and  not  less  that  he  will  not  spare  the  guilty, 
who  refuse  submission  to  the  righteous  government  of  his 
beloved  Son.  Since  he  spared  not  him,  when  he  occupied 
the  sinner's  place,  he  shall  assuredly  not  spare  those  who 
love  him  not  as  the  Father  loves  him.  Who  does  not,  must 
feel  the  force  of  the  figure  applied  by  our  Lord  to  his  suffer- 
ings, when  he  proceeded  to  bear  the  Divine  curse  on  the 
cross !  "  Daughters  of  Jerusalem,  weep  not  for  me,  but  for 
yourselves  and  your  children, — for  if  they  do  these  things  in 
a  green  tree,  what  shall  be  done  in  the  dry?''  Now  to  all  his 
disciples  it  is  surely  obvious,  that  since  Divine  justice  was 
demonstrated,  it  was  not  requisite  that  the  terrible  administra- 
tion ordained  by  Moses  for  Israel,  should  characterise  the 
administration  of  the  kingdom  of  God,  of  which  Jesus,  our 
Jjord,  is  the  King.  Accordingly,  Jesus  explicitly  excluded 
from  his  empire  temporal  punishments  and  death.  He  con- 
fessed himself  the  heir  of  David,  the  Christ,  the  Saviour  of 
the  world,  and  Lord  of  all ;  but,  early  in  his  ministry,  he 
plainly  intimated  that  during  his  reign  no  country  or  place, 
or  indeed  any  thing,  except  the  principles  and  laws  and  sub- 
jects of  his  kingdom  on  earth,  would  be  deemed  by  Heaven 
holy  or  sacred,  as  Canaan,  the  tenth  of  its  products,  and  the 
temple,  and  its  ministers  and  vessels,  had  been.  "  The  hour 
Cometh,  and  now  is,  when  the  true  worshippers  shall  wor- 
ship the  Father  in  spirit  and  in  truth:  for  the  Father  seeketh 
such  to  worship  him."  And  with  equal  clearness  did  he 
teach  his  followers  that  he  was  not  come  to  form  a  commu- 
nity, whose  purity  and  prosperity  were  to  be  protected  by  the 
immediate  punisnment  of  their  secret,  or  public  and  bold 
enemies.  Thus,  on  the  Samaritans  behavinor  unkindly  to 
Jesus,  his  favourite  disciples  said,  "Lord,  wih  thou  that  we 
command  fire  to  come  down  from  heaven,  and  consume 
them,  even  as  Elias  did  ?  But  he  turned,  and  rebuked  them, 
and  said.  Ye  know  not  what  manner  of  spirit  ye  are  of  For 
the  Son  of  man  is  not  come  to  destroy  men's  lives,  but  to  save 
them."    Could  any  language  more  decidedly  declare  that  the 


m 


« 


11 


RISE   OP   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE.  35 

administration  of  death  by  Moses  would  find  no  place  in  the 
new  empire? 

This  marvellous  revolution  in  the  community  of  the  wor- 
shippers of  God  was  also  fully  implied  in  all  the  announce- 
ments by  Jesus,  that  he  came  to  redeem  them  from  all  their 
enemies,  by  giving  himself  a  ransom  for  them,  by  laying 
down  his  life  for  them,  and  by  his  assurance  that  for  this 
very  act  the  Father  had  loved  him,  and  had  committed  to 
him  all  power  and  authority,  that  he  might  give  them  eternal 
life.  The  legitimate  inference  from  this  instruction  was,  that 
the  ritual  of  sacrifice  would  cease ;  for  having  procured  all 
blessedness  for  his  people,  they  needed  no  longer  to  offer  in- 
nocent victims  to  expiate  their  sins.  The  Father's  approba- 
tion of  him,  publicly  testified  by  raising  him  from  the  dead, 
and  receiving  him  to  glory,  that  he  might  be  Lord  of  all, 
was  sulFicient  evidence  that  he  had  honoured  his  law,  and 
vindicated  his  government.  The  law  of  retribution  was  by 
consequence  no  more  required  to  instruct  mankind  that  God 
was  just,  if  they  intelligently,  unfeignedly,  and  cordially 
credited  the  Divine  testimony  concerning  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  who  by  his  obedience  unto  death,  had  fully  illustrated 
and  vindicated  the  Divine  justice  in  the  condemnation  and 
death  of  sinners.  '  Thus  it  was  manifest  that  he  came  not  to 
destroy,  but  to  fulfil  the  law  of  retribution,  as  well  as  the  law 
of  sacrifice  ;  and  having  finished  his  work,  superseded  both. 
In  accordance  with  this,  we  observe  that  among  his  first 
public  instructions,  he  declared  the  law  of  retaliation  obsolete: 
"Ye  have  heard  that  it  hath  been  said.  An  eye  for  an  eye, 
and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth:  but  I  say  unto  you,  That  ye  resist 
not  evil ;  but  whosoever  shall  smite  thee  on  the  right  cheek, 
turn  to  him  the  other  also.  And  if  any  man  will  sue  thee  at 
the  law,  and  take  away  thy  coat,  let  him  have  thy  cloak  also. 
And  whosoever  shall  compel  thee  to  go  a  mile,  go  with  him 
twain.  Give  to  him  that  asketh  thee ;  and  from  him  that 
would  borrow  of  thee  turn  not  thou  away.  Ye  have  heard 
that  it  hath  been  said,  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour,  and 
hate  thine  enemy:  but  I  say  unto  you.  Love  your  enemies, 
bless  them  that  curse  you,  do  good  to  them  that  hate  you,  and 
pray  for  them  which  despitefully  use  you,  and  persecute  you; 
that  ye  may  be  the  children  of  your  Father  which  is  in 
heaven  ;  for  he  maketh  his  sun  to  rise  on  the  evil  and  on  the 
good,  and  sendeth  rain  on  the  just  and  on  the  unjust.  For 
if  ye  love  them  which  love  you,  what  reward  have  ye  ?  do 
not  even  the  publicans  the  same?     And  if  ye  salute  your 


^ 


§6  illSE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

brethren  only,  what  do  ye  more  than  others  ?  do  not  even  th* 
publicans  so?  Be  ye  therefore,  perfect,  even  as  your  Father 
which  is  in  heaven  is  perfect." — Matt.  v.  38-48. 

'I'he  circumstances  in  which  Jesus  was  placed  were  pecu- 
liarly fcivourable  to  the  bringing  to  the  test  of  truth  his.  high 
claims  to  be  the  Messiah,  the  promised  Kino  of  Israel,  and 
the  Saviour  and  Sovereign  of  the  world.  No  people  were 
equally  qualified  with  the  Jews  to  detect  the  imposture  of 
any  one  who  avowed  himself  to  he  their  expected  king  ;  for 
they  alone  possessed  and  valued  the  Divine  predictions  con- 
cerning him.  They  had  been  intrusted  with  the  sacred  or- 
acles ;  and,  however  ignorant  they  generally  were  of  their 
real  import,  they  were  enthusiastically  attached  to  them,  as 
the  charter  of  their  nation  Every  Jew  had  access  to  the 
scriptures,  which  were  deposited  in  the  temple,  and  in  every 
synagogue  of  the  empire  ;  and  were,  in  the  after  ages,  read 
every  Sabbath  in  the  hearing  of  the  whole  congregation. 
These  writings  delineated  the  character  of  the  Messiah  suffi- 
ciently clear  to  enable  any  intelligent,  serious,  and  candid 
reader  to  try  and  decide  the  pretensions  of  any  one  who  con- 
fessed himself  to  be  that  exalted  personage  ;  and  never  were 
the  people  in  general  more  deeply  interested  in  his  coming, 
nor  more  earnestly  looking  for  him,  than  in  the  age  of  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ.  They  valued  liberty  more  than  life  ;  and 
it  is  plain  from  Josephus,  as  well  as  from  the  New  Testament, 
that  they  had  no  hope  of  deliverance  from  the  tyranny  of 
foreigners,  except  in  the  speedy  fulfilment  of  the  promise  re- 
specting the  son  and  heir  of  David. 

As  for  the  chief  men  among  the  Jews,  we  have  ample  ev- 
idence that  the  study  of  the  Scriptures  was  the  business  of 
their  life.  To  know  them  was  one  of  the  chief  and  ultimate 
objects  of  the  whole  of  their  education.  The  Old  Testament 
was  the  principal  book  in  all  their  schools  ;  and  a  complete 
knowledge  of  it  was  the  hicrhest  boast  of  their  most  learned 
men  ;  the  muhitude,  being  deemed  ignorant  of  it,  were,  on 
that  very  account,  despised.  Hence,  the  common  maxim  of 
the  Pharisees  u^as,  that  '•  the  people  w^ho  know  not  the  law 
are  cursed."  Nor  did  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees  boast  of  learn- 
ing of  which  they  were  destitute.  They  entertained  the 
highest  hopes  of  worldly  power,  honour,  wealth,  and  pleas- 
ure in  the  kingdom  of  Messiah  ;  and,  by  consequence,  care- 
fully investigated  all  things  recorded  concerning  him  by  M.> 
ses  and  the  prophets.  The  minuteness  of  their  knowledge 
of  him  is  strongly  inlicated  by  their  ready  reply  to  the  in- 


#^ 


1 


m- 


RISE   OF   THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE.  37 

quiry  of  Herod  respecting-  the  place  where  he  was  born  : 
"  and  they  said  unto  him,  in  Bethlehem  of  Judea ;  for  thus  it 
is  written  by  the  prophet,  and  thou  Bethlehem,  in  the  land  of 
Juda,  art  not  the  least  among  the  princes  of  Juda  ;  for  out  of 
thee  shall  come  a  Governor  that  shall  rule  my  people  Israel." 
Matt.  ii.  5,  6. 

Few  people  surpassed  the  Jews  in  personal  appearance  or 
in  intellectual  capacity.  Their  mental  powers  were  much 
less  perverted,  and  their  lives  less  debased  by  superstition  than 
any  other  nation,  especially  in  the  age  of  our  Lord  and  his 
apostles.  Their  religion,  and  the  original  constitution  of  their 
nation,  certainly  prevented  them  from  pursuing  with  ardour 
the  philosophy  and  sciences  of  Greece  and  Rome.  Tliese 
objects  were,  however,  known  and  valued  by  a  few  of  the 
Jews,  especially  by  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees,  and  those  who 
either  adhered  to  the  family  of  Herod  or  the  Romans.  Be- 
sides, not  a  few  Romans,  enlightened  in  all  the  knowledge 
and  literature  of  Greece,  either  sojourned  or  resided  in  Judea, 
during  our  LorcTs  ministry-  It  is  therefore  incontrovertible, 
that  neither  he  nor  any  one  could  have  attempted  to  carry  on 
a  scheme  of  deception  in  Judea,  without  being  quickly  detected 
and  exposed  to  punishment,  shame,  and  contempt,  seeing  he 
was  surrounded  by  many,  mature  in  intellect,  eminent  for 
worldly  wisdom,  and  mental  acquirements,  and  the  first  in 
the  world  for  knowledge  of  Moses  and  the  prophets. 

Nor  was  he  possessed  of  any  means  to  allay  suspicion,  re- 
press inquiry,  or  procure  able  assistants  to  impose  on  the  com- 
munity ;  he  presented  nothing  most  desirable  and  sought  by 
those  most  renowned  for  talent,  piety,  or  patriotism.     He  be- 
longed to  the  class  who  were  accounted  by  those  acknowl- 
edged the  proper  judges,  ignorant  of  the  law,  and  cursed.  He 
belonged  indeed  to  the  basest  of  this  class,  for  he  had  resided, 
all  his  days,  in  Nazareth,  whose  inhabitants  were  the  most 
depraved  and  degraded  of  all  the  Galileans  ;  and  these  were 
the  most  polluted  of  the  whole  race  of  the  Jews.     Though 
he  therefore  spoke  as  never  man  spoke,  and  discovered  him- 
self inexpressibly  superior  in   Divine   knowledge,   dignity, 
gravity,  authority,  and  persuasive  powers  to  all  the  legitimate 
teachers  of  his  nation,  yet  the  influential  class  regarded  his 
instructions  unworthy  of  attention,  because  he  had  not  been 
educated  in  the  national  schools,  nor  had  any  connexion  with 
persons  of  public  reputation.     The  meanness  of  his  birth, 
and  his  usual  manner  of  life,  they  considered  sufficient  to 
justify  them  in  neglecting  his  ministry.     His  talents  and  at- 

VOL.    III.  4 


# 


38  RISE   OP   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

tainments  perplexed  them,  provoked  their  envy  and  hatred, 
and  awakened  distressing  fear  and  apprehensions.  But  the 
queries,  "  Whence  hath  this  man  this  wisdom  ?  Is  not  this 
the  carpenter's  son,  and  his  mother  Mary  ?"  calmed  their 
spirits,  flattered  their  pride,  and  confirmed  them  in  their  pur- 
pose to  give  him  no  countenance  as  a  public  instructor  of  the 
people. 

Indeed,  they  could  have  no  sympathy  with  his  instructions, 
for  they  were  wholly  opposed  to  him  on  the  most  important 
subjects  of  religion  and  morals.  For  example,  they  had  scarce- 
ly more  just  or  honourable  views  of  the  True  God,  than 
those  entertained  by  idolaters.  The  latter  imagined  that  their 
God  was  the  protector  of  their  friends,  and  the  destroyer  of 
their  enemies ;  and  the  former  believed  that  their  race  were 
alone  the  objects  of  the  special  care  of  the  supreme  God,  and 
that  he  purposed  to  exalt  them  to  the  sovereignty  of  every 
other  race  of  Adam.  How  opposed  to  this  low  and  repelling 
idea  of  the  One  God  is  the  revelation  of  his  nature  and  doings, 
by  the  Lord  Jesus.  To  impress  all  minds  with  a  just  convic- 
tion of  the  impartiality  and  universal  benevolence  of  the  Di- 
vine government,  he  appeals  to  the  constant  operations  of  na- 
ture to  promote  the  happiness  of  mankind  ;  "  Your  Father 
in  heaveri,  maketh  the  sun  to  rise  on  the  evil  and  the  good, 
and  sendeth  rain  on  the  j^st  and  unjust."  The  Jews  persua- 
ded themselves  that  the  Saviour  promised  to  their  fathers  was 
to  come  to  save  them  and  reduce  all  nations  under  them. 
Jesus  declared  that  this  Saviour  was  sent  for  the  salvation  of 
all  men,  without  respect  of  persons ;  "  God  so  loved  the  world, 
that  he  gave  his  only  begotten  Son,  that  whosoever  believeth 
in  him  should  not  perish  but  have  everlasting  life.  For  God 
sent  not  his  Son  into  the  world  to  condemn  the  world ;  but 
that  the  world  through  him  might  be  saved." — John  iii.  16, 17. 

The  Jews  entertained  views  of  the  character  of  acceptable 
worshippers  of  God  completely  different  from  those  given  by 
the  Lord  Jesus.  They  conceived  that  God  was  pleased  with 
all  who  observed  the  signs  of  homage  which  his  law  pre- 
scribed, even  while  they  violated  the  most  interesting  of  his 
laws.  Though  they  were  destitute  of  love  to  him,  and  of 
compassion  for  man,  yet  they  presumed  that  he  approved  of 
them,  because  they  were  zealous  observers  of  the  rites  of  sac- 
rifice and  cleansing.  Fasting,  long  prayers,  and  gifts  to  the 
temple,  in  their  opinion,  conciliated  the  Divine  favour,  and 
procured  them  liberty  to  employ  all  their  efforts  to  obtain 
wealth,  power,  honour,  and  pleasure.     Jesus  declared  that 


#^-  ^:.=r— .;^.^  .      .         .-^ 


RISE   OF   THE    FIFTH    EMPIRE.  39 

such  a  conduct  was  abomination  in  the  sight  of  God ;  that  all 
worship  was  hateful  and  vain,  which  was  offered  liim  with- 
out supreme  reverence  for  his  majesty  and  authority,  and  su- 
preme love  of  his  holiness  and  laws  ;  and  that  the  true  wor- 
shippers were  those  only  who  worshipped  him  in  spirit  and 
in  truth. 

Thus  he  accused  the  Jews,  especially  their  most  renowned 
teachers,  of  entire  ignorance  of  the  True  God,  and  pro- 
nounced their  religion  utterly  worthless  in  his  eyes.  That 
they  were  therefore  neither  disposed  to  examine  candidly  his 
claims,  nor  to  place  themselves  under  his  direction  as  the 
heavenly  Teacher,  can  surprise  no  one.  Accustomed  to  re- 
gard themselves  as  the  only  enlightened  teachers  of  true  re- 
ligion, and  to  look  on  the  wisest  of  all  other  nations  as  vain 
pretenders  to  wisdom,  how  indignant  must  they  have  felt 
when  pronounced  blind  leaders  of  the  blind,  the  enemies  of 
God,  and  the  destroyers  of  the  souls  of  mankind. 

The  predominant  spirit  and  general  conduct  of  Jesus  had 
no  more  charms  for  the  Jewish  teachers  and  their  disciples 
than  his  public  instructions.  Profound  humility  before  God, 
disinterested  love  for  his  institutions,  and  increasing  fidefity 
in  his  service  for  the  good  of  all  classes  of  the  people,  were 
conspicuous  features  in  the  character  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth; 
and  these  strongly  condemifed  the  pride,  haughtiness,  ambi- 
tion, selfishness,  and  indifference  for  the  best  interests  of  the 
community ;  which  obviously  characterised  the  most  popular 
and  influential  rulers  and  teachers  in  Judea.  They  lived 
and  laboured  to  support  pretensions  to  piety  and  righteousness, 
which  were  alien  from  their  nature,  and  desires,  and  secret 
deeds,  as  light  is  from  darkness.  In  Jesus  was  no  trace  of 
guile  or  hypocrisy.  Not  a  vestige  of  artificial  sacred ness  was 
visible  in  his  countenance,  dress,  gait,  or  language.  He  had 
not  one  face,  garb,  or  manner  for  the  family  circle  and  ano- 
ther for  the  public  assemblies.  Deep  and  solemn  thought 
produced  permanent  gravity;  arduous  enterprise,  earnestness 
of  address  and  activity  of  movements;  and  internal  perfect 
peace  was  indicated  by  habitual  cheerfulness  and  courtesy. 
Far  was  from  him  the  grimace,  the  broad  phylactery,  the 
slow  and  pompous  pace,  or  the  solemn  prayer  in  the  public 
places,  by  which  the  Pharisee  sought  to  excite  the  wonder, 
and  respect,  and  admiration  of  the  unreflecting,  the  devout, 
or  the  superstitious.  He  did  not  even  put  on  the  rough  garb 
of  the  prophet,  nor  withdraw  from  the  society  of  those  ac- 
counted impure  and  profane.     He  was  the  man  of  the  people, 


%-. 


^ 


f 


L 


Jo  RISE   OF   THE    FIFTH    EMFIUE. 

the  friend  of  publicans  and  sinners  ;  he  was  the  faithful  coun- 
sellor, the  generous  friend,  and  benevolent  companion  of  all 
who  discovered  wisdom  to  forsake  the  foolish  and  live,  and 
to  go  in  the  way  of  understanding.  "  The  Son  of  man  came 
eating  and  drinking"  like  one  of  the  common  people ;  and 
only  excelled  them  in  "  going  about  doing  good."  Thus  Jesus, 
by  doctrine  and  example,  detected  and  exposed  the  ignorance, 
dissimulation,  ungodliness,  and  wickedness  of  the  Jewish 
teachers  and  rulers.  They  felt  condemned  ;  but  their  sense  of 
shame  was  much  less  than  their  anger  and  revenge.  And 
hence,  instead  of  repentance,  confession  of  sins,  and  reforma- 
tion, they  hated  their  faithful  monitor,  and  resolved  to  destroy 
him.  This  state  of  mind  urged  them  on  to  investigate  the 
validity  of  his  claims ;  they  sedulously  watched  his  words  and 
movements,  in  private  and  public,  employed  spies  to  observe 
and  report  whatever  he  said  or  did,  and  denounced  disgrace 
and  vengeance  on  all  who  couritenanced  his  ministry,  or  dis- 
covered regard  for  his  person,  respect  for  his  authority,  or 
confidence  in  his  instructions.  He  was  not  moved  from  his 
path,  nor  turned  from  his  course,  from  dread  of  their  power 
or  wrath,  or  from  apprehension  of  their  snares.  He  knew 
their  secret  thoughts,  their  plans,  subtle  devices,  and  diaboli- 
cal arts  ;  and  he  boldly  revealed  them  to  the  people,  and  an- 
nounced openly  the  certain  just  and  fearful  punishment  which 
would  speedily  fall  on  his  enemies.  That  they  might  be  fully 
warned,  so  that  their  impenitence  might  be  inexcusable,  he 
announced  their  doom  sometimes  in  plain  language,  but  more 
frequently  in  parables,  by  which  he  more  effectually  procured 
their  attention.  They  boasted  in  the  privilege  and  honour 
of  being  God's  peculiar  people,  intrusted  with  the  keeping  of 
the  law  and  the  promises,  and  the  ordained  instructors  of 
mankind.  He  declared  that  they  would  be  cast  out  of  the 
kingdom  of  God ;  that  their  religious  distinctions  would  be 
transferred  to  other  races,  who  would  more  faithfully  execute 
the  trust  committed  to  them ;  and  that  God  would  expel  them 
from  his  land,  and  scatter  them  over  the  whole  world,  monu- 
ments of  his  justice  and  power.  This  compassionate  warn- 
ing they  contemned,  and  zealously  counselled,  and  more  uni- 
tedly determined,  to  cut  him  off  from  the  land  of  the  living. 
How  intensely  they  sought  accusations  against  him,  and  how 
perseveringly  they  prosecuted  them,  no  one  requires  to  be  in- 
formed who  reads  the  simple,  unadorned,  and  truth-bearing 
narrative  of  his  life  by  the  Evangelists. 

Nothing  exasperated  the  rulers  and  priests  more  than  tha 


RISE   OF    THE    FIFTH   EMPIRE.  41 

universal  benevolence,  simplicity,  and  integrity  of  the  con- 
duct of  our  Lord.  He  showed  becoming  deference  for  the 
useful  institutions  of  society,  as  well  as  reverence  for  the 
sacred  laws  of  his  country.  He  everywhere  taught  his  dis- 
ciples and  the  multitude  to  "  render  unto  Cesar  the  things 
that  are  Cesar's,  and  unto  God  the  things  that  are  God's ;" 
but  he  uniformly  spoke  of  all  men,  in  their  relation  to  God, 
as  occupying  a  common  place.  He  declared  that  all  were 
sinners,  justly  exposed  to  the  Divine  displeasure,  and  equally 
requiring  Divine  mercy.  This  sentiment  was  most  accepta- 
ble to  every  one  who  felt  himself  sinful  and  under  the  con- 
demnation of  the  law ;  but  it  was  most  offensive  to  the  nu- 
merous class  who  conceived  that  the  qualities  which  they 
valued,  and  which  were  generally  admired  and  praised  by 
men,  were  not  less  esteemed  by  God.  Thus,  honourable 
birth,  sacred  or  high  offices,  great  talents,  superior  education, 
reUgious  knowledge,  devotion,  and  zeal,  considerable  wealth, 
power,  and  influence,  were  believed  to  recommend  those  who 
possessed,  or  pretended  to  possess  them,  not  less  to  the  favour 
of  God  than  to  the  respect  of  man.  In  opposition  to  this, 
Jesus  proclaimed  that  these  superficial  excellences  were  of 
no  account  before  God,  who  looketh  not  merely  on  the  out- 
ward appearance  but  also  on  the  heart ;  and  that  those  who 
gloried  in  them  were  as  vile  in  his  sight  as  the  most  immoral 
and  degraded  of  the  race  of  men.  Few  principles  did  Jesus 
more  strongly  and  frequently  enforce  them  that  "  That  which 
is  most  highly  esteemed  among  men  is  an  abomination  in  the 
sight  of  God,"  and,  that  "  He  who  exalteth  himself  shall  be 
a^sed,  and  he  who  humbleth  himself  shall  be  exalted."  In 
accordance  with  these  unworldly  principles,  he  announced 
that  publicans  and  sinners  enter  the  kingdom,  and  all  who 
trusted  that  they  were  righteous,  and  despised  others,  were 
excluded.  It  was  the  common  practice  of  the  public  teachers 
and  rulers  to  despise,  and  neglect,  and  oppress  the  lower 
classes  of  the  people,  while  the  ministry  of  Jesus  accom: 
plished  the  prediction  concerning  him,  that  "  to  the  poor  the 
gospel  is  preached."  He,  however,  employed  no  artifice  to 
win  followers  among  any  class ;  he  sought  not  the  honour 
that  cometh  from  man.  He  threw  no  disguise  over  his  con- 
duct ;  in  his  public  ministry  all  was  hght  as  day.  The  high- 
priest,  seated  as  judge,  betrayed  great  presumption,  as  well 
as  an  earnest  wish  to  ensnare  and  destroy  him,  when  he 
asked  Jesus,  who  had  been  dragged  before  his  tribunal,  to 
give  account  of  himself  and  his  doctrine.     But  his  conduct 


• 


42  RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

gave  occasion  to  the  most  noble  and  triumphant  appeal  of 
our  Lord  to  the  unquestionable  simplicity  and  integrity  of  his 
life :  "  Jesus  answered  him,  I  spake  openly  to  the  world  ;  I 
ever  taught  in  the  synagogue,  and  in  the  temple,  whither  the 
Jews  also  resort;  and  in  secret  have  I  said  nothing.  Why 
askest  thou  me  ?  ask  them  which  heard  me  what  I  have  said 
unto  them :  behold  they  know  what  I  have  said."  His  mira- 
cles were  performed  in  the  light  of  day,  and  were  a  direct 
appeal  to  the  common  sense  and  understanding  of  all  ages 
and  ranks,  in  confirmation  of  his  high  claims.  He  employed 
no  arts  or  devices  of  human  wisdom  or  deception  to  impose 
on  the  credulous ;  nor  were  his  doings  enshrouded  by  any 
veil  of  mystery  or  secrecy  to  conceal  them  from  the  closest 
inspection  of  the  intelligent  or  prejudiced. 

He  manifested  his  supernatural  wisdom,  benevolence,  and 
mercy  when,  and  how,  and  to  whom  it  seemed  good  in  his 
own  sight.  He  had  no  counsellor ;  the  wishes,  hopes,  fears, 
or  devices  of  friends  or  enemies  influenced  none  of  his  move- 
ments. He  spake,  and  it  was  done ;  he  commanded,  and  it 
stood  fast.  He  admitted  no  concert  or  consultation  to  raise 
high  expectations  respecting  him.  Nothing  moved  him  in 
his  heavenly  course,  except  the  wants,  the  sorrows,  and  pray- 
ers of  the  miserable ;  resolute  unbelief  and  scornful  con- 
tempt alone  temporarily  shut  up  the  inexhaustible  fountain  of 
his  compassionate  power.  We  observe  no  preliminary  pre- 
parations connected  with  his  miracles,  at  least  none  having 
any  tendency  to  effect  them.  He  made  clay  and  anointed 
the  eyes  of  the  blind,  and  their  vision  was  restored  ;  he  told 
the  paralytic  to  stretch  forth  his  hand,  and  its  energy  was  re- 
covered ;  he  breathed  on  his  disciples,  and  they  received  the 
Holy  Spirit,  by  whom  they  were  endowed  with  supernatural 
knowledge,  wisdom,  and  power. 

He  had  received  no  education  fitting  him  for  the  perform- 
ance of  any  thing  which  had  any  real  semblance  or  approxi- 
mation to  the  miracles  which  distinguished  him.  His  life 
was  passed  in  poverty  and  labour  among  the  lowest  class  of 
the  people.  The  fact  that  he  belonged  to  the  illiterate  class 
increased  the  astonishment  of  the  learned,  when  he  discover- 
ed to  them,  in  his  twelfth  year,  more  religious  knowledge 
than  them  all.  But  it  does  not  appear  that  he  ever  sought  or 
pretended  to  possess  pagan,  or  mere  human  learning ;  he 
was  neither  a  literary  instructor,  politician,  lawyer,  nor  phy- 
sician. Nevertheless',  "he  healed  all  manner  of  diseases" 
and  corporal  defects  of  the  people,  and  demonstrated  com. 


#  ^- # 


RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE.  43 

plcte  power  over  the  elements  of  nature,  invisible  beings, 
and  even  human  life.  Many  diseases,  acknowledged  in 
every  age  and  country  incurable  by  human  art,  were  per- 
fectly cured  at  his  word  ;  and  this  he  did,  in  general,  in 
circumstances  which  compelled  all  to  confess  the  reality  and 
completeness  of  the  miracle.  What  additional  incident  could 
be  imagined  necessary  or  possible  to  show  his  glorious  power 
by  miracle  more  clearly  or  incontrovertibly  than  the  accom- 
paniments of  many  of  his  miracles?  for  example,  the  feeding 
of  the  thousands  by  a  few  loaves  and  fishes  ;  the  restoration 
of  him  who  had  been  born  blind ;  and  the  restoring  to  liie 
the  son  of  the  widow  of  Nain,  and  Lazarus  of  Bethany. 

All  men  had  ample  opportunity  to  ascertain-  the  reality  of 
the  supernatural  power  which  he  conferred  on  his  chosen 
disciples,  and  which  confessedly  was  one  of  his  greatest  mira- 
cles. He  appointed  them  to  travel  through  all  the  cities  and 
villages  of  Judea  to  heal  the  sick  and  cast  out  demons.  But 
it  does  not  appear  that  they  wrought  any  miracles  under  his 
personal  direction.  Thus  they  were  exposed  to  the  scrutin- 
izing eyes  of  the  whole  community.  That  they  succeeded 
in  all  cases  brought  before  them,  except  one,  the  Evangelists 
inform  us  ;  and  the  same  authority  assures  us  that  they  per- 
formed all  in  the  name  or  by  tne  authority  and  invisible  power, 
of  their  great  Teacher,  in  order  to  persuade  every  man  to  re- 
ceive him  as  their  Saviour  and  King.  That  they  had  neither 
ability  nor  inclination  to  deceive,  their  acquirements  and 
general  conduct  fully  show.  They  were  illiterate,  simple,  and 
upright  men  ;  and  the  single  individual  among  them  destitute 
of  moral  integrity  is  one  of  the  most  remarkable  witnesses 
of  the  uprightness  of  his  associates,  and  of  the  perfect  excel- 
lence of  their  Lord,  for,  afte*r  he  had  betrayed  him,  he  pub- 
licly, and  in  the  most  awfully  solemn  circumstances,  declared 
that  he  was  an  innocent  man. 

That  the  most  eminent  in  Judea  for  talent,  learning,  power, 
and  wealth,  most  diligently  improved  the  opportunity  afforded 
them  to  test  the  claim  of  the  Lord  Jesus  is  unquestionable. 
Either  in  person  or  by  able  emissaries  they  watched  all  his 
movements,  and  had  recourse  to  every  plan  to  discover  a  fault 
or  defect  in  him.  They  had  many  private  interviews  with 
him,  under  the  guise  of  friends  or  religious  inquirers,  and 
seemed  to  have  joined  his  social  meetings,  and  to  have  attended 
his  public  ministrations,  in  the  cities,  the  villages,  fields,  and 
on  the  shores  of  the  lake  of  Galilee.  They  neglected  no 
means  to  procure  cause,  or  something  like  cause,  of  accusa- 


%—  ,  -^fb 


# 


14  RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH    EMPIRE. 

tion  against  him,  which  the  wisdom  of  their  united  counsels 
and  deliberations  could  suggest,  or  which  their  power,  wealth, 
or  influence  could  supply.  They  received  and  propagated 
every  calumny  fitted  to  dishonour  him,  and  accused  him  of 
every  motive  which  they  supposed  could  possibly  actuate  him. 
And  when  they  found  him  without  blame,  they  clandestinely 
forced  him  to  appear  in  the  courts  of  law  to  be  judged  of 
crimes  which  he  knew  not,  and  of  which  they  were  assuredly 
convinced  that  he  was  wholly  innocent.  On  the  testimony 
of  those  whom  no  one  believed,  the  Jewish  leaders  con- 
demned him  ;  and,  after  publicly  proclaiming  him  innocent, 
and  worthy  of  life,  Pilate,  the  Roman  magistrate,  handed  him 
over  to  be  crucified,  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  encountering  a 
tumult  of  the  multitude,  whose  fury  had  been  kindled  by 
the  fiery  wrath  of  their  unjust,  ambitious,  and  blood-thirsty 
rulers. 

While  Jesus  urgently  and  often  declared  that  all  his  works 

{)roved  that  he  was  the  Messiah,  he  especially  referred  to  his 
ast  great  work  of  rising  from  the  dead.  This  he  announced 
to  be  his  own  act,  and  no  one  will  imagine  for  a  moment  that 
God  would  have  ever  given  him  authority  or  power  to  ac- 
complish his  prediction  had  he  been  an  impostor.  This  was 
evident  to  his  murderers ;  and  as  they  all  knew  this  prophecy, 
they  most  zealously  exerted  themselves  to  secure  his  body  in 
the  tomb,  for  they  distinctly  perceived  that  its  fulfilment  would 
place  their  authority,  interest,  and  honour,  in  greater  hazard 
than  ever.  Every  facility  was  given  them  by  Pilate  to  avert 
the  dreaded  event ;  and  they  sealed  the  stone,  and  set  a  watch, 
"  lest,"  said  they,  "  his  disciples  come  and  steal  his  body,  and 
the  last  error  be  worse  than  the  first."  The  Jewish  rulers 
were,  or  pretended  to  be,  as  ignofant  of  the  real  character  of 
his  disciples  as  they  were  of  his  own  ;  for,  instead  of  any 
attempt  to  retrieve  his  honour,  fearful  apprehension^  of  per- 
sonal danger  had  seized  the  minds  of  every  one  of  his  fol- 
lowers. With  the  exception  of  a  few  females,  all  had  sought 
safety  in  concealment ;  and  the  women  were  wholly  engaged 
in  eflTorts  to  honour  him  in  death,  without  any  idea  of  his 
rising  from  the  dead  ;  sorrow  filled  their  hearts,  and  left  no 
room  for  his  former  instructions  ;  they  had  forgot  his  predic- 
tions; and  his  resurrection  came  on  them  probably  with  more 
surprise  than  it  did  on  his  most  virulent  foes.  The  evidences 
of  this  great  event  are  numerous  and  irrefragable,  as  has  been 
shown  by  many  Christian  authors  ;  but  it  is  scarcely  neces- 
sary to  refer  to  any  other  than  "  West  on  the  Resurrection  " 


#= 


RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE.  4v 

for  this  able  work  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  any  candid  person 
who  feels  the  least  doubt  on  the  subject. 

It  is  not  possible  to  imagine  any  thing  that  could,  equal  to 
this  event,  demonstrate  that  Jesus  Christ  was  the  most  beloved 
of  God,  and  that  all  he  had  done  was  approved  by  him.  It 
is  therefore  manifest  that  this  is  the  perfect  and  immoveable 
basis  of  Christianity.  One  of  the  most  important  and  most 
just  inferences  from  it  is,  that  Jesus  must  have  suffered  death, 
as  he  uniformly  taught,  for  the  sins  of  the  world ;  and  in  him 
was,  by  consequence,  accomplished  the  many  predictions,  that 
Messiah  was,  by  his  personal  sufferings,  to  procure  the  re- 
demption of  all  who  should  believe  in  him,  or  become  his 
upright  and  willing  followers.  The  very  time  of  his  death 
precisely  corresponded  to  that,  perhaps  the  most  remarkable 
prediction  concerning  it,  by  Daniel,  whom  the  angel  in  vision 
thus  instructed  :  "  Seventy  weeks  are  determined  upon  thy 
people,  and  upon  thy  holy  city,  to  finish  the  transgression, 
and  to  make  an  end  of  sins,  and  to  make  reconciliation  for 
iniquity,  and  to  bring  in  everlasting  righteousness,  and  to  seal 
up  the  vision  and  prophecy,  and  to  anoint  the  most  holy. 
Know,  therefore,  and  understand,  that  from  the  going  forth  of 
the  commandment  to  restore  and  to  build  Jerusalem,  unto  the 
Messiah  the  Prince,,  shall  be  seven  weeks,  and  threescore  and 
two  weeks ;  the  street  shall  be  bulk  again,  and  the  wall,  even 
in  troublous  times.  And  after  threescore  and  two  weeks  shall 
Messiah  be  cut  off,  but  not  for  himself :  and  the  people  of  the 
prince  that  shall  come  shall  destroy  the  city,  and  the  sanctu- 
ary ;  and  the  end  thereof  shall  be  with  a  flood,  and  unto  the 
end  of  the  war  desolations  are  determined.  And  he  shall 
conform  the  covenant  with  many  for  one  week  :  and  in  the 
midst  of  the  week  he  shall  cause  the  sacrifice  and  the  obla- 
tion to  cease,  and  for  the  overspreading  of  abominations  he 
shall  make  it  desolate,  even  until  the  consummation,  and  that 
determined,  shall  be  poured  upon  the  desolate."  A  brief  ex- 
position of  the  various  sentences  of  this  interesting  passage  is 
given  in  the  note  on  it  in  the  Pocket  Commentary.  We 
deem  it,  however,  expedient  here  to  remark  that,  dating  the 
commencement  of  the  period  predicted  from  the  decree  by 
Cyrus  to  build  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  termination 
at  the  utter  desolation  of  the  holy  city  and  land  by  the  Ro- 
mans, it  is  incontrovertible  that  Messiah  was  to  be  cut  off 
sometime  before  the  latter  great  event  ;  that  he  truly  was  put 
to  death  in  the  person  of  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  for  the  sins  of 
the  people,  and  brought  in  an  everlasting  righteousness  and 


•«= 


r 


^ 


45  RISE  OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

reconciliation,  by  which  the  most  unrighteous  may  draw  near 
to  God  and  obtain  justification  from  all  their  iniquity,  are  the 
subjects  reported  to  us  by  all  the  holy  apostles  and  prophets. 

It  is  plain  from  Daniel,  that  soon  after  the  death  of  Messiah, 
sacrifices  were  to  cease  to  be  offered  in  Jerusalem,  and  that 
the  city  should  be  desolated.  These  events  unquestionably 
transpired,  and  he  must  therefore  be  come,  if  the  prophet 
spoke  by  inspiration.  The  chosen  witnesses  of  the  resurrec- 
tion of  Christ  were  exclusively  his  faithful  disciples.  This 
was  divinely  proper,  for  how  could  he  have  appeared  to  oth- 
ers without  being  exposed  to  renewed  sufferings  and  dishon- 
our ?  The  rulers  of  the  Jews  exalted  over  his  fall,  and  the 
multitude  were  animated  by  the  same  spirit.  No  favourable 
change  passed  on  the  nation  before  the  day  of  Pentecost. 
"  They  had  not  repented  of  the  murder  of  the  righteous  One, 
that  they  might  believe."  His  appearance  among  them  could 
have  had  no  salutary  effect.  They  had  seen  Lazarus  rise 
from  the  dead;  and  the  only  effect  was  increased  enmity 
against  the  Author  of  the  miracle.  And,  doubtless,  consider- 
ing the  state  of  their  minds,  had  Jesus,  after  his  resurrection 
deigned  to  mix  in  their  society,  they  would  have  risen  like 
beasts  of  prey,  and  rushed  on  to  devour  him.  His  power 
might  have  crushed  all  opposers ;  but  the  time  for  thus  exer- 
cising it  was  not  come :  for  he  was  not  yet  exalted  to  judge 
and  punish.  Nor  had  the  period  of  long-suffering  and  mercy 
towards  the  infiidel  Jews  terminated.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
day  of  his  humiliation  was  ended.  He  had  done  all  the  will 
of  his  Father,  which  was  necessary  to  expiate  sin,  and  buy 
up  his  people  from  under  the  curse.  Hence  it  was  not  com- 
patible with  his  relation  to  heaven,  that  he  should  endure  any 
longer  the  contradiction  of  sinners  against  himself  He  was 
justified  from  all  the  charges  laid  against  him :  and  he  had 
magnified  the  law,  and  made  it  appear  holy,  just,  and  good. 
The  period  of  his  triumph  was  arrived,  and  he  was  about  to 
enter  into  his  glory.  His  disciples,  especially  those  of  them 
who  had  attended  him,  and  seen  him  in  all  places  and  circum- 
stances, were  alone  best  qualified  to  identify  his  person. 
And  as  none  could  more  certainly  ascertain  that  he  was  in- 
deed risen,  so  none  possessed,  to  a  higher  degree,  the  integrity 
and  love  of  truth  requisite  to  the  delivering  a  plain  and  true 
testimony.  Though  properly  no  more  a  man  of  this  world, 
yet  he  condescended,  during  six  weeks,  to  associate  occasion- 
ally with  his  disciples,  not  indeed  as  the  humble  sufferer,  but 
as  the  supreme  Lord  and  Leader  of  his  followers.      He,  in- 


=^ 


EISE   OF   THE    FIFTH   EMPIItE.  47 

deed,  gave  them  ample  proof  that  he  was  the  same  being  who 
had  lived  the  man  of  sorrow.  But  his  whole  behaviour 
strongly  marked  the  complete  exemption  from  human  infirm- 
ities and  degradations.  He  no  longer  lived  or  lodged  with 
his  most  beloved  followers ;  he  seemed  no  longer  a  sojourner 
on  earth.  During  the  intervals  between  his  interviews  with 
his  beloved  disciples,  no  one  knew  where  he  was,  nor  whence 
he  came.  It  is  most  probable  that  he  passed  these  seasons  in 
the  society  of  angels,  whom  Heaven  appointed  to  wait  on  him. 
In  all  his  meetings  with  his  disciples,  he  appeared  in  all  the 
dignity  of  their  supreme  Teacher,  Saviour,  and  Lord,  "  speak 
ing  of  the  things  concerning  his  kingdom."  And  the  final 
meeting  closed  with  the  marvellous  revelation  of  his  glory, 
similar  in  kind  and  appearance  to  that  in  which  he  will  de- 
scend to  judge  the  world :  "  And,  while  they  looked  stedfaStly 
toward  heaven  as  he  went  up,  behold,  two  men  stood  by  them 
in  white  apparel ;  which  also  said.  Ye  men  of  Galilee,  why 
stand  ye  gazing  up  into  heaven?  This  same  Jesus,  which  is 
taken  up  from  you  into  heaven,  shall  so  come  in  like  manner 
as  ye  have  seen  him  go  into  heaven." — Acts.  i.  10,  11. 

The  administration  which  the  Lord  Jesus  appointed  for  hia 
kingdom  completely  vindicated  him  from  all  the  false  asper- 
sions which  had  been  cast  on  him.  He  recognised  none  as 
his  subjects,  nor  attached  value  to  the  services  of  any  one 
who  declined  to  renounce  himself,  take  up  his  cross  and  fol- 
low him.  Worldly  rank,  human  wisdom,  mere  confession  of 
belief  in  him,  or  the  most  scrupulous  external  conformity  to 
his  law,  were  accounted  by  him  as  nothing.  Those  selected 
to  represent  him  on  earth  as  his  chief  ministers,  had  appar- 
ently no  higher  reputation  in  society  than  that  conceded  to  the 
fishermen  of  Galilee,  and  publicans,  or  the  collectors  of  the 
taxes  imposed  on  the  nations  by  the  Romans.  And  these 
ministers  he  faithfully  warned,  not  to  assume  their  office  till 
he  endowed  them  from  heaven,  after  his  ascension  to  the  right 
hand  of  God,  nor  to  expect  success  in  their  labours,  except 
by  his  invisible  power  working  with  them.  What  could 
more  distinctly  and  decisively  indicate  that  his  "kingdom  was 
not  of  this  world  ?"  They  received  no  injunctions,  which 
could,  by  any  ingenuity,  be  interpreted  to  authorise  them  to 
form  a  community,  for  the  attainment  of  any  secular  object ; 
to  prepare  an  army  for  defensive  or  offensive  war  in  support, 
of  his  interest  or  honour ;  or  to  accumulate  a  revenue  for  the 
support  of  the  dignity,  and  honour,  and  ease,  of  his  faithful 
servants.     The  entire  object  of  the  administration  of  the  apo» 


16  RISE  OF   THE  FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

ties  was  manifestly  to  originate  and  establish  a  spiritual,  moral, 
and  holy  dominion  over  the  hearts  and  lives  of  as  many  as 
chose  to  become  followers  of  their  Saviour,  and  Sovereign, 
and  Judge. 

To  accomplish  this  divine  and  heavenly  object,  the  com- 
mission which  he  gave  his  ministers  proposed  no  other  means 
than  the  proclamation  of  the  gospel,  which  secured  all  spirit- 
ual blessings  to  every  one  who  received  it  in  love :  and  a 
course  of  religious  instruction,  embracing  all  the  principles 
and  laws,  which  he  would  reveal  by  the  Holy  Spirit,  for  the 
regulation  of  all  his  avowed  subjects.  Thus  his  last  words 
to  his  ministers  were,  "  All  power  is  given  unto  me  in  heaven 
and  in  earth.  Go  ye,  therefore,  and  teach  all  nations,  bapti- 
zing them  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and  of 
the  Holy  Ghost ;  teaching  them  to  observe  all  things  whatso- 
ever I  have  commanded  you :  and  lo,  I  am  with  you  alvvay, 
even  unto  the  end  of  the  world.  Amen."  Matt,  xxviii. 
18—20. 

The  most  satisfactory  evidence  was  given  all  men  that  the 
apostles  were  perfectly  qualified  for  the  office  of  chief  minis- 
ters in  the  kingdom  of  God,  the  Fifth  great  Empire  of 
Prophecy.  They  maintained  their  fidelity  to  their  heavenly 
Lord  ;  and  he  faithfully  fulfilled  his  promises  to  them.  From 
the  hour  that  the  Holy  Spirit  descended  on  them,  on  the  day 
of  Pentecost,  we  have  ample  and  conclusive  proof,  that  they 
sacrificed  every  earthly  consideration,  and  were  daily  pre- 
pared to  present  their  lives  as  a  thank-offering,  to  advance  the 
dignity  and  honour  of  his  name,  and  the  glory  of  his  king- 
dom. From  this  honourable  position,  no  power  in  earth  or 
hell  could  move  them.  Nor  did  they  take  up  this  position  in 
ignorance  of  the  consequences,  for  of  these  their  Lord  had 
fully  warned  them ;  and  all  their  circumstances  clearly  ad- 
monished them.  Had  any  secular  motives  lurked  in  their 
heart,  they  certainly  pursued  the  only  course  which  visibly 
and  inevitably  led  to  disappointment  and  misery.  They  had 
no  reason  to  expect  ease,  abundance,  wealth,  honour,  or  plea- 
sure, in  announcing  that  He  who  was  crucified  as  a  reviler 
of  God,  and  a  pretender  to  the  roval  power  of  Cesar,  was 
the  only  Saviour,  Sovereign,  and  Judge  of  mankind.  Indeed, 
they  knew  well  that,  in  obeying  him,  nothing  awaited  them 
but  shame,  poverty,  stripes,  chains,  imprisonment,  and  death. 
Ail  this  they  were  reconciled  joyfully  to  endure,  while  they 
were  enabled  to  testify  the  truth  concerning  their  Lord,  and 
to  persuade  men  to  believe  their  testimony,  and  share  with 


4 


=# 


RISE    OF    THE   FIFTH    EUTPIRE. 


49 


them  in  the  ob*»<iienre,  sufferings,  and  blessings  of  his  heav- 
enly kingdom.  And  when  all  their  apprehensions  of  danger 
were  realized,  and  they  were  called  to  suffer  death  on  ac- 
count of  their  testimony,  they  held  fast  their  integrity,  and 
rejoiced  to  suffer  and  die  in  the  discharge  of  their  embassy. 
How  richly  they  were  fitted  for  their  high  office,  and  how 
abundantly  the  Lord  gave  testimony  to  them  in  the  perform- 
ance of  its  onerous  and  unparalleled  duties,  all  perceive, 
who  carefully  peruse  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  and  the  sa- 
cred Epistles. 

Paul  was  the  only  one  of  the  chief  ministers  of  Christ 
who  appears  to  have  been  distinguished  by  splendid  natural 
talents  and  literary  acquirements.  He  resolutely  avoided  the 
use  of  every  thing  suggested  or  supplied  by  human  wis- 
dom, which  had  a  tendency  either  to  obscure  the  gospel  or 
conceal  its  power  to  save  men.  Nevertheless,  the  twelve 
apostles  not  only  wrought  miracles  greater  in  number,  and 
perhaps  in  many  cases  more  striking,  than  those  performed 
by  Christ,  but  also  were  called  to  confer  miraculous  powers 
on  many,  by  the  laying  on  of  their-  hands.  But  these  pow- 
ers they  were  careful  to  ascribe  wholly  to  the  presence  of 
Christ ;  they  did  nothing  in  their  own  name,  for  they  con- 
fessed that  without  him  they  could  do  nothing:  and,  like  him, 
all  their  works  were  open  to  the  inspection  and  investigation 
of  all  men.  Nor  did  they  desire  secresy  ;  on  the  contrary, 
they  selected  the  most  public  places,  and  the  most  enlightened 
communities,  for  *hr\r  principal  spheres  of  service ;  and 
urged  on  all  to  examine  their  testimony,  their  conduct  and 
doings.  To  their  ministrations  may  truly  be  applied  the  lan- 
guage of  Paul,  in  relation  to  the  events  in  his  Lord's  life, 
"  these  things  were  not  done  in  a  corner."  In  every  place 
visited  by  the  apostles,  God  recommended  them,  as  his  in- 
spired servants,  to  the  confidence  of  all  the  people  by  many 
signs  apd  wonders,  and  diveis  miracles.  To  these  they  ap- 
pealed to  justify  themselves  in  demanding  those  to  whom 
they  ministered  to  receive  their  message  and  instructions,  as 
the  expression  of  the  mind  of  God.  They  never  used  their 
wonderful  endowments  to  promote  their  own  or  their  friends' 
worldly  interest ;  such  a  thought  was  most  abhorrent  to  their 
minds.  They  lived  to  magnify  the  Lord,  to  call  all  men  to 
repentance,  and  to  confirm  and  establish  the  belief  and  hope 
in  Christ  of  all  who  received  their  testimony  concerning 
him,  not  as  the  word  of  man,  but  as  the  word  of  the  liv- 
ing God. 

VOL.  III.  5 


1 


50  RISE   OP  THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 

These  alone  were  acknowledged  by  the  Apostles  to  be  the 
Ieo"itimate  subjects  of  the  kingdom.  They  formed  these  into 
distinct  communities,  exclusively  for  the  purpose  of  observ- 
ing the  religious  institutions  which  they  by  the  Spirit,  de- 
clared necessary  for  the  honour  of  the  Lord,  and  the  pros- 
perity, enlargement,  and  permanence  of  his  righteous  gov- 
ernment in  the  world.  Christian  societies  thus  constituted 
interfered  not  with  any  worldly  communities  or  human  in- 
stitutions. The  great  object  of  their  establishment  was  the 
propagation  and  maintenance  of  divine  truth  among  men. 
They  were  loyal  and  peaceable  subjects  under  any  govern- 
ment, and  obeyed  every  statute  of  man  which  restricted  not 
their  obedience  to  the  supreme  authority  of  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ. 

The  number  of  Christian  societies  rapidly  increased  ;  and 
each  of  these  received,  under  the  direction  of  the  twelve 
Apostles,  as  many  rulers,  teachers,  and  servants  as  were 
requisite  for  their  instruction,  peace  and  good  order.  The 
inferiority  of  these  ministers  to  the  Apostles  was  manifest 
by  the  fact  that,  in  their  official  teaching,  rule,  and  work, 
they  were  exclusively  guided  by  the  revelations  which  were 
immediately  communicated  to  them  by  the  Apostles,  or 
which  were  sanctioned  by  them  as  divine,  and  consequently 
infallible  truth.  Thus  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  or  Christian 
Church,  the  only  judges  acknowledged  unerring,  in  their 
official  character  as  the  chief  ministers,  were  the  twelve 
apostles,  appointed  by  Christ  to  sit  on  twelve  thrones,  judging 
the  twelve  tribes,  or  entire  nation  of  the  true  Israel ;  and 
thus  that  nation  is  built  on  the  foundation  of  the  apostles 
and  prophets,  Christ  Jesus  himself  being  the  chief  corner 
stone.  It  follows,  that  from  the  time  of  the  decease  of  the 
apostles,  all  ministers  and  members  of  the  Christian  Church 
could  only  hope  to  please  the  Lord  in  proportion  as  each 
one  ascertained  and  submitted  to  his  mind,  recorded  in  the 
scriptures,  which  were  written  by  holy  men,  as  they  were 
moved  by  the  Holy  Spirit.  The  sacred  record  is  the  exclu- 
sive judge  of  all  religious  controversy,  and  the  infallible  in- 
structor into  all  the  will  of  God.  By  the  hands  or  ministry 
of  the  apostles,  it  seems  probable  that  supernatural  gifts  were 
bestowed  on  some  individuals  in  every  Christian  community. 
The  most  conspicuous,  and  perhaps  the  most  common  of  these 
were  the  gifts  of  speaking  various  languages,  healing  dis- 
eases, and  predicting  future  events.     We  have  no  instance  m 


RISE   OF   THE   FIFTH   EMPIRE. 


61 


the  New  Testament  of  such  miraculous  powers  being  pc 
sed  by  any  Christians  who  had  not  received  the  gospel  direct 
from  one  or  other  of  the  apostles ;  and  it  may  hence  be  con- 
cluded that  to  their  age  was  confined  the  power  of  working 
miracles. 


%■ 


IC  Jti>'' 


CHAPTER   II, 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT. 

Of  all  who  had  apparent  claims  to  succeed  Augustus,  Ti- 
berius, who  actually  ascended  the  throne,  was  perhaps  the 
most  appropriate  instrument  to  sway  the  sceptre  of  that  em- 
pire, whose  proper  emblem  was  the  nameless  wild  beast  that 
had  great  iron  teeth,  capable  of  devouring,  breaking  in 
pieces,  and  stamping  the  residue  with  his  feet  He  owed  his 
honours  and  power  to  a  series  of  calamitous  events  in  the 
royal  family,  far  beyond  the  prescience  of  man  to  have  an- 
ticipated. He  was  the  oldest,  and  the  least  esteemed  by  the 
emperor,  the  senate,  army,  and  people,  of  almost  all  who  were 
deemed  at  any  time  heirs  of  Augustus.  These  were  chiefly 
Marcellus,  Tiberius,  and  his  brother  Drusus  and  his  children, 
Agrippa  and  his  family. 

Drusus  was  younger  than  Tiberius,  but,  from  his  earliest 
years,  far  more  amiable,  and  his  equal,  if  not  superior,  in  in- 
tellectual talents,  and  military  acquirements.  Beloved  by  Au- 
gustus, they  were  appointed  to  important  offices  several  years 
before  the  age  fixed  by  law.  They  were  distinguished  as 
leaders  of  the  armies  which  defended  the  northern  frontiers 
of  the  empire.  Drusus  was  not  more  admired  as  a  soldier 
than  loved  as  i  man  and  a  patriot.  Truth  regulated  all  his 
words  and  deeds  ;  his  general  character  was  unblemished, 
and  his  political  principles  and  views  were  those  common  to 
the  Romans  in  their  best  age.  While  he  maintained  firm 
fidelity  to  his  father-in-law,  he  was  a  sincere  republican.  His 
highest  ambition  was  to  advance  the  glory  of  the  Roman 
name,  and  the  w^elfare  of  all  ranks.  About  b.  c.  14,  Italy  suf- 
ered  much  from  a  horde  of  barbarians  who  laid  waste  its  rich 
lands,  and  spared  no  one  who  fell  mto  their  hands.  As  a  proof 
of  their  inhumanity,  it  is  said  that,  when  they  found  among 
their  prisoners  a  pregnant  female,  she  was  instantly  killed,  if 
their  augurs,  whom  they  consulted,  declared  that  she  carried 
a  male  child.     Against  these  fierce  and  cruel  warriors,  Dru- 


1 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  53 

8US  was  sent  at  the  head  of  an  army.  He  Speedily  overthrew 
them,  with  great  slaughter.  Those  who  escaped  joined  an- 
other race  of  their  native  country,  Germany,  and  proposed  to 
invade  Gaul.  That  Drusus  might  be  able  to  oppose  them, 
Tiberius  was  ordered  to  join  him  ;  and  under  them  the  Ro- 
mans successively  repelled  and  subdued  three  of  the  most 
barbarous  of  the  German  races.  Roman  colonies  were  sta- 
tioned to  overawe  them  ;  and  several  cities  were  buih  ;  partic- 
ularly Drusomagus  and  Augusta,  the  modern  Meningen 
and  Augsburg.  A  few  years  later,  Drusus  had  the  happiness 
of  preventing  a  general  revolt  in  Gaul ;  for  he  no  sooner 
learned  that  the  inhabitants  were  resolved  to  cast  off  the  Roman 
yoke,  in  consequence  of  taxes  imposed  on  them,  than  "  he 
summoned  all  the  chiefs  to  assist  at  the  solemn  ceremony  of 
consecrating  a  temple  which  the  Lugdunenses  had  built  in 
honour  of  Julius  Cesiir.  When  they  were  all  assembled, 
Drusus,  by  his  address  and  engaging  behaviour,  won  their 
affections  to  such  a  degree,  that  they  not  only  dropped  the 
design  they  had  formed  of  shaking  off  the  Roman  yoke, 
but  agreed  to  erect  an  altar  to  Augustus,  and  to  pay  him, 
even  in  his  lifetime,  (Jivine  honours.  Sixty  different  nations 
concurred  in  this  design,  each  of  them  contributing  their 
quota,  and  sending  a  statue  to  adorn  the  new  altar,  which 
was  consecrated  with  great  solemnity  on  the  first  day  of 
August,  and  became  soon  very  famous  .all  over  Gaul,  as  is 
plain  from  the  writings  of  almost  all  the  ancients.  G^mes 
were  instituted  in  honour  of  the  new  deity,  much  of  the 
same  nature  with  the  Nemaean  and  Isthmian  games." 

Having  quitted  Gaul,  he  led  a  powerful  army  into  Ger- 
many, and  reduced  the  nations  on  the  Rhine,  and  triumph' 
antly  proceeded  to  the  Northern  Ocean.  On  his  return,  a 
vast  multitude  of  the  natives  attempted,  by  an  ambuscade,  to 
destroy  his  army.  Having  discovered  their  treachery,  he  sud- 
denly attacked  and  overcame  them.  In  honour  of  his  triumphs 
in  Germany,  he  was  named  Germanicus,  an  honourable  ap- 
pellation retained  by  his  family.  His  last  campaign  brought 
under  the  Roman  yoke  all  the  nations  from  the  Rhine  to  the 
Elbe,  on  whose  banks  he  erected  several  trophies.  On  re- 
turning to  the  Rhine,  he  was  seized  by  a  violent  fever,  which 
quickly  cut  him  off,  in  his  thirtieth  year.  He  left  three  chil- 
dren, Drusus  Germanicus,  Livilla,  and  Claudius,  by  his  wife 
Antonia,  a  daughter  of  M.  Antony  and  Octavia,  the  admired 
sister  of  Augustus.  His  body  was  carried  by  the  magistrates 
and  officei*s  from  one  Roman  colony  or  city  to  another,  till 

5* 


#^ 


54  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

the  procession  reached  Rome,  and  his  funeral  was  conducted 
with  great  pomp.  Augustus  delivered  an  oration,  in  which 
he  entreated  the  gods  "  to  grant  him  a  death  as  glorious  as 
that  of  Drusus,  and  make  the  grandchildren  whom  they  had 
given  him,  to  tread  in  their  father's  steps."  Had  he  lived, 
probably  the  army  and  people  would  have  raised  him  to  the 
first  place  in  the  empire.  But  in  consequence  of  his  republi- 
can principles,  or  more  probably  the  influence  of  his  mo- 
ther, he  was  less  honoured  by  Augustus  than  his  brother, 
whom  the  emperor,  as  well  as  all  who  knew  him,  rather 
feared  than  loved.  Before  the  death  of  Drusus,  Tiberius 
had  been,  at  the  death  of  Agrippa,  appointed  governor  of 
Ronie,  and  next  in  dignity  to  the  emperor. 

The  probability  is  strong  that  the  empress  Livia,  had  long 
taught  her  favourite  son  TilDcrius  to  aspire  to  the  sovereignty 
of  the  empire  ;  and  urged  him  to  engage  in  such  noble  enter- 
prises as  should  show  that  he  was  worthy  of  this  most  splen- 
did object  of  human  ambition.  His  military  skill  and  bravery 
were  frequently  displayed  ;  and  he  acquired  renown  in  de- 
fending the  empire  from  the  inroads  of  barbarians,  particu- 
larly in  Thrace.  But  his  personal  aspect  and  character  pro- 
cured him  few  friends.  For  many  years  his  conduct  was 
not  very  exceptionable ;  but  he  was  suspected  to  indulge  the 
darkest  and  most  malignant  passions,  and  to  be  as  capable  of 
dissimulation  and  cruelty  as  his  mother,  in  whom  these  de- 
structive qualities  predominated  through  a  long  life.  Her 
partiality  for  him,  and  her  power  to  do  evil,  were  universally 
known,  and  the  most  atrocious  crime,  or  most  melancholy 
event,  which  tended  to  place  him  nearer  the  throne,  was  very 
generally  conjectured  or  believed  to  have  originated  with  her. 

Marcellus,  the  interesting,  son  of  Octavia,  was  married  to 
Julia,  hig  aunt,  who  was  the  only  daughter  of  Augustus.  In 
a  season  of  much  sickness,  he  fell  a  victim  to  fever,  in  his 
nineteenth  year.  This  fatal  evfnt  was  supposed  by  many  to 
be  produced  by  Antonius  Musa,  the  physician,  celebrated  for 
having  cured  Augustus  of  a  similar  complaint.  Antonius 
was  believed  to  have,  to  please  the  empress,  added  poison  to 
the  remedies,  which  were  considered,  from  their  effect  on  the 
emperor,  infallible. 

The  young  widow  was  given  to  Agrippa,  by  whom  she 
had  three  sons,  Caius,  Lucius,  and  Agrippa  Posthumus.  The 
two  former  were  exceedingly  beloved  by  their  royal  grand- 
father, and  respected  by  the  people,  but  they  were  too  young 
at  their  father's  death  to  enter  on   public  life.     The  conse- 


.T:,T-,y  -=i^=^zA!i 


m 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  A5 

qiience  was,  that  his  rank  and  influence  at  court  were  trans- 
ferred to  Tiberius ;  and  to  secure  his  fidelity,  Augustus  com- 
pelled him  to  dismiss  his  wife  Vespania,  a  daughter  of 
Agrippa,  by  his  first  wife,  and  marry  Julia,  who,  notwith- 
standing of  her  previous  marriages,  was  one  of  the  most 
infamous  females  of  Rome.  He  was,  at  the  same  time,  re- 
quired, although  he  had  a  son  of  his  own,  to  adopt  Drusus 
Germanicus,  the  eldest  son  of  his  deceased  brother  Drusus. 
The  sons  of  Agrippa  were  adopted  into  the  imperial  family, 
and  intrusted  with  offices  in  the  state  before  the  legal  age. 
They  were  soon  discovered  to  be  proud  of  their  rank,  and 
roused  the  jealousy  of  Tiberius  and  the  hatred  of  Livia,  his 
mother.  Though  he,  therefore,  had  risen  high  in  fame  as  a 
warrior,  and  was  rewarded  by  great  honour,  yet  he  avowed 
his  determination  to  retire  from  public  life.  His  mother  op- 
posed this  with  tears,  and  Augustus  would  not  consent  till  he 
found  it  impossible  to  change  the  mind  of  Tiberius,  who,  in 
sullen  grief,  had  shut  himself  up,  and  abstained  from  food 
four  successive  days.  He  withdrew  to  Rhodes,  under  pre- 
tence of  spending  his  time  in  study:  and  so  provoked  the 
emperor,  that  all  his  own  or  his  friends'  efforts  failed  foi 
seven  years  to  procure  him  liberty  to  return  to  Rome.  To 
deprive  the  emperor  of  the  society  of  his  grandsons,  Caius 
and  Lucius,  and,  perhaps,  secretly  to  destroy  them,  Livin 
prevailed  on  him  to  give  them  foreign  appointments  Caius 
was  made  governor  of  Syria,  and  Lucius  of  Spain.  The 
latter  died  suddenly  at  Marseilles,  from  poison  administered 
by  the  emissaries  of  Livia ;  this,  at  least,  is  the  report  of 
some  Roman  writers.  His  body  was  carried  in  state  to 
Rome,  and  magnificently  interred  in  Augustus'  own  mau- 
soleum. His  brother  was  wounded  in  battle,  in  Armenia ; 
and  though  the  wound  was  not  fatal,  yet  he  never  recovered 
heahh.  He  died  in  Lj^cia,  it  was  imagined  from  the  dia- 
bolical arts  of  Livia.  The  loss  of  these  youths  within 
eighteen  months  overwhelmed  the  spirit  of  the  emperor;  but 
Livia  and  Tiberius  were  unwearied  in  their  services  to  ad- 
minister to  him  consolation.  ;' 
From  this  time  Tiberius  rapidly  rose  to  dignity  and  au- 
thority in  the  state,  and  at  the  head  of  great  armies  made  the 
power  of  Rome  to  be  felt  in  Germany,  from  the  Rhine  to  the 
Elbe,  and  in  the  regions  of  Dalmatia,  Pannonia,  and  Illyri- 
cum.  In  the  Avars  in  these  countries,  his  adopted  son,  Dru- 
sus Germanicus,  acquired  still  more  celebrity.  The  tri- 
umphant return  of  both  generals  diffused  gladness  and  ex 


«-  » 


M  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIIIMPIL&NT. 

ultation  among-  all  ranks.  Soon  after  the  suppression  of  the 
most  alarming  revolt  of  the  Germans,  conducted  by  the  fa- 
mous Arminius,  who  almost  cut  off  all  the  Roman  legions, 
Augustus  requested  the  senate  to  pass  and  proclaim  the  de- 
cree, which  constituted  Tiberius  his  equal.  It  run  thus: 
"  At  the  request  of  the  people  of  Rome,  we  grant  Caius 
Julius  Cesar  Tiberius  the  same  authority  over  the  provinces, 
and  all  the  armies  of  the  Roman  state,  which  Augustus  has 
held,  which  he  still  retains,  and  which  we  pray  the  gods  he 
may  long  enjoy."  The  emperor  scarcely  survived  this  de- 
cree two  years ;  and,  as  we  have  formerly  noticed,  his  life 
was  believed  to  be  shortened  by  Livia,  lest  he  should  change 
his  mind,  and  leave  the  crown  to  Agrippa  Posthumus,  in 
preference  to  Tiberius,  whose  ascent  to  the  throne,  in  his 
fifty -sixth  year,  gave  pleasure  to  no  class  of  the  community. 

While  Tiberius,  with  his  usual  dissimulation,  publicly  la- 
mented that  he  was  left  alone  to  bear  the  burden  of  govern- 
ment, and  consoled  himself  that  many  illustrious  Romans 
remained  to  assist  him,  he  instantly  assumed  the  entire  power 
of  government,  and  ordered  the  murder  of  the  only  rival 
whom  he  dreaded,  Agrippa  Posthumus,  who  had  been,  from 
some  imprudent  acts,  placed  in  a  state  of  confinement.  Ger- 
manicus  would  have  been  a  more  powerful  rival,  but  his 
loyalty,  integrity,  and  disinterestedness,  were  too  well  known 
to  the  emperor,  his  uncle  and  father  by  adoption,  to  occasion 
him,  at  this  time,  much  uneasiness.  He,  however,  very  soon 
viewed  him  with  suspicion ;  for  he  apprehended  that  he 
would  have  yielded  to  the  temptation  presented  him  on  dis- 
covering the  army  were  solicitous  to  exalt  him  to  the  throne. 
Besides,  no  one  was  more  beloved  than  Germanicus  by  the 
Roman  people,  partly  from  their  grateful  recollection  of  his 
noble  father,  and  partly  on  account  of  his  own  personal 
worth,  and  of  the  superior  rank  and  excellence  of  his  mother, 
Agrippina,  the  admired  daughter  of  Agrippa  and  Julia,  the 
wretched  daughter  of  Augustus.  The  large  army  stationed 
on  the  Rhine  were  commanded  by  Germanicus,  at  the  period 
of  Augustus's  death.  They  no  sooner  heard  of  (his  event 
than  they  invited  their  leader  to  assume  the '  sovereignty  of 
the  empire.  He  declined  the  honour ;  and  when  some  of 
the  soldiers  would  have  forced  him  to  accept  the  honour,  he 
hastily  withdrew  from  them,  exclaiming,  "  My  duty  to  the 
emperor  is  more  precious  than  my  life."  Nor  was  he  satis- 
fied in  merely  retaining  his  loyal  fidelity;  he  allayed  the 
passions  of  the  soldiers  for  revolt,  and  employed  them  in 


Trifi   <lb<to  EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  iftP 

spreading  the  fame  of  the  Roman  arms  and  consolidating' 
the  empire  in  the  North.  His  growing  popularity  alarmed 
the  tyrant ;  and  he  resolved  to  remove  him  from  his  position 
in  Germany  to  the  command  of  the  troops  in  the  East.  In 
compliance  with  the  most  flattering  invitation  of  Tiberius, 
which  was  the  usual  indication  that  he  premeditated  evil 
against  the  object  of  his  flattery,  Germanicus  left  Germany. 
"On  his  arrival  in  Italy,  only  two  cohorts  or  battalions  were 
sent  from  Rome  to  receive  him.  But  every  circumstance 
tended  to  augment  the  jealousy  of  the  emperor ;  the  greater 
part  of  the  praetorian  bands,  mingled  with  muUitudes  of  the 
people  of  every  sex,  condition,  and  age,  advanced  of  their 
own  accord  some  miles  from  the  city,  and  received  him  with 
uncommon  acclamations  of  joy.  Having  made  his  entry,  as 
had  been  proposed,  in  triumph,  he  was,  with  the  emperor 
himself,  put  in  nomination  for  the  consulate  of  the  following 
year.  The  popularity  of  which  Germanicus  now  appeared 
to  be  possessed  in  the  city,  was  no  less  mortifying  to  the  em- 
peror, than  his  power  in  the  army  was  supposed  to  be  dan-, 
gerous.  His  presence,  if  it  did  not  obscure  the  lustre  of  the 
emperor  himself,  seemed  to  place  him  in  a  continual  state  of 
competition  with  the  other  son  of  Tiberius ;  and  the  interests 
of  these  two  princes,  the  one  by  adoption,  the  other  by  birth, 
the  sons  of  the  emperor,  though  supposed  to  be  on  the  best 
terms  with  each  other,  had  divided  the  court.  Agrippina, 
the  wife  of  Germanicus,  inheriting  the  blood  of  Augustus, 
and  ever  carrying  in  her  haughty  looks  the  pretensions  of 
the  Cesarian  family,  was  become  to  Livia,  whom  she  con- 
sidered as  a  stepmother,  no  less  an  object  of  animosity  than 
she  was  to  the  emperor  himself  Under  these  circumstances, 
the  resolution  to  separate  Germanicus  from  the  German 
armies,  and  to  place  him  in  the  command  of  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces, a  situation  apparently  honourable,  but  in  which  he 
should  be  surrounded  with  persons  who  might  serve  as  a 
restraint,  or  as  spies  on  his  conduct,  was  now  carried  into 
execution.  He  was  vested  with  a  commission  to  restore  the 
tranquillity  of  Asia,  that  was  disturbed  by  some  disputes 
which  had  atisen  on  the  succession  to  the  kingdoms  of  Cap- 
pad  ocia  and  Armenia."  He  left  Rome  for  the  East,  in  the 
end  of  the  third  year  of  Tiberius.  Being  placed  over  several 
provinces  through  which  he  was  to  pass,  from  the  sea  of 
Ionia  to  the  e.ttremities  of  Egypt  and  of  Syria,  he  visited,  as 
chief  in  command,  the  cities  of  Greece,  still  revered  as  the 
principal  seminaries  of  philosophy  and  literature  5  and  upon 


--4 


r 


58  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

his  entry  into  Asia,  proceeded  to  execute  the  commission  on 
which  he  was  sent.  He  reduced  Cappadocia  and  Com- 
magene  to  the  form  of  Roman  provinces,  making  some 
abatement  of  the  taxes  formerly  paid  to  their  own  princes, 
and  settled  Zeno,  son  to  the  king  of  Pontus,  on  the  throne  of 
Armenia.  He  afterwards  ventured  to  continue  his  progress 
into  Egypt,  though  contrary  to  an  edict  of  the  late  emperor, 
which  was  still  in  force.  On  his  return  from  thence  he  was 
taken  ill,  and  died  at  Antioch  in  the  thirty-fourth  year  of  his 
age,  with  some  suspicions  of  having  been  poisoned  by  Cn. 
Piso,  the  praefect  of  Syria,  not  without  the  connivance  or  the 
direction  of  Tiberius  himself 

Whatever  occasioned  the  death  of  Germanicus,  it  appears 
to  have  had  a  remarkable  influence  on  the  future  conduct  of 
Tiberius ;  for  historians  assert,  that  from  this  time  he  con- 
tinued to  discover,  without  disguise,  the  almost  incredible 
malignancy  of  his  nature.  Hitherto,  like  a  wild  beast  caught 
in  the  toils,  his  circumstances  chained  his  mischievous  pro- 
pensities. The  chief  object  of  his  future  days  seemed  to  be, 
to  experiment  on  the  diabolical  power  of  man  to  inflict  misery 
on  his  fellows.  His  personal  appearance,  till  disfigured  by 
age,  debauchery,  and  disease,  was  commanding,  and  his  men- 
tal capacities  strong  ahd  somewhat  improved  by  education ; 
but  his  look  and  manner  had  always  been  repulsive,  and  he 
had  often  acted  so  as  to  excite  in  all  ranks,  suspicion  that  he  was 
destitute  of  humanity,  even  when  he  performed  the  most  gen- 
erous deeds.  It  was,  perhaps,  in  imitation  of  the  policy  of 
Augustus,  that  while  Germanicus  lived,  he  ostentatiously 
showed  the  greatest  deference  for  the  republican  institutions 
of  Rome.  "  He  declined  the  extravagant  honours  which 
were  offered  to  him ;  was  easy  of  access ;  affected  to  live  like 
a  private  citizen ;  returned  visits,  and  accepted  invitations  to 
entertainments  and  feasts  ;  visited  the  sick,  attended  funerals; 
and  dehvered  orations  in  praise  of  the  dead.  He  treated  the 
titular  magistrates  of  Rome  with  the  same  ceremonious  respect 
that  used  to  be  observed  in  the  times  of  the  republic ;  rose, 
and  stood,  in  the  presence  of  the  consul ;  took  his  place  in  the 
senate  as  a  private  member  ;  w^as  frequently  seen  in  the  courts 
of  justice  as  an  assessor,  as  an  advocate,  as  an  evidence,  or  as 
a  spectator.  To  a  person  who  saluted  him  with  the  title  of 
master,  '  Insult  me  not,'  he  said,  '  with  that  odious  appellation. 
I  am  the  master  of  my  slaves,  general  of  the  ^vmy,  and  no 
more  than  prince,  or  first  in  the  rolls  of  the  senate  and  peo- 
ple,'    He  took  the  title  of  Augustus  only  in  his  correspond- 


# 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  59 

ence  with  foreign  powers.  In  all  his  addresses,  whether  tc 
particular  members  of  the  senate,  or  to  this  body  at  large,  he 
was  in  the  highest  degree  respectful  and  courteous.  When 
engaged  in  debate,  he  endeavoured  to  qualify  contradiction 
or  difierenco  of  opinion  with  respect  and  regret.  To  a  sena 
tor,  named  Haterius,  on  some  such  occasion,  he  said,  'I  hope 
you  will  forgive  me,  if,  in  my  duty  as  a  senator,  I  differ  fioiu 
you  somewhat  too  freely.'  At  a  meeting  of  the  senate,  in  re- 
ferring some  matter  to  their  decision,  he  concluded  with  these 
words,  'I  have  formerly  said,  and  now  say,  that  it  becoints- 
the  person  you  have  intrusted  with  so  large  a  share  of  tlie 
public  affairs,  to  consider  himself  as  the  servant  of  this  asseni- 
,  bly,  as  the  servant  of  the  people,  and  of  every  individual ;  nov 
do  1  repent  me  of  this  saying;  for  I  have  found  you,  and  still 
find  you  candid,  indulgent,  and  kind  masters.'  He  affected 
a  continual  deference  to  their  judgment  on  every  subject, 
whether  of  policy,  revenue,  or  foreign  correspondence  ;  even 
seemed  to  wait  for  their  orders  in  what  concerned  the  com 
mand  of  the  army,  and  pretended  to  be  displeased  when  ol- 
II  ficers,  employed  in  the  provinces,  made  their  report  directly 

:  to  himself,  without  communicating  the  subject  of  their  de- 

'  spatches  first  to  the  senate.     With  these  popular  arts,  which  the 

senators  indeed  did  not  mistake  for  a  real  acknowledgment 
.  of  their  authority,  he  joined  an  administration  in  many  things 

|l  worthy  of  a  wise  and  exemplary  prince,  indulged  the  people 

i  in  the  freedom  of  speech  to  wliich  they  had  been  accustomed, 

|,  saying,   that  '  in  a  free  country,  the  mind  and  the  tongue 

I  should  be  free.'     To  those  who  brought  him  information  of 

j  any  slander  spoken  of  himself  he  affected  indifference.     '  If 

I  you  mind  such  accusations  as  these,'  he  would  say,  'there 

will  be  no  end  of  them.'  He  gave  a  ready  hearing  and  re- 
dress to  all  the  complaints  that  were  made  to  him  from  the 
provinces,  and  carefully  limited  the  exactions  of  his  officers 
within  the  bounds  of  established  and  ordinary  fees.  To  per- 
sons suffering  by  fire,  earthquakes,  or  other  public  calamities, 
to  the  fiimilies  of  decayed  senators,  to  the  children  of  those 
w^ho  had  bequeathed  him  their  estates  by  will,  he  was  muni- 
ficent and  liberal ;  took  effectual  measures  to  suppress  the  ban- 
ditti which,  from  the  time  of  the  civil  wars,  still  infested  the 
country;  and  endeavoured  to  diminish  that  constant  source 
of  corruption,  the  idleness  which  the  people  contracted  in  the 
too  frequent  repetition  of  shows  and  of  public  entertainments 
He  gave  an  abatement  of  some  taxes  which  had  been  imposed 


«' 


■m 


60  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

by  the  late  emperor,  and,  in  particular,  mitigated  the  penal 
ties  which  had  been  erroneously  inflicted  on  celibacy." 

But  with  all  this  affectation  of  respect  for  public  opinion  and 
desire  to  promote  the  general  welfare  of  the  community,  from 
the  moment  that  he  obtained  supreme  authority,  his  conduct 
proved  that  he  was  determined  to  divide  the  imperial  power 
with  no  one,  and  to  make  every  personal  enemy  feel  his 
vengeance.  "Among  the  first  discoveries  which  were  made 
of  his  temper,  it  appeared  that  even  his  mother  Livia  had  mis- 
taken his  disposition,  or  over-rated  her  own  ascendency  over 
him.  In  procuring  the  empire  to  her  son,  she  had  joined  to 
the  zeal  of  a  mother  a  high  degree  of  ambition,  and  a  desire 
to  emerge  from  a  species  of  obscurity,  in  which  she  had  lived 
in  the  reign  of  her  husband.  She  flattered  herself,  that  upon 
the  accession  of  Tiberius,  she  was  to  possess  a  great  part  of 
the  imperial  power,  or  to  exercise  the  whole  in  his  name. 
Trusting  to  the  deference,  which  he  had  hitherto  affected  for 
all  her  opinions,  or  to  the  gratitude  which  he  owed  to  her  for 
the  high  obligations  she  had  conferred  upon  him,  she  instant- 
ly assumed  all  the  consequence  she  expected  to  reap  from  his 
greatness,  laid  aside  the  caution  and  reserve  which  she  had 
ever  preserved  in  the  reign  of  Augustus,  advanced  into  pub- 
lic view,  and,  as  if  she  had  taken  possession  of  the  empire  for 
herself,  under  pretence  of  bestowing  it  upon  her  son,  took  a 
principal  part  in  all  matters  of  state,  and  appeared  on  solemn 
occasions  with  her  lictors,  and  all  the  other  ensigns  or  formal- 
ities of  a  public  station.  The  senate,  trusting  to  the  mother's 
supposed  knowledge  of  her  son's  inclinations  yielded  to  her 
in  all  the  prerogatives  she  was  pleased  to  assume,  inserted  her 
name  with  that  of  the  emperor  in  all  public  acts,  and,  in  the 
titles  of  Tiberius,  styled  him  the  son  of  Augustus  as  well  as 
of  Cesar.  They  were  not,  however,  suffered  long  to  remain 
in  this  error.  They  were  told  by  the  emperor,  with  an  alarm- 
ing coldness  of  manner,  which  left  no  doubt  of  his  sincerity, 
'  That  the  ambition  of  women  should  be  kept  within  proper 
bounds,  and  that  he  should  always  endeavour  to  prescribe 
such  bounds  to  his  own.'  From  the  time  in  which  this  decla- 
ration was  made  by  the  emperor,  it  appears  that  Livia  entirely 
dropt  her  pretensions  to  any  part  in  the  government,  and  be- 
came no  less  reserved  in  the  reign  of  her  son  than  she  had 
been  in  that  of  her  husband." 

Tiberius,  although  provoked  by  the  infidelity  of  Julia, 
whom,  from  policy,  he  had  married,  pretended  deeply  to  com- 
passionate her  when  her  royal  father  banished  her,  and  even 


•= 


®= 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  61 

often  solicited  him  to  restore  her  to  her  home  ;  it  was  sooi  plain 
that  all  this  tenderness  was  feigned,  doubtless  to  ingratiate 
himself  into  the  favour  of  the  afflicted  father.  Accordingly, 
among  the  first  acts  of  his  reign,  he  revenged  himself  on 
Julia,  by  ordering  that  she  should  never  leave  the  house,  in 
which  she  was  confined,  in  the  city  of  Rhegium,  nor  con- 
verse with  any  of  the  citizens.  He  also,  it  is  said,  withdrew 
the  pension  allowed  her  by  her  father,  and  slowly  starved  her 
to  death.  One  of  Julia's  chief  favourites  was  Sempronius 
Gracchus,  who  belonged  to  one  of  the  first  families  of  Rome. 
Augustus  had  exiled  him  to  the  island  of  Cercina.  He  had 
endured  great  misery  fourteen  years.  A  band  of  assassins 
were,  by  the  secret  order  of  the  savage  emperor,  sent  by  As- 
prenas,  proconsul  of  Africa,  to  put  him  to  death. 

Tiberius  neglected  no  art  to  ensnare  those  whom  he  hated 
or  feared  ;  but  he  generally  attempted  to  destroy  them  under 
the  form  of  law.  In  order  to  this,  he  demanded  the  enforce- 
ment of  the  law  of  majesty  or  treason,  in  relation  to  libels  or 
words.  Tacitus  remarks,  '•  that  in  the  times  of  the  republic, 
actions,  and  not  words,  were  punished."  Augustus  first 
called  the  Romans  to  account  for  their  words,  and  Tiberius 
and  his  successors  brought  multitudes  to  death  for  daring  to 
speak  disrespectfully  of  the  sovereign.  Nor  is  one  surprised 
who  knows  the  freedom  of  speech  of  the  Romans,  especially 
the  poets,  that  the  profligate  emperors  should  exert  their  power 
to  restrain  their  subjects  from  uttering  their  thoughts.  Of 
the  severity  of  reproof  administered  by  poets,  an  idea  may  be 
formed  from  one  specimen  of  the  satirical  verses  dispersed  in 
Rome  and  Italy,  descriptive  of  Tiberius : 

"  Rough  and  inhuman  !  much  in  brief  exprest, 
Thy  very  mother  did  her  babe  detest. 
No  knight  art  thou  :  thy  fortune  won't  suflSce. 
Besides,  at  Rhodes  thy  place  of  exile  lies. 
Cesar,  the  golden  age  is  changed  by  thee : 
In  thy  curst  reign  we  nought  but  iron  see. 
He  nauseates  wme,  because  he  thirsts  for  gore ; 
Of  that  as  greedy  as  of  wine  before. 
Sylla,  behold,  O  Romulus,  and  mourn, 
Behold,  too,  Marius,  after  his  return, 
And  Antony,  in  civil  wars  embru'd, 
Whose  hands  were  often  crimson'd  o'er  with  blood ; 
Then  say,  Rome's  lost ;  and  floods  of  gore  shall  stain 
The  hateful  current  of  an  exile's  reign." 

Speaking  contemptuously  of  the  state  or  constitution,  or  con- 
spiring to  overthrow  it,  constituted  treason  in  past  times  ;  but 

VOL.  III.  6 


"S  f 


62  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT. 

now  the  sovereig^n  occupied  the  place  of  the  constitution,  as 
if  his  will  were  the  only  law  deserving-  universal  reverence. 
In  the  former  case,  public  informers  were  honoured,  because 
they  appeared  solicitous  for  the  public  good,  by  defending 
the  state ;  but  in  the  latter  they  were  regarded  merely  as  the 
supporters  of  the  emperor  or  chief  magistrate,  who  was  rarely 
worthy  of  popular  esteem.  Hence  the  character  of  a  public 
spy  or  prosecutor,  though  disguised  under  the  ancient  forms 
and  titles,  was  become,  in  the  highest  degree,  vile  and  detes- 
table ;  and  it  was  found  expedient  to  attach  to  the  hateful 
office  great  rewards.  Accordingly,  it  was  decreed,  that 
"  whoever  convicted  a  person  of  any  public  crime  incurring 
degradation  or  forfeiture,  should,  be  entitled  to  succeed  to  the 
dignity,  whether  of  citizen,  knight,  or  senator,  from  which 
the  criminal  was  degraded.  And  lest  even  this  consideration 
should  not  be  sufficient  to  excite  prosecutors,  it  was  enacted, 
that  a  fourth  part  of  the  estate  of  the  person  convicted  should 
be  joined  to  the  reward."  Thus  encouraged,  spies  and  inform- 
ers multiplied  in  the  reign  of  Augustus,  and  still  more  in  the 
times  of  his  successors.  Whatever  implied,  or  was  interpre- 
ted by  interested  judges  to  imply,  disrespect  to  the  person  or 
family  of  the  emperor,  or  even  to  interfere  with  his  caprice, 
alarmed  his  jealousy,  and  was  construed  as  treason.  By  con- 
sequence, the  sovereign  could,  in  general,  easily  inflict  ven- 
geance, under  the  semblance  of  law  or  justice,  on  any  one 
who  had  the  unhappiness  to  fall  under  his  displeasure  ;  for 
many  were  ever  prepared  to  invent  or  discover  crimes  in  any 
man,  when  they  knew  that  their  services  would  be  acceptable 
to  the  sovereign  dispenser  of  weahh  and  honour.  Illustrative 
proofs  of  these  were  early  seen  under  the  hateful  reign  of 
Tiberius.  Among  the  first  that  occurred  were  the  cases  of 
Scribonius  Libo  and  Clemens.  To  effect  their  ruin  the  most 
deceitful  means  were  employed,  so  as  to  conceal  the  murder- 
ous designs  of  the  emperor,  who  was,  during  the  earlier  part 
of  his  reign,  solicitous  to  be  viewed  by  the  public  as  the  advo- 
cate of  justice  and  humanity.  S.  Libo  was  a  young  man, 
nearly  allied  to  the  Cesars,  being  the  grandson  of  Pompey 
the  Great,  whose  daughter,  Scribonia,  was  one  of  the  wives 
of  Augustus.  Libo  was  suspected  of  cherishing  ambition  to 
rise  above  the  rank  of  a  subject;  and  Firmius  Oatus,  a  sena- 
tor, under  the  pretence  of  friendship,  flattered  his  vanity,  and 
prevailed  on  him  to  consuk  certain  Chaldeans  and  magicians, 
whether  he  might  not  hope  to  obtain  the  sovereignty  of  the 
empire.       Having  thus  ensnared  the  simple  and  vain  youth, 

VOL.  lU.  fi 


li 


T9E   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 


63 


the  unprincipled  senator  instantly  informed  the  emperor, 
through  the  agency  of  Flaccus  Vescularius,  a  Roman  knight 
of  the  royal  household.  Tiberius  declined  to  see  the  inform- 
er, but  advised  him  to  persevere  in  deluding  the  youth  ;  and, 
in  the  meantime,  with  the  deepest  dissimulation,  he  preferred 
Libo  to  the  office  of  praetor,  "  entertained  him  at  his  table,  and 
familiarly  conversed  with  him,  without  ever  betraying  the 
least  resentment  either  in  his  words  or  countenance.  At 
length  Libo  having  recourse  to  one  Junius,  who  pretended, 
by  charms  and  the  superstitious  rites  of  the  magicians,  to  call 
up  the  infernal  shades,  and  learn  of  them  future  events,  the 
magician  discovered  this  to  one  Fulcinius  Trio,  a  famous  in- 
former, who,  immediately  hastening  to  the  consuls,  imparted 
the  whole  to  them,  and  demanded  that  the  senate  might  meet 
forthwith  to  deliberate  upon  an  affair  of  so  much  moment, 
and  of  such  dangerous  consequence  to  the  state.  The  fathers, 
not  doubting  but  Tiberius  was  at  the  bottom  of  this  prosecu- 
tion, did  not  fail  to  assemble  at  the  time  appointed,  when  Libo 
appeared  in  the  habit  of  a  suppliant,  and,  presenting  himself 
beiore  Tiberius,  who  was  present,  endeavoured,  by  his  te^re 
and  entreaties,  to  soften  him.  The  emperor  heard  him  with 
a  countenance  quite  unmoved,  and,  instead  of  returning-  him 
any  answer,  recited  to  the  conscript  fathers  the  charge  against 
him,  and  the  names  of  the  accusers,  without  betraying  the 
least  emotion  of  anger  or  resentment,  or  seeming  either  to  les- 
sen or  magnify  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge. 

When  the  emperor  had  done,  four  informers  appeared 
against  the  criminal,  jnamely,  Firmius  Catus,  Fulcinius  Trio, 
Fonteius  Agrippa,  and  Caius  Vibius,  and  produced  such  ex- 
travagant, foolish,  and  chimerical  articles  of  accusation,  as 
rather  deserved  pity  than  punishment.  The  unhappy  Libo, 
concluding  from  several  steps  that  were  taken,  that  Tiberius 
was  resolved  upon  his  destruction,  begged  the  conscript 
fathers  that  they  would  put  off  till  the  next  day  the  final  de- 
cision of  his  cause.  His  request  being  granted,  he  returned 
to  his  own  house ;  whence  soon  after  he  sent  Publius  Q,ui- 
rinus  to  speak  to  the  emperor  in  his  behalf  Quirinus  was 
nearly  related  to  Libo,  and  in  great  favour  with  Tiberius, 
having  been  formerly,  as  we  have  related  above,  instrumental 
in  reconciling  Caius  Cesar  to  him  while  he  lived  in  the  island 
ot  Rhodes,  and  by  that  means  the  chief  cause  of  his  return- 
ing into  favour  with  Augustus.  But,  unmindful  of  ancient 
obligations,  he  received  Q,uirinus  with  great  coldness,  and 
returned  \vm  no  other  answer,  but  that  he  must  apply  to  the 


64  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT 

senate.  This  answer  threw  Libo  into  a  deep  melancholy, 
which  however  he  dissembled,  and  directed  a  great  enter- 
tainment to  be  got  ready,  in  order  to  pass  the  last  night  of  his 
life  in  the  company  of  his  friends  and  relations.  But  the 
banquet  was  scarce  begun,  when  a  band  of  soldiers,  sur- 
rounding the  house,  with  a  studied  noise,  and  dreadful  cries, 
so  terrified  the  guests,  that  many  of  them,  rising  from  table, 
endeavoured  to  make  their  escape.  Libo,  not  doubting  but 
they  were  sent  to  dispatch  him,  drawing  his  sword,  offered  it 
to  his  slaves,  begging  them  to  put  an  end  to  his  unhappy  life ; 
but  they,  trembling,  and  shunning  the  sad  task,  fled  with 
such  hurry  and  confusion,  that  they  overturned  all  the  lights ; 
and  then  Libo,  in  the  dark,  gave  himself  two  mortal  wounds. 
As  he  fell  and  groaned,  his  freedmen  ran  in ;  and  the  sol- 
diers, seeing  him  dead,  retired ;  for  they  had  been  sent  on 
purpose  to  frighten  him,  so  as  to  make  him  lay  violent  hands 
on  himself,  Tiberius  hoping  by  that  means  to  avoid  the  odium 
which  he  was  well  apprised  the  execution  of  one  of  the  most 
illustrious  citizens  of  Rome  would  reflect  upon  his  person 
and  government  The  charge,  however,  ^'as  carried  on  in 
the  senate,  as  if  he  had  been  still  alive ;  but  the  deceitful 
Tiberius  at  the  same  time  declared  upon  oath,  that  he  would 
have  interceded  for  his  life,  had  he  not  prevented  his  clem- 
ency by  laying  violent  hands  on  himself.  The  deceased 
was,  by  the  senate,  declared  guilty  of  high  treason,  and  his 
estate  divided  amongst  his  accusers :  such  of  the  informers 
as  were  of  the  senatorial  order  (for  the  first  lords  of  the 
senate  were  not  ashamed  to  debase  themselves  to  this  vile 
office)  were,  without  the  regular  method  of  election,  named 
praetors  for  the  ensuing  year.  This  was  the  most  effectual 
means  imaginable  of  multiplying  these  pests  of  the  empire : 
they  were  raised  to  the  highest  offices  in  the  state,  and  the 
metropolis  of  the  world  often  saw  her  public  dignities  be- 
stowed as  spoils  upon  parricides  for  spilling  her  best  blood. 
We  may  well  imagine  that  the  servile  senate  did  not  let  slip 
so  favourable  an  opportunity  of  gaining  the  emperor's  favour, 
by  branding  the  memory  of  the  pretended  criminal.  It  was 
not  enough  for  the  conscript  fathers  to  have  condemned  Libo ; 
they  issued  a  decree  for  driving  astrologers,  magicians,  and 
the  whole  herd  of  fortune-tellers,  out  of  Italy ;  nay,  Lucius 
Pituanius,  one  of  them  whom  Libo  had  probably  consuhed, 
was  thrown  headlong  from  the  Tarpeian  rock ;  and  Publius 
Marcius,  another  of  the  same  profession,  was,  by  the  consuls. 


# 


L 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  65 

sentenced  to  death,  and  executed  accordingly  without  the  Es- 
quiline  gate." 

Clemens  was  a  favourite  slave  of  Agiippa  Posthumus, 
whom  he  proposed  to  raise  to  the  throne  at  the  death  of  Au- 
gustus. Disappointed  in  this  when  Tiberius  secretly  mur- 
dered his  master,  he  resolved  to  impose  on  the  Romans,  and, 
if  possible,  acquire  for  himself  the  sovereignty.  He  resem- 
bled his  master  in  his  personal  appearance  and  age.  This 
encouraged  him  to  assume  his  name  and  claim  his  rights. 
By  employing  many  persons  throughout  Italy  to  support  his 
pretensions,  multitudes  celebrated  his  arrival  in  the  country, 
and  rejoiced  in  his  escape  from  captivity.  These  things  being 
reported  to  Tiberius,  he  was  sometime  in  suspense  "  whether 
he  should  order  his  troops  to  march  against  the  audacious 
slave,  or  sufier  the  imposture  to  vanish  of  itself,  which  he  was 
well  apprised  must  soon  happen.  On  one  hand,  he  was 
ashamed  to  betray  any  fear  of  a  vile  slave  ;  and,  on  the  other, 
he  apprehended  the  danger  which  might  arise  from  the  cre- 
dulity of  the  people,  if  they  were  not  soon  undeceived.  In 
this  perplexity  he  committed  the  whole  affair  to  Sallustiua 
Crispus,  the  same  whom  he  had  employed  to  dispatch  Agrip- 
pa.  Crispus  chose  two  of  his  clients,  or,  as  some  write,  two 
soldiers,  in  whom  he  could  confide,  and  sent  them  to  the  sup- 
posed Agrippa  with  a  considerable  sum,  directing  them  to 
feign  that  they  believed  him  to  be  the  true  grandson  of  Au- 
gustus, to  present  him  with  the  money,  and  to  pretend  a  great 
zeal  for  his  cause.  They  executed  his  orders  with  great  ad- 
dress, and,  finding  that  Clemens  reposed  in  them  an  entire 
confidence,  they,  underhand,  got  ready  a  proper  band  of  men, 
seized  and  gagged  him  while  his  guards  were  asleep,  and 
carried  him  without  noise  to  the  palace.  When  he  was 
brought  before  Tiberius,  the  emperor  asked  him  how  he  was 
become  Agrippa?  Just  as  you  became  Cesar,  answered 
Clemens.  Though  Tiberius  Lad  him  wholly  in  his  power, 
yet  so  great  was  his  fear  or  policy,  that  he  did  not  execute 
him  publicly,  but  ordered  him  to  be  dispatched  in  a  secret 
part  of  the  palace,  and  his  body  to  be  privately  conveyed 
awny ;  and  though  many  of  the  emperor's  household,  many 
knights  and  senators,  were  said  to  have  assisted  and  sup- 
ported him  with  their  counsels  and  fortunes,  yet  no  farther 
inquiry  was  made  after  his  accomplices." 

While  Tiberius  thus  evidently  considered  every  means 
lawful  which  seemed  adapted  to  destroy  those  whom  he 
deemed  his  personal  opponents  he  for  some  time  gave  no  en 


66  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

couiagement  to  informers  and  public  accusers;  in  regard 
to  other  public  matters,  he  treated  many  frivolous  accusa- 
tions with  becoming  contempt.  Thus  "  Falenius,  a  senator, 
being  accused  of  having  included,  v^rith  other  furniture  in  the 
sale  of  his  house,  a  statue  of  Augustus  ;  another,  of  the  name 
of  Rubrius,  being  accused  of  having  taken  a  false  oath  by  the 
name  of  Augustus ;  and  Granius  Marcellus  being  accused  of 
having  taken  the  head  from  a  statue  of  that  prince,  in  order 
to  substitute  a  head  of  Tiberius  in  place  of  it,  a  manner  of 
paying  his  court  rather  ridiculous  than  criminal ;  in  these 
and  other  instances  of  the  same  kind,  Tiberius  either  took 
no  part,  or  gave  his  instructions  to  the  senate  in  very  liberal 
and  manly  terms.  On  the  subject  of  the  prosecution  that  was 
raised  against  Falenius,  '  My  father,'  he  said,  '  was  deified, 
that  his  divinity  might  be  a  safeguard  and  a  protection,  not  a 
snare  to  the  people.  His  image  may,  no  doubt,  be  included, 
with  those  of  the  other  gods,  as  part  in  the  furniture  of  a 
house  that  is  sold.'  With  respect  to  the  supposed  perjury  of 
Rubrius,  he  observed,  that  '  if  any  one  swear  and  is  per- 
jured, the  crime  is  the  same,  whoever  be  the  god  whose  name 
is  profaned.  Augustus  is  no  more  to  be  regarded  in  this  mat- 
ter than  Jupiter ;  and  either  of  these  gods,  if  offended,  can 
avenge  himself  The  third  offence,  or  the  shifting  of  heads 
from  one  statue'to  another,  being  considered  as  a  mockery  of 
that  adulation  which  was  so  easily  transferred  from  one  to 
another  in  the  succession  of  princes,  and  as  some  degree  of 
ridicule  on  the  prince  himself,  was  not  so  easily  forgiven  ; 
though  for  the  present  overlooked,  it  was  reserved  as  a  sub- 
ject of  future  resentment." 

Though  Tiberius  was  past  feeling,  cruel,  and  barbarous, 
yet  he  on  some  occasions  performed  most  generous  deeds. 
The  third  year  of  his  reign  was  remarkable  for  one  of  the 
most  tremendous  catastrophes  which  the  Asiatics  ever  wit- 
nessed. Twelve  of  the  most  famous  cities  of  Asia-Minor  were 
destroyed  by  an  earthquake.  The  news  of  this  event  no 
sooner  reached  Rome,  than  the  emperor  ordered  that  the  in- 
habitants should  not  only  have  their  taxes  remitted,  but  he 
also  sent  them  large  sums  of  money.  To  the  citizens  of  Sar- 
dis,  '•  who  had  suffered  most,  he  sent  an  hundred  thousand 
great  sesterces,  and  to  the  rest  relief  proportionable  to  their 
losses:  nay,  he  immediately  despatched  into  Asia,  Marcius 
Aletus,  a  senator,  who  had  been  prsBtor,  to  view  the  desola- 
tions on  the  spot,  and  make  good  the  losses  of  every  particular ; 
for  he  was  fond  of  being  liberal,  as  Tacitus  observes,  on  hon- 


•' 


i 


% 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  67 

est  occasions, — a  virtue  which  he  long  retained  after  he  had 
utterly  abandoned  all  other  virtues.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
cities  thus  rebuilt  and,  by  the  liberalities  of  Tiberius,  restored 
to  their  former  splendour,  erected  to  their  common  benefactor 
a  colossus  in  the  Roman  forum,  surrounded  with  the  statues 
of  their  twelve  cities,  as  a  lasting  monument  of  the  prince's 
generosity  and  their  gratitude.  The  reputation  which  Tiberius 
gained  by  this  noble  bounty  to  the  public,  was  greatly  height- 
ened by  his  private  liberalities  ;  ibr  the  estate  of  a  wealthy 
freedwoman,  by  name  Emilia  Musa,  who  died  this  year  in- 
testate, being  claimed  by  the  treasury,  the  emperor  generously 
yielded  it  to  one  Emilius  Lepidus,  to  whose  family  she 
seemed  to  belong.  With  the  sarrte  disinterestedness  he  sur- 
rendered to  Marcus  Servilius  the  whole  inheritance  of  Patu- 
leius,  a  rich  Roman  knight,  though  part  of  it  had  been  be- 
queathed to  himself  Neither  could  he  ever  be  prevailed 
upon  to  accept  legacies  but  from  his  intimate  friends,  utterly 
rejecting  the  inheritances  of  such  as  were  strangers  to  him, 
or,  out  of  hatred  to  their  relations,  had  appointed  him  their 
heir.  His  bounties  were,  generally  speaking,  well  placed  ; 
for,  as  he  readily  relieved  such  senators  as  were  by  misfor- 
tunes reduced  to  poverty,  so  he  excluded  without  pity  from 
the  senate  those  who  had  wantonly  squandered  away  their  es- 
tates in  luxury  and  debauchery." 

No  efforts  of  the  emperor  having  procured  him  the  confi- 
dence or  esteem  of  the  people,  he  resolved  in  the  eighth  year 
;j  of  his  reign  to  withdraw  himself  fiom  public  notice,  and  in- 

I'  .    trust  the  administration  of  the  capital  to  Drusus,  his  son  by 

t  Vipsania,  daughter  of  the  celebrated  Agrippa.    To  strengthen 

'!  the   favoured  prince  in  his  government,  he  was  raised  to 

;,  the  powerful  office  of  tribune,  and  the  senate  associated  him 

i;  with  his  father  in  the  honours  which  they  conferred  on  him. 

ij  But  the  principal  pow-er  of  government  was  committed  to 

l!  one  whom  the  emperor  supposed  more  disposed  than  his  son 

li  to  comply  with  all  his  wishes      This  was  the  famous  ^Elius 

jj  Sejanus,  who,  under  guise  of  great  modesty,  cherished  bound- 

ii  less  ambition.     He  had  been  long  connected  with  the  court, 

i  and  had  contributed  to  establish  Tiberius  on  the  throne  ;  for 

I  he  had  directed  or  assisted  Drusus  in  reducing  to  obedience 
il  the  Roman  legions  on  the  Danube,  who  mutinied  at  the  time 

II  of  Augustus's  death.  The  prince  and  his  able  companion, 
ji  however,  owed  his  success  to  the  influence  of  superstition,  ra- 
il ther  than  to  their  own  wisdom  or  courage.  Their  reasoning 
jj  with  the  soldiers  provoked  their  indignation  instead  of  dispo- 


» 


1 


! 


(H  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

sing  them  to  peace,  and  they  were  exceedingly  afraid  to  re- 
■  mil  in  in  the  camp.  While  they  meditated  to  withdraw  se- 
cretly, they  learned  with  surprise  that  terror  had  seized  the 
soldiers.  "The  moon,  shining  in  all  her  splendour,  all  on  a 
sudden  began  to  darken,  in  the  midst  of  a  clear  sky,  till  she 
was  by  degrees  totally  eclipsed.  The  soldiery,  ignorant  of 
the  natural  causes  of  this  phenomenon,  and  imagining  that 
the  gods  were  angry  with  them  on  account  of  their  revolt, 
and  the  crimes  attending  it,  began  to  show  some  signs  of  re- 
pentance. Drusus  did  not  fail  to  improve  this  their  disposi- 
tion ;  he  immediately  sent  the  centurion  Julius  Clemens,  and 
other  officers  and  soldiers,  in  whom  he  could  confide,  to  mix 
with  the  mutineers,  and  try  whether  they  could,  while  they 
were  thus  alarmed,  inspire  them  with  a  love  of  their  duty. 
These,  pursuant  to  the  prince's  orders,  going  round  from  tent 
to  tent,  and  insinuating  themselves  everywhere,  first  prevailed 
upon  the  legionaries  to  abandon  the  veterans,  and  the  three 
legions  to  separate.  After  this,  the  love  of  duty  and  obedience 
returning  by  degrees,  those  who  guar<led  the  gates,  to  keep 
Drusus  as  it  were  besieged,  retired  from  their  posts ;  the 
eagles  and  other  ensigns,  which,  in  the  beginning  of  the  tu- 
mult, had  been  thrown  together,  were  carried  back  each  to 
its  proper  place,  and,  after  so  dreadful  a  storm,  calm  and 
tranquillity  restored  to  every  quarter  of  the  camp."  From 
this  time  Sejanus  daily  increased  in  favour  with  the  emperor, 
who  appointed  him  to  the  command  of  the  praetorian  bands  ; 
an  office  which  the  father  of  Sejanus  had  held  in  the  former 
reign.  But  the  first  decisive  sign  of  the  favourite's  ascendancy 
over  the  mind  of  the  emperor  was  the  marriage  of  the 
daughter  of  Sejanus  to  Claudius,  one  of  the  sons  of  the  ad- 
mired and  honoured  Germanicus.  Though  this  young  prince 
was  indeed  little  regarded  at  court,  yet  he  ultimately  succeeded 
to  the  throne. 

When  Sejanus  felt  that  he  was  the  second  man  in  the  em- 
pire, he  determined  to  be  the  first,  and  called  up  all  his  resour- 
ces of  invention  and  power  to  remove  every  one  who  stood 
between  him  and  the  throne  of  the  world.  In  order  to  this 
he  studied,  by  every  device,  to  secure  the  interest  of  the  prae- 
torian guards.  "  They  had  been  hitherto  quartered  all  over 
the  city,  and  dispersed  about  the  neighbouring  towns  and  vil- 
lages. But  Sejanus,  pretending  that  while  they  were  thus 
scattered,  they  lived  loose  and  debauched,  and  could  not  be 
easily  gathered  together  on  any  sudden  emergency,  obtained 
leave  of  the  emperor  to  assemble  them  into  one  camp,  where, 


^  "■ # 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  W 

he  said,  the  military  discipline  would  be  observed  with  more 
exactness  and  severity.  As  soon  as  the  camp  was  finished, 
he  made  it  his  chief  study  to  gain  the  favour  of  the  common 
soldiers,  by  his  affability  and  obliging  behaviour:  as  for  the 
tribunes  and  centurions,  they  were  all  chosen  by  him  ;  and 
he  took  care  to  employ  none  but  his  own  creatures  and  depen- 
dents. Having  thus  attached  to  his  interest  this  formidable 
corps,  the  flower  of  the  Roman  forces,  his  next  care  was  to 
gain  a  strong  party  in  the  senate,  which  it  was  no  difficult 
task  for  a  favourite  to  effect,  at  whose  disposal  were  both  the 
public  money,  and  the  public  employments :  for  no  senator, 
however  distinguished  by  his  birth  or  personal  accomplish- 
ments, was  employed,  unless  recommended  by  Sejanus.  He 
is  said  to  have  gained  over  to  his  interest  even  the  wives  of 
all  the  men  of  quality  in  Rome,  by  a  private  promise  of  mar 
riage  to  each  of  them,  when  he  attained  the  sovereignty. 
This  encouraged  them  to  contribute  all  that  lay  in  their  power 
to  his  grandeur,  which  they  looked  upon  as  their  own  ;  and, 
at  the  same  time,  to  acquaint  him  with  the  most  secret  counsels 
of  their  husbands.  He  did  not  even  neglect  the  emperor's 
freedmen,  but  carefully  cultivated  their  friendship  too.  In 
the  meantime,  Tiberius,  though  a  man  of  great  penetration, 
instead  of  curtailing  the  overgrown  power  of  his  favourite, 
was  ever  extolling  him  in  his  speeches,  both  to  the  senate  and 
people,  as  the  sharer  of  his  burdens ;  and  even  suffered  his 
effigies  to  be  adored  in  all  public  places,  nay,  among  the 
eagles  of  the  legions  ;  for  they  all  carried  the  image  of  beja- 
nus  in  their  colours,  except  those  which  were  then  quar- 
tered in  Syria,  which  refused  to  follow  the  example  of  the 
rest.*' 

Drusus,  the  emperor's  only  son,  was  exceedingly  displeased 
.  at  the  sudden  exaltation  above  him  of  Sejanus.  But  though 
he  opposed,  and  on  one  occasion  publicly  insulted  the  favoured 
minister,  yet  he  could  do  little  to  diminish  his  power.  Dru- 
sus was,  most  probably,  distrusted  by  his  father,  on  account 
of  his  known  regard  for  the  family  of  Germanicus ;  and  the 
people  dishked  him  because  of  Jiis  haughty  and  insolent  man- 
ner and  intemperate  habits.  By  placing  himself  in  opposition 
to  the  chief  minister,  he  hastened  his  own  destruction.  His 
wife,  Livia  or  Livilla,  sister  of  Germanicus,  was  seduced  by 
his  enemy,  and  prevailed  on  to  poison  him.  The  instruments 
employed  by  her  and  her  paramour,  to  kill  the  prince,  were 
her  physician  and  a  eunuch.  This  conspiracy  was  discovered 
'after  the  lapse  of  eight  years,  by  Apicata,  Sejanus's   wife. 


9 


r70  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

whom  he  had  repudiated  to  please  Livia,  whom  he  flattered 
\  that  he  would  marry,  and  raise  to  the  throne,  which  he  confi- 

dently hoped  to  possess. 

The  death  of  Drusus  was  only  the  first  act  of  the  tragedy 
performed  by  his  murderer,  who  had  evidently  resolved  to 
remove  out  of  the  way  every  one  who  stood  between  him  and 
the  sovereign  power.     Drusus  had  left  a  son  to  whom  he  had 
!]  given  his  own  name.     He  was,  however,  less  dreaded  by  the 

I  traitor  of  the  royal  house,  than  the  sons  of  Germanicus,  the 

great  grandsons  of  Augustus.      Two  of  these,   Nero  and 
!         '  Drusus, -ahhough  under  age,  were  presented  to  the  senate,  by 

j  Tiberius,  soon  after  he  had  buried  his  own  son.     While  he 

I  warmly  recommended  them  to  the  care  of  the  senators,  it  is 

ij  said,  that  the  universal  joy  expressed  by  the  meeting  on  be- 

holding them,  roused  the  jealousy  of  him  who  had  just  pro- 
nounced them  to  be  the  future  pillars  of  the  commonwealth. 
The  ambitious  minister  sedulously  studied  to  inflame  the  jeal- 
ousy of  his  master,  and  by  various  devices  and  insinuations, 
prevailed  on  him  to  view  Agrippina,  the  widow  of  Germani- 
cus, and  her  friends  as  his  secret  and  most  dangerous  ene- 
mies. The  immediate  consequence  of  this  was,  that  many  of 
the  most  noble  and  virtuous  Romans  who  adhered  to  this 
exalted  family,  soon  fell  victims  to  the  diabolical  schemes  of 
Sejanus  and  the  implacable  wrath  and  dreadful  revenge  of  the 
emperor,  and  the  latter  cherished  his  dark,  suspicions,  even 
after  he  detected  and  punished  the  treachery  and  treason  of 
the  former,  so  that  he  successfully  destroyed  almost  every 
branch  of  the  family  of  Germanicus. 

In  the  meantime,  Sejanus  believed  himself  so  esteemed  by 
Tiberius,  or  so  necessary  to  promote  his  purposes,  that  he 
presumed  to  request  liberty  to  marry  Livia,  the  widow  of  his 
son.  The  refusal  was  conveyed  in  language  expressive  of 
strong  affection  and  most  flattering  to  his  vanity,  but  still  well 
understood  by  him  to  whom  it  was  addressed,  to  indicate  that 
he  had  offended  his  master.  This,  perhaps,  suggested  to 
him  the  propriety  of  preventing  any  one  from  having  oppor- 
tunity to  acquire  such  an  ascendancy  over  Tiberius  as  to  sup- 
plant him  in  his  esteem  and  confidence,  the  result  of  which 
he  was  well  aware  would  be  his  disgrace  and  utter  ruin.  In 
order  to  this,  taking  advantage  of  the  unsocial  and  suspicious 
nature  of  Tiberius,  he  exaggerated  the  evils,  and  dangers, 
and  troubles  to  which  his  residence  in  Rome  exposed  him, 
and  pourtrayed  in  glowing  colours  the  felicity  which  he  might 
command  in  a  life  of  retirement.     To  this  mode  of  life  the 


i 


• 


-# 


f—  ^  —IT  ? 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  71 

emperor  had  often  showed  a  preference,  and  he  eagerly  en- 
tered into  the  plan  of  his  politic  minister.  '-  Though  deeply 
tinctured  with  the  pride  of  his  family,  he  had  not  any  share 
of  that  vanity  which  leads  men  to  display  their  fortunes  and 
persons  to  the  view  of  the  world.  Content  with  the  gratifi- 
cat'.on  of  his  appetites,  and  joining  hypocrisy  with  the  worst 
sp(  cies  of  sensuality,  he  could  submit  to  obscurity ;  and,  al- 
hough  the  resources  of  solitude  were  now  diminished  by  the 
effects  of  age,  yet  a  temper  become  more  jealous  of  the  world, 
and  more  averse  to  its  notice,  inclined  him  more  to  withdraw 
from  the  city,  and  to  maintain  from  a  distance  that  watch 
which  he  had  hitherto  kept  over  the  actions,  words,  and  even 
thoughts  of  its  inhabitants.  He  accordingly,  in  the  twelfth 
year  of  his  reign,  under  pretence  of  dedicating  in  Campania 
a  temple  t©  Jupiter  and  another  to  Augustus,  withdrew  from 
Rome,  and  after  this  time,  during  the  remainder  of  his  life, 
under  various  pretences,  but  with  continual  intimations  of  his 
intention  to  return,  absented  himself  from  the  city.  Having 
performed  the  ceremonies  for  which  he  had  gone  to  Campa- 
nia, he  passed  thence  to  Capreae,  a  small  island  under  a  head- 
land, which  was  called  the  promontory  of  Minerva,  making 
one  side  of  the  bay  of  Naples.  It  is  probable  that,  after  ma- 
ture deliberation,  he  had  fixed  on  this  spot  as  a  place  of  secu- 
rity and  an  agreeable  retreat.  It  was  covered  by  the  high 
lands  of  Minerva  from  the  north-east  winds,  and  was  open  to 
breezes  from  the  sea  on  the  south-west.  It  was  accessible 
only  to  very  small  vessels,  and  this  only  at  a  single  place. 
The  seas  were  open  to  his  scouts,  and  no  sail  could  approach 
without  his  knowledge  and  permission.  In  this  secession  it 
appears,  that  he  divided  the  guards,  having  one  part  in  the 
island  for  the  defence  of  his  person,  and  the  other  at  Rome, 
to  enforce  the  mandates  of  his  government." 

In  his  retirement,  it  is  said,  he  indulged  in  the  study  of 
astrology,  to  which  he  was  strongly  addicted,  but  his  time 
was  principally  consumed  in  scenes  of  the  lowest  pleasures 
and  dissipation.  A  few  eminent  Romans  had  access  to  him. 
"  The  society,  however,  in  which  he  delighted  most,  was 
made  up  chiefly  of  Greeks,  professed  men  of  letters,  but 
more  eminent  as  flatterers  and  ministers  of  pleasure.  For 
such  men  he  had  no  respect,  but  suffered  them  to  amuse  him 
with  their  speculations,  or  rather  with  a  kind  of  literary  buf- 
foonery, in  discussing  ludicrous  questions  which  he  was 
pleased  to  propose  ;  such  as,  who  was  the  mother  of  Hecuba, 
and  what  species  of  music  was  sung  by  the  Sirens?     These 


! 


-^ 


72  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

literary  buffoons,  however,  no  less  than  the  objects  of  his  po- 
litical jealousy,  experienced  occasionally  the  effects  of  his 
capricious  disgusts.  One  of  them  was  banished  to  the  island 
Cynaria  for  hinting  a  joke  on  the  Doric  accent,  which  the 
emperor  had  acquired  at  Rhodes  in  his  pronunciation  of 
Greek.  Another,  having  found  out  that  the  emperor  read 
books  every  morning,  out  of  which  he  proposed  his  questions 
at  night ;  and  observing  the  book  which  the  emperor  had 
been  reading,  came  so  well  prepared  to  answer  every  ques- 
tion, that  his  trick  was  suspected.  He  was  banished  from 
the  emperor's  company,  and  afterwards,  by  cruel  usage,  in- 
duced to  lay  violent  hands  on  himself."  The  hateful  tyrant, 
i  though  withdrawn  from  the  resentment  of  those  he  injured, 
did  not  suffer  his  vigilant  jealousy  to -sleep  over  the  rumours 
and  reports  of  his  informers  and  spies,  but  rather,  with  a 
more  open  and  unguarded  severity,  watched  over  crimes 
which  had  no  existence  but  in  his  own  imagination,  or  in  his 
remembrance  of  the  countenance  and  aspect  of  the  persons 
he  disliked.  In  his  present  retreat,  he  seemed  to  multiply 
the  objects  of  his  hatred,  in  proportion  as  he  himself  was  se- 
cure :  and  in  order  to  compensate  the  distance  to  which  he 
was  removed,  employed  a  proportional  speed  and  decision  to 
surprise,  and  to  prevent  those  who  were  suspected  of  any 
designs  against  him.  From  Capreas,  his  mandates,  for  the 
most  part,  were  carried  to  the  senate,  and  to  the  military  offi- 
cers at  Rome,  not  as  complaints  against  the  supposed  offender, 
or  as  instructions  to  the  magistrate  to  make  trial  or  inquiry 
into  the  guilt  of  the  accused,  but  as  warrants  fdr  their  imme- 
diate execution. 

Sejanus  continued  his  machinations  against  the  royal 
family.  He  surrounded  them  with  spies,  who  endeavoured  to 
lead  them  to  commit  treasonable  acts ;  and  failing  to  effect 
these,  falsely  accused  them  to  the  emperor.  While,  how- 
ever, the  mother  of  Tiberius  lived,  it  is  said,  that  her  au- 
thority restrained  him  from  injuring  the  sons  of  Germanicus ; 
for  though  no  one  was  less  acceptable  to  her  than  his  widow, 
yet  she  took  the  children  under  her  protection.  She  died  in 
the  sixteenth  year  of  her  son's  reign ;  and  a  lew  months 
after,  the  senate  were  called  on  to  punish  Agrippina  for 
haughty  looks,  and  her  son  Nero  for  licentiousness.  These 
charges  were  at  first  not  regarded  by  the  senate  as  deserving 
«erious  dehberation.  They  were,  however,  soon  compelled 
to  examine  them ;  and  "  after  forty-four  elaborate  speeches 
had  been  delivered,  all  tending  to  prove  the  necessity  of  im- 


m 


=» 


THE   ROBIAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  73      , 

mediate  severities,  it  was  resolved  that  Agrippina,  with  the 
eldest  of  her  sons,  should  be  banished ;  the  first  into  the 
island  of  Pandateria,  the  place  where  her  mother,  the  un- 
happy Julia,  had  been  confined;  and  the  other  to  Pontia, 
another  island  on  the  same  coast.  The  younger  brothers 
were  overlooked  on  the  present  occasion.  Drusus  the  sec- 
ond, being  persuaded  by  Sejanus  that  the  removal  of  his 
elder  brother  tended  to  his  own  advantage,  by  opening  his 
way  to  the  empire,  took  no  part  in  the  distresses  of  his  fam- 
ily. He  himself,  however,  was  soon  after  put  in  confine- 
ment, and  for  some  years  kept  a  prisoner  at  Rome,  in  a  se- 
cret recess  of  the  emperor's  palace." 

While  Sejanus,  doubtless,  flattered  himself  that  he  rapidly 
approached  the  goal  of  his  lawless  ambition,  his  royal  master 
had  already  secretly  resolved  on  his  speedy  destruction.  Ti- 
berius probably  conceived  that  he  could  now  dispense  with 
his  services ;  for  he  had  completely  succeeded  in  making  the' 
senators  of  Rome  the  abject  slaves  of  the  will  of  their  san- 
guinary and  revengeful  sovereign,  who  had  only  to  intimate 
his  will,  and  they  obeyed,  without  inquiry  or  reflection.  A 
minister  possessed  of  such  tremendous  power  could  not  but 
excite  the  fears  of  a  prince  peculiarly  disposed  to  regard 
every  man  as  his  enemy.  From  the  time  that  Sejanus  sought 
the  daughter  of  his  master  in  marriage,  Tiberius  could 
scarcely  fail  to  suspect  that  he  entertained  views  incompatible 
with  the  duties  of  a  humble  and  obedient  minister.  But,  if 
we  may  believe  Josephus,  the  emperor  had  received  from 
Antonia,  widow  of  the  elder  Drusus  Germanicus,  a  lady  j 

whom  he  esteemed,  information  of  the  treacherous  designs  ! 

and  actions  of  Sejanus.     As  the  influence  of  the  minister  j 

seemed  unbounded  in  the  senate  and  army,  it  was  expedient 
to  proceed  cautiously  in  any  scheme  devised  for  his  ruin.  j 

Many  had  he  destroyed  by  the  arts  of  deceit  and  dissimu-  j 

lation  ;  and  by  these  arts  he  was  eflfectually  ensnared.     Ti-  i 

berius  continued  to  heap  on  him  every  possible  favour  and  i 

honour  till  the  very  moment  that  he  heard  the  mandate  to  try 
him  as  a  criminal  in  the  senate,  which  was  understood  to  be 
assembled  to  place  him  nearly  on  an  equality  with  the  em- 
peror. He  was  utterly  confounded,  and  "  on  the  first  motion 
for  a  commitment,  he  was  ordered  to  prison,  and  persons  of 
every  description  began  to  give  unfeigned  or  affected  demon- 
strations of  joy.  From  many  who  were  present,  the  fear 
that  was  lately  expressed  in  adulation  and  courtship,  now 
burst  forth  in  reproaches  and  insults.     In  others,  who  were 

VOL.    UL  7 


•' 


m 


AT 

T4  THE    ROBiAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

more  nearly  connected  with  the  prisoner,  or  more  likely  to 
be  involved  in  his  fate,  the  terror  with  which  they  were  seized 
was  disguised  under  the  afiectation  of  joy.  The  populace, 
as  he  passed  through  the  streets,  took  their  part,  as  usual,  in 
the  storm  which  burst  on  this  unfortunate  man,  and,  that  he 
might  not  have  the  consolation  of  passing  unseen,  tore  away 
the  lappet  of  his  gown,  with  which  he  endeavoured  to  cover 
his  face.  On  the  same  day,  the  senate  met  again  in  a  temple 
contiguous  to  the  prison  in  which  Sejanus  was  confined,  and. 
without  any  specific  charge  or  evidence  of  guilt,  gave  sentence 
of  death  against  him,  which  was  accordingly  executed.  The 
dead  body,  as  usual  in  the  case  of  treason,  being  made  fast 
on  a  hook,  was  dragged  through  the  streets,  and  cast  into  the 
river,  where  it  was  thrown  up,  and  continued  afloat  during 
some  days,  under  the  continual  insults  of  a  multitude  of 
people."  His  innocent  children  were  treated  in  the  same 
barbarous  manner ;  and  all  who  were  regarded  his  friends 
were  sought  out,  and  cut  off  Sejanus  perished  a.d.  30,  and, 
about  the  same  time,  Caius,  surnanied  Caligula,  the  youngest 
son  of  Germanicus  and  Agrippina-,  appeared  to  rise  high  in 
the  favour  of  the  emperor.  This  youth  was  the  only  one  of 
his  family  who  had  not  lost  their  life  or  liberty.  The  highest 
honours  of  the  state  were  heaped  on  him.  Though  young, 
he  was  far  advanced  in  moral  degradation.  "  He  had  ac- 
companied the  emperor  to  Caprese,  and  artfully  concealed, 
under  a  deceitful  appearance  of  modesty,  his  savage  and  in- 
human temper.  He  had  so  well  learned  to  hide  his  heart, 
that  when  his  mother,  and  both  his  brothers  were  condemned, 
not  a  word,  not  a  groan,  escaped  him,  though  all  arts  were 
used  to  draw  words  and  resentment  from  him.  Young  as  he 
was,  he  smothered,  with  the  deepest  dissimulation,  all  symp 
toms  of  tenderness  and  sorrow.  He  was  so  observant  of 
Tiberius,  that  he  made  it  his  whole  business  to  study  the  bent 
of  his  temper,  and  to  second  it  in  all  things.  He  imitated 
his  looks,  affected  his  words  and  manner  of  expression,  and 
conformed  even  to  the  change  and  fashion  of  his  dress. 
Hence  the  observation  of  the  orator  Passienus,  that  never 
lived  a  better  slave,  nor  a  worse  master." 

During  the  administration  of  Sejanus,  his  barbarous  sov- 
ereign escaped  much  of  the  public  odium  which  he  merited, 
for  many  of  the  oppressive  and  bloody  acts  originating  with 
the  master  were  ascribed  to  the  unprincipled  servant.  The 
future  years  of  Tiberius  fully  unveiled  his  real  diabolical 
character,     By  the  agency  of  Nervius  Sertorius  Macro,  wh«» 


m 


t 


THE    ROMAN   EMPI&E   TRIUMPHANT.  75 

succeeded  to  the  dignity  of  Sejanus,  the  imperial  power  over 
the  army  and  senate  was  fully  maintained  ;  and  Rome  was 
drenched  with  the  blood  of  her  most  distinguished  citizens. 
Nothing  seemed  to  give  the  emperor  more  pleasure  than  to 
disgrace  and  put  to  death  all  whose  excellence  and  reputation 
ho  envied  or  whose  hatred  and  power  he  dreaded.  His  pri- 
vate friends  indiscriminately  suffered  from  his  caprice,  sus- 
picion, jealousy,  or  delight,  in  the  extension  of  human  misery. 
Knowledge  and  virtue  are  not  inseparable.  Tiberius  had 
acquired  more  correct  sentiments  on  religion  and  morals  than 
many  princes,  or  others  much  less  depraved  in  heart  and 
conduct.  He  was  rather  proud  than  vain,  and,  accordingly, 
he  looked  with  disdain  on  the  mean  submission  to  his  will 
and  pleasure  of  the  senate.  On  one  occasion,  when  leaving 
that  assembly,  he  exclaimed,  "  What  a  collection  of  willing 
slaves."  It  was  common  for  the  chief  persons  in  the  capital 
and  provinces,  who  wished  the  favour  of  the  Roman  em- 
perors, to  raise  temples  to  them  as  if  they  were  gods.  This 
custom  Tiberius  perceived  to  be  unreasonable  and  profane ; 
but  he  countenanced  it,  he  says,  entirely  from  respect  to  the 
example  of  Augustus,  and  to  the  autnority  of  the  Roman 
senators.  Such  is  the  import  of  his  remarkable  address  in 
the  senate,  when  ambassadors  from  Spain  requested  liberty  to 
erect  a  temple,  after  the  example  of  Asia,  to  him  and  his 
mother.  "I  know,  conscript  fathers,  that  I  am  generally 
blamed,  and  taxed  with  inconstancy,  for  not  opposing  the 
cities  of  Asia,  when  they  petitioned  for  this  very  thing.  I 
shall  therefore  now  acquaint  you  with  the  motives  of  my 
former  silence,  and,  at  the  same  time,  with  the  rules  I  pro- 
pose to  follow  for  the  future.  As  the  deified  Augustus  did 
not  oppose  the  founding  of  a  temple  at  Pergamus  to  himself 
and  the  city  of  Rome,  I,  with  whom  all  his  actions  and  say- 
ings have  the  force  of  laws,  followed  a  precedent  already  ap- 
proved the  more  willingly,  because  to  the  worship  bestowed 
upon  me  was  annexed  that  of  the  senate.  But  as  the  ac- 
cepting of  that  honour,  in  one  instance,  deserves  pardon,  so 
to  be  adored  in  every  province,  under  the  sacred  representa- 
tions of  the  deities,  savours  of  pride  and  ambition ;  besides, 
the  rendering  common,  and,  in  a  manner,  prostituting  this 
honour,  would  be  detracting  from  the  glory  of  Augustus. 
For  myself,  conscript  fathers,  I  acknowledge  to  you,  and 
would  have  posterity  co  know  that  I  am  a  mortal  man,  and 
subject,  like  others,  to  the  common  functions  of  nature.  It 
is  enough  for  me  to  hold  the  chief  place  among  you ;  an'^ 


m 


fS  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

posterity  will  sufficiently  honour  my  memory,  if  they  believe 
me  to  have  been  worthy  of  my  ancestors,  careful  of  your 
affairs,  unmoved  in  dangers,  fearless  of  private  hatred  for  the 
public  welfare.  These  are  the  temples  which  I  would  raise 
in  your  breasts,  these  the  best  and  most  lasting  images.  As 
for  temples  and  statues  of  stone,  if  those  who  are  worshipped 
in  them  come  to  be  condemned  by  the  judgment  of  posterity, 
they  are  despised,  as  their  sepulchres.  I,  therefore,  here  im- 
plore our  allies  and  citizens,  all  the  gods  and  goddesses,  be- 
seeching the  latter  to  grant  me,  to  the  end  of  my  life,  a  mind 
undisturbed,  and  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  laws,  numan 
and  divine ;  and  the  former  to  celebrate  my  actions,  when- 
ever my  dissolution  comes,  with  a  kind  remembrance." 

Where  the  passions  and  gratifications  of  Tiberius  did  not 
interfere,  he  discovered  regard  for  the  general  good.  Hence, 
though  the  seat  of  government  often  presented  a  scene  of  dis- 
order and  wretchedness,  peace  and  prosperity  prevailed  aU 
over  the  empire.  "He  held  the  reins  with  a  steady  and  well- 
directed  hand.  He  preserved  his  authority  in  the  provinces 
by  a  jealous  inspection  of  those  who  were  intrusted  with  the 
administration  of  his  affairs ;  and  in  this  was,  no  doubt,  greatly 
assisted  by  his  indifference  to  personal  friendships,  which,  in 
princes  better  disposed  than  himself,  have  often  the  effect  of 
pernicious  predilections  and  partialities.  He  checked  all  at 
tempts  at  conspiracies,  by  the  impression  he  gave  of  his  vigi- 
lance, and  by  the  mutual  distrust  with  which  he  inspired  his 
enemies,  making  their  treachery  to  each  other  the  road  to  pre- 
ferments, honours,  and  wealth.  The  ordinary  rotation  and 
succession  to  office  and  command,  which  Augustus,  in  con- 
tinuation of  the  republican  forms,  had  still  maintained,  Tiberius, 
by  a  very  natural  tendency  of  the  monarchical  spirit,  in  a 
great  measure,  or  entirely,  abolished.  Such  officers  as  were 
successful  in  keeping  the  peace  of  their  provinces  he  gener- 
ally continued  for  many  years,  and  sometimes  for  life.  He 
avoided,  as  much  as  possible,  the  necessity  of  employing,  at 
the  head  of  armies,  men  of  enterprise,  forward  ambition,  or 
even  superior  capacity.  He  left  the  disorders,  or  troubles, 
that  arose  in  any  distant  province,  to  the  effect  of  time,  rather 
than  be  obliged  to  employ,  in  repressing  them,  men  who 
were  likely  to  eclipse  his  own  glory,  or  to  awaken  his  jea- 
lousy. But  as  such  men  were  likely  ill  to  endure  the  state 
of  obscurity  in  which  they  were  kept,  he  soothed  their  dis- 
contents, sometimes,  by  flattering  them  with  extraordinary 
honours.     He  named  them  for  stations  of  high  command  ■ 


1 


THE  ROMAN  EMPULE  TRIUMPHANT.  77 

but  Still  under  various  pretences  detained  them  at  Rome,  where 
they  were  allowed  to  appear  with  the  ensigns  of  their  public 
character,  but  never  to  enter  on  the  possession  of  its  power. 
To  these  particulars  we  may  join  the  advantages  which  Ti- 
berius enjoyed  by  succeeding  to  Augustus,  whose  long  and 
well-regulated  government  had  left,  throughout  the  empire, 
habits  of  submission  and  obedience,  which  could  not  be  shaken 
by  offences  committed  within  the  verge  of  the  court,  or  in  the 
capital,  and  against  particular  descriptions  of  men,  in  whom 
the  empire  at  large  took  little  concern." 

According  to  the  testimony  of  every  historian  worthy  of 
credit,  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  a  more  depraved 
character  than  that  of  Tiberius  during  the  last  years  of  his 
long  and  immoral  reign.  Tacitus  remarks,  ^'that  he  was  de- 
servedly esteemed  while  he  was  a  private  man,  and  com- 
manded under  Augustus ;  with  cunning  and  address  he 
feigned  virtue  while  Germanicus  and  Drusus  were  alive  ;  he 
practised  much  good,  as  well  as  evil,  till  the  death  of  his  mo- 
ther ;  he  fully  discovered  the  cruelty  of  his  nature,  but  care- 
fully concealed  his  vilest  and  most  abominable  actions,  while 
he  loved  or  feared  Sejanus  ;  at  last,  he  abandoned  himself  to 
all  wickedness,  unrestrained  by  fear  or  shame." 

On  finding  his  strength  rapidly  decay,  he  is  said  to  have 
felt  much  perplexed  from  indecision  respecting  a  successor. 
He  was  naturally  inclined  to  leave  the  empire  to  his  grandson 
Tiberius,  the  only  surviving  son  of  his  son  Drusus ;  but,  on 
account  of  his  youth,  for  he  was  not  above  seventeen  years 
old,  he  preferred  to  declare  Caius  Caligula  his  successor. 
Accustomed  in  all  things  to  dissimulate,  he  could  not  persuade 
himself  to  confess  his  weakness  to  those  who  attended  him. 
To  conceal  his  state  of  health  from  the  public,  he  proposed, 
as  he  had  often  done,  during  his  residence  in  Capreae,  to  visit 
Rome.  He  proceeded  with  his  court  over  the  bay  of  Na- 
ples, and  took  possession  of  his  palace,  which  stood. at  the 
headland  of  Misenum.  While  he  sat  at  table,  and  showed 
much  attention  to  all  the  guests,  he  was  suddenly  seized  with 
some  complaint,  which  compelled  him  to  retire  to  his  sleeping 
apartment.  There  he  instantly  fainted,  and  was  believed 
dead.  The  report  quickly  spread,  and  "  all  the  officers  of  the 
guards  in  attendance,  and  all  the  members  and  followers  of 
the  court,  repaired  to  Caius  with  congratulations  on  his  sup- 
posed accession  to  the  empire.  But  while  they  were  thus 
employed  in  paying  their  addresses  to  the  successor,  a  ser- 
vant arrived,  and,  in  great  consternation,  announced  that  thp 

7* 


#= 


78  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

emperor  was  revived,  and  called  for  assistance.  The  com- 
pany, in  a  moment,  was  dispersed  ;  and  Caius,  with  extreme 
terror,  saw  the  ruin  which  threatened  him  for  his  premature 
acceptance  of  the  court  that  was  paid  to  him.  But  Macro  re- 
tained his  presence  of  mind,  and  put  a  sudden  stop  to  the 
feeble  efforts  of  returning  Hfe  in  Tiberius  by  gathering  up  the 
coverlet  of  his  bed,  so  as  to  stop  his  breath  until  he  was  suf- 
focated." 

Though  this  emperor  was  the  votary  of  the  most  worthless 
and  debasing  pleasures,  yet  he  patronised  literature  and  the 
arts,  and  a  number  of  eminent  men  were  ornaments  of  his 
reign.  Among  those  who  distinguished  themselves  by  their 
writings  were  Velleius  Paterculus,  the  historian,  whose  his- 
tory of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans  still  exists ;  Valerius 
Maximus,  who  left  a  collection  of  the  memorable  sayings  and 
actions  of  the  ancients  ;  the  celebrated  geographers  Strabo  and 
Dionysius ;  Phaedrus,  who  translated  into  Latin  the  fables 
of  ^sop;  Thrasyllus,  the  astrologer,  who  was  famed  for  his 
general  knowledge  of  the  philosophy  of  Plato,  and  was  in 
high  favour  with  Tiberius  ;  L.  Fenestalla,  who  was  generally 
esteemed  as  a  poet  and  historian  ;  and  Verrius  Flaccus,  the 
preceptor  of  Caius  Caligula,  and  celebrated  as  a  grammarian. 
Science  and  philosophy  continued  to  flourish  in  Greece,  and 
were  partially  diffused  wherever  the  Romans  ruled.  Civili- 
zation accompanied  them  into  all  countries.  Nothing,  per- 
haps, contributed  more  to  this  than  their  care  to  provide  means 
of  intercourse  between  all  parts  of  the  empire.  This  has  al- 
ready been  adverted  to,  and,  indeed,  their  success  in  uniting 
the  many  nations,  whom  they  had  subdued,  is  one  of  the  most 
remarkable  proofs  of  their  political  sagacity,  and  the  energy 
of  their  government.  Antonius  informs  us,  "  that  in  Italy  alone 
there  were  1 3,500  miles  of  systematically  formed  roads,  and 
in  Britain  not  less  than  2,650,  independently  of  similar  works 
in  the  Roman  provinces,  which,  according  to  the  same  autho- 
rity, would  bring  up  the  total  length  to  38,290  miles, — when 
we  know  that  they  traversed  the  most  western  side  of  Spain 
and  Barbary,  and  the  eastern  kingdoms  of  Media  and  Assyria, 
that  they  were  entirely  carried  through  Britain  on  the  north, 
Gaul,  Hungary,  Scythia,  and  even  through  parts  of  Arabia, 
Egypt,  and  Lybia,  in  the  south, — we  may  justly  feel  aston- 
ished that  such  stupendous  works  could  ever  have  been  com- 
pleted. Yet  numerous  evidences  of  these  vast  labours  still 
exist  both  in  the  Asiatic  and  European  continent ;  the  former 


==# 


TTTE    ROBIAN   EBiPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 


*9 


1 


indeed,  presents  them  as  fresh  and  unworn  as  the  first  day 
they  were  laid." 

These  things  were  favourable  to  the  interests  of  the  Fifth 
Empire,  which,  as  we  have  seen,  had  risen  during  the  reign 
of  Tiberius,  for  its  extension,  vigour,  and  triumph  depend  on 
the  diffusion  and  reception,  of  truth.  But  probably  no  event 
was  more  conducive  to  the  rapid  dissemination  of  the  truth 
of  the  gospel,  than  the  unexpected  change  of  mind  or  conduct 
of  the  emperor,  in  relation  to  the  Jews,  in  the  last  years  of 
his  reign.  They  were  cruelly  oppressed  by  the  Romans  the 
whole  period  that  Tiberius  was  directed  by  the  counsels  of 
Sejanus,  who  is  said  to  have  been  their  determined  and  im- 
placable enemy ;  but  immediately  after  his  death,  Tiberius 
issued  an  edict  to  all  the  governors  of  the  provinces,  command- 
ing them  to  govern  the  Jews  with  justice  and  gentleness ;  for 
he  was  satisfied  that  the  accusation*  of  disaffection  and  treach- 
erous designs,  which  had  been  brought  against  them,  were 
false.  That  they  now  enjoyed  peace  a  considerable  time  is 
distinctly  stated  by  Tacitus. '  It  is  related  that  about  two  years 
after  our  Lord's  death,  L.  Vitellius,  the  new  proconsul  or  gov- 
ernor of  Syria,  visited  Jerusalem  at  the  festival  of  the  Pass- 
over. His  reception  by  the  rulers  was  most  honourable,  and 
he  expressed  his  satisfaction  by  conferring  on  the  people  sev- 
eral favours.  He  remitted  the  entire  tax  on  the  fruits  ;  de- 
posed Caiaphas  from  the  office  of  high-priest,  and  appointed 
Jonathan,  the  son  of  Ananias,  to  succeed  him;  and  intrusted 
to  the  high-priest  the  keeping  of  the  pontifical  dress,  which 

I  the  Romans  usually  deposited  in  Antonia,  the  fortress  occu- 

pied by  them  near  the  temple.     The  Jews  were  still  more 

I  obliged  tothis  governor,  when  he  delivered  them  fromthetyran- 

fi  nous  rule  of  Pilate,  and  placed  over  them  Marcellus,  an  en- 

lightened and  generous  minded  officer.  These  circumstances 
may  have  imparted  to  the  Jews  the  audacity  to  put  to  death, 
under  the  form  of  their  law,  Stephen,  the  holy  confessor  ot 
Christ,  without  consulting  the  Roman  procurator,  who  alonp 
was  invested  with  the  power  of  life  and  death.  Not  being 
called  to  account  for  this  daring  act  of  contempt  of  Roman 

'.  authority,  the  Jews  seized  the  opportunity  to  revenge  them- 

selves on  the  followers  of  Christ.  It  was  at  the  time  that  Ste- 
phen suffered  for  his  confession  of  Christianity  that  the  first 
great  persecution  of  the  Christian  community  commenced  at 
Jerusalem,  whence  it  extended  over  Judea,  and  threatened  the 
Christians  who  resided  in  Damascus  and  Syria. 

This  persecution,  we  know,  most  unexpectedly  proved  the 


•- 


^0  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

means  of  the  most  glorious  victory  of  the  rising  kingdom  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ ;  for  his  disciples  obeyed  his  injunction 
to  flee  from  persecution,  and  proclaim  everywhere  his  gospel. 
They  had,  very  soon  after  the  descent  of  the  Spirit,  exceed- 
ingly multiplied  ;  many  thousands  of  the  citizens  of  the  me- 
tropolis had  submitted  to  Christ,  and  a  still  greater  number 
of  strangers  had  followed  their  example.  These,  on  escaping 
the  revengeful  power  of  their  unbelieving  countrymen,  tra- 
velled over  Judea,  Samaria,  and  most  probably  all  countries 
where  Jews  or  Jewish  proselytes  resided ;  for  it  is  remarked 
by  Luke,  that  they  "  went  everywhere  preaching  the  word." 
Indeed,  he  specifies  Phenice,  Cyprus,  and  Antioch  the  metro- 
polis of  Syria,  among  the  places  visited  by  those  who  had  fled 
from  Jerusalem.  The  greater  number  of  the  disciples  con- 
fined their  ministry  to  the  Jews ;  but  a  few  who  were  natives 
of  Cyrene,  in  Africa,  preached  to  the  Grecians,  who  had  be- 
come proselytes.  Their  testimony  was  believed  by  multi- 
tudes, and  these  turned  to  the  Lord.  They  were  every  where 
admitted  into  the  synagogues  ;  for  the  Jews  still  continued  in 
every  place,  except  in  Jerusalem,  to  regard  their  brethern  who 
believed  the  gospel,  only  as  a  sect  of  their  own  religion.  And 
they  were  long  viewed  in  the  same  light  by  the  Romans. 
By  consequence,  while  the  Jews  were  favoured  by  the  Ro- 
mans, and  allowed  to  observe  their  own  laws,  the  Christians 
enjoyed  the  unspeakable  pleasure  of  announcing  boldly  the 
gospel.  Accordingly,  the  only  active  opposers  of  the  Fifth 
Empire,  for  a  considerable  period,  were  the  impenitent  Jews. 
These,  in  all  places,  endeavoured  to  rouse  the  indignation  of 
the  pagans  against  the  ministers  and  followers  of  Christ.  In 
some  places  they  were  successful ;  but  in  others  the  inhabi- 
tants restrained  their  wrath,  and  protected  the  Christians,  and 
permitted  them  publicly  to  proclaim  their  peculiar  principles, 
and  observe  their  laws  and  customs.  Thus,  during  the  last 
four  years  of  the  life  of  Tiberius,  the  favour  which  he  showed 
the  Jewish  nation,  was  most  conducive  to  the  extension  of 
Christianity,  not  only  by  the  liberty  which  its  advocates  en- 
joyed to  make  it  known  throughout  the  whole  empire,  but 
also  by  the  opportunity  they  had,  as  a  community,  of  acquir- 
ing strength  unobserved  by  the  mighty  power  of  the  civil  state, 
the  pagan  priesthood,  and  the  various  schools  of  pagan  philos- 
ophy. 

The  short  reign,  however,  of  his  successor  Caius  was 
much  more  favourable  to  the  interests  of  the  rising  kingdom 
of  Christ ;  for  the  power  of  impenitent  Jewish  rulers  and  peo- 


#~ 


f 


.i  z',  i»  iu-.n:.  .  ...  I.    .-w.  ...  t-H 

THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  81 

pie,  the  chief  enemies  of  Christ,  was  for  a  time  completely- 
broken.  They  had  enough  to  do  to  rescue  themselves  from 
impending  ruin ;  and  consequently  had  no  time  to  interfere 
wim  the  proceedings  of  the  Christian  people.  It  is  to  this 
that  the  sacred  historian  is  supposed  to  allude,  when  he  men- 
tions, that  "Then  had  th^  churches  rest  throughout  all  Judea, 
and  Galilee,  and  Samaria,  and  were  edified ;  and  walking  in 
the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  in  the  comforts  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
were  muUiplied." 

Caius  ascended  the  throne  of  the  world  under  the  most 
auspicious  circumstances.  As  the  only  surviving  son  of  Ger- 
manicus  and  Agrippina,  he  was  loved  and  adored  by  the 
senate  and  people  of  Rome.  He  was  not  less  beloved  by  the 
army.  Tacitus  observes,  that  he  was  born  in  the  camp, 
nursed  in  the  arms  of  the  legions,  and  by  them  named  Ca- 
ligula, a  military  term  for  the  boots  of  the  soldiers ;  for  he 
wore  the  same  kind  common  to  the  army,  a  condescension 
which  won  their  affections,  insomuch  that  his  presence  on 
one  occasion  quelled  a  mutiny.  The  most  distant  provinces 
participated  in  the  joy  of  Rome  on  the  accession  of  Caius  to 
the  imperial  throne  ;  in  the  space  of  three  months,  it  is  re- 
ported, that  in  gratitude  for  this  event,  one  hundred  and  sixty 
thousand  sacrificial  victims  were  slain  throughout  the  empire. 

The  first  acts  of  Caius  indicated  more  wisdom  and  virtue 
than  any  one  from  his  previous  life,  could  have  supposed, 
that  he  possessed,  or  had  even  capacity  to  imitate.  In  the 
court  of  Tiberins.  ho  appeared  to  approve  of  the  most  bar- 
barous and  contemptible  deeds  of  that  monster  of  wickedness. 
The  extreme  sufl^erings  inflicted  on  his  mother,  brother,  and 
their  friends,  he  contemplated  with  apparent  indifference ;  he 
seemed  destitute  of  natural  aiiection.  He  had,  however,  no 
sooner  honoured  Tiberius  with  a  magnificent  funeral,  than 
he  proceeded  to  the  islands  of  Pandataria  and  Pontia  where 
he  gathered,  with  great  reverence,  the  bones  and  ashes  of  his 
mother  and  brother  Nero,  brought  them  to  Rome,  and  caused 
them  to  be  deposited,  with  extraordinary  pomp,  in  the  mauso- 
leum of  Augustus.  All  the  decrees  of  the  senate  enacted 
against  them  and  against  Drusus,  who  died  at  Rome,  were 
annulled  ;  nay,  a  stately  villa  on  the  seaside,  where  Agrip- 

f)ina  had,  for  some  time,  been  kept  under  confinement,  was 
evelled  with  the  ground,  that  no  monuments  might  remain 
of  her  mi  fortunes.  Public  sacrifices  were,  at  his  motion,  ap- 
pointed by  the  senate  to  be  yearly  offered  to  perpetuate  their 
memory  ;  solemn  games  in  the  circus,  and  chariot-races,  were 


i 


82  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

instituted  in  honour  of  his  mother,  in  which  her  image  was 
to  be  carried  amongst  those  of  the  gods ;  and  the  month  of  Sep- 
tember was,  by  a  decree  of  the  senate,  to  be  thenceforth  called 
by  the  name  of  his  father,  Germanicus.  Having  thus  signal- 
ized his  piety  towards  his  father,  his  mother,  and  his  brothers, 
he  honoured  his  grandmother  Antonia,  with  the  name  of  Au- 
gusta, appointed  her  priestess  of  Augustus,  granted  her  all 
the  privileges  enjoyed  by  the  Vestals,  and  all  the  marks  of  dis- 
tinction which  had  ever  been  conferred  upon  Livia,  either  by 
Augustus  or  Tiberius.  The  privileges  of  the  Vestals  he  like- 
wise granted  to  his  sisters  Agrippina,  Drusilla,  and  Livilla 
or  Julia ;  and  ordained  that  their  names  should  be  added  to 
his  in  all  solemn  oaths,  with  this  clause,  "Neither  am  I  dearer 
to  myself,  nor  are  my  children  dearer  to  me,  than  Caius  Cesar 
and  his  sisters."  And  to  all  the  public  acts  the  following  form 
was  ordered  to  be  prefixed,  "May  it  prove  fortunate  and  happy 
to  Caius  Cesar  and  his  sisters."  All  the  papers,  registers,  and 
records,  which  Tiberius  had  left,  relating  to  the  proceedings 
against  his  mother  and  brothers,  he  caused  to  be  brought  pub- 
licly into  the  forum,  and  there  to  be  committed  to  the  flames, 
in  his  presence,  after  having  solemnly  called  the  gods  to  wit- 
ness that  he  never  read,  nor  even  opened  them.  This  he  did, 
as  he  then  declared,  that  no  room  might  be  left  for  fear  or  ap- 
prehensions in  those  who  had  been  the  occasion  of  the  mis- 
fortunes which  befell  them.  However,  as  they  were  all  af- 
terwards, to  a  man,  cut  off,  under  the  imputation  of  various 
crimes,  it  was  commonly  believed,  that  he  had  burnt  only  the 
copies,  and  preserved  the  originals.  In  many  other  ways  he 
manifested  generosity  and  justice.  He  liberated  all  state-pris- 
oners, and  recalled  all  whom  the  late  emperor  had  banished. 
He  publicly  declared  that  he  would  give  no  countenance  to 
spies,  or  permit  any  one  to  be  accused  of  treason.  In  reply 
to  a  note  intimating  a  conspiracy  to  kill  him,  he  said,  "That 
he  had  done  nothing  to  provoke  the  hatred  of  any  one,  and 
should  therefore  be  deaf  to  the  whispers  of  informers.  He  af- 
fected the  greatest  respect  for  the  judgment  of  the  senate  and 
the  approbation  of  the  people  ;  and  on  his  birth-day  honoured 
all  ranks  by  the  most  magnificent  shows  which  had  ever  been 
seen  in  Rome.  He  set  aside  all  the  most  unpopular  decrees  and 
laws  of  Tiberius  which  affected  Rome  or  the  provinces." 

His  private  friends  largely  experienced  his  bounty,  partic- 
ularly Agrippa,  son  of  Aristobulus,  one  of  the  unhappy  sojis 
of  Herod  the  Great  who  were  put  to  death  by  their  jealous 
and  revengeful  father.     The  youth,  at  his  father's  death,  was 


'» 


m- 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  o3 

sent  to  Rome  by  his  grandfather.  He  and  Drusus  the  son 
of  Tiberius  were  placed  under  the  same  tutor,  and  he  was 
highly  esteemed  by  both  till  the  death  of  Drusus,  when  the 
father  dismissed  from  his  presence  all  his  son's  friends,  under 
the  pretence  that  they  renewed  his  grief  By  his  agreeable 
manners  and  profuse  expenditure,  Agrippa  had  procured 
many  friends  at  Rome ;  but  being  expelled  from  court,  and 
overwhelmed  in  debt,  he  felt  compelled  to  depart  to  Judea. 
His  proud  spirit  being  nearly  broken  by  disappointments  and 
poverty,  he  took  refuge  in  a  castle  qf  Idumea,  where  he  re- 
solved to  starve  himself  to  death.  His  relations  relieved  him, 
but  he  soon  forfeited  their  favour,  and  returned  to  Rome.  Here 
he  acquired  the  friendship  of  Caius.  Their  intimacy  gave  occa- 
sion to  one  of  Agrippa's  slaves  whom  he  made  free,  to  betray 
his  master.  The  servant  informed  the  emperor  that  he  heard 
Agrippa  declare  to  Caius  that  he  wished  most  earnestly  the 
death  of  Tiberius,  because  then  the  former  had  nothing  to  do 
but  kill  the  young  prince  Tiberius,  and  take  possession  of  the 
empire.  In  const^quence  of  this  accusation,  Agrippa  was 
bound  and  cast  into  prison.  He  not  only  was  liberated  by 
Caius  a  few  days  after  he  was  proclaimed  emperor,  but  re- 
ceived from  him  a  diadem,  and  a  chain  of  gold  equal  in 
weight  to  the  iron  chains  with  which  he  had  been  bound, 
also  the  tetrarchy  of  his  uncle  Herod  Philip,  and  the  region 
of  Abilene  in  Syria,  with  the  title  of  king.  His  kingdom  was 
a  short  time  after  enlarged  by  the  addition  of  the  tetrarchy  of 
Herod  Antipas,  who  was  deposed  by  Cains,  and  exiled  to 
Lyons  in  Gaul,  because  he  was  accused  of  having  pledged 
himself  to  support  Sejanus  in  his  conspiracy  to  destroy  the 
late  emperor  and  seize  the  empire. 

The  natural  talents  of  Caius  were  respectable,  and  he  had 
acquired  the  learning  of  the  age.  He  spoke  Greek,  and  was 
an  eloquent  speaker.  He  restrained  his  appetites  and  pas- 
sions while  he  dreaded  the  displeasure  of  Tiberius :  on  obtain- 
ing the  crown  he  gave  himself  up  to  intemperance  and  sen- 
suality. Before  the  lapse  of  a  year,  a  severe  disease,  ascribed 
to  his  vicious  habits,  threatened  his  life.  The  report  of  this 
event  quickly  spread,  and  plunged  the  provinces  in  distress. 
"  At  Rome,  his  palace  was  constantly  crowded  with  multi- 
tudes of  people  of  all  ranks,  inquiring  about  his  health  ;  many 
passed  whole  nights  at  his  gate,  and  some,  devoting  their  lives 
for  his,  promised  to  fight  amongst  the  gladiators  for  his  safety, 
and  put  up  notices  of  this  their  resolution  in  the  streets.  At 
length  he  recovered,  and,  with  his  recovery,  restored  happi- 


m 


1^ 


'* 


/g4  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

ness  to  the  whole  empire.  Innumerable  victims  were  slain 
and  sacrifices  offered  in  the  most  distant  provinces  subject  to 
Rome,  by  way  of  thanksgiving-  to  the  gods  for  so  signal  a 
favour.  But  how  blind  is  man  in  his  imagination  !  how  vain 
in  his  hope,,  and  ignorant  of  what  is  most  to  his  advantage  ! 
This  prince,  so  much  beloved,  and  universally  looked  upon 
as  the  author  of  all  public  and  private  happiness,  either 
changed  all  on  a  sudden  his  nature,  or  discovered  that  which 
he  had  some  time  artfully  disguised."  Some  imagined  that 
the  disease  had  injured  his  brain,  and  left  him  void  of  judg- 
ment. Certain  it  is,  that  from  this  time  he  acted  more 'like  a 
maniac  than  a  rational  being.  "  Every  species  of  brutal  in- 
dulgence, qualified  with  the  name  of  pleasure,  deliberate 
murders,  under  the  pretence  of  the  execution  of  justice,  or- 
dered without  any  formalities  of  trial,  and  attended  with  ex- 
pressions of  insult  and  scorn  from  himself,  characterised  his 
future  reign." 

Young  Tiberius  seems  to  have  been  the  first  victim  of  his 
caprice  and  malice.  When  the  youth  put  on  the  robe  of 
manhood,  he  was  presented  by  Caius  to  the  public  as  the  chief 
prince  of  the  rising  race  of  the  nobles,  and  was  adopted  by 
him.  In  a  few  days  he  compelled  the  youth  to  stab  himself 
in  his  presence.  His  illustrious  grandmother,  the  aged  and 
venerable  Antonia,  he  treated  so  contemptuously  that  he  was 
considered  to  have  either  killed  her  or  hastened  her  death. 
When  she  ventured  to  give  him  advice,  he  was  usually  en- 
raged, and  called  her  to  remember  that  "  he  could  do  what  he 
pleased  with  whom  he  pleased." 

The  accounts  of  his  cruelties  would  be  deemed  incredible, 
had  they  not  been  fully  authenticated.  "  Among  the  rest, 
they  teli  us  that  one  day,  finding  there  were  no  criminals  con- 
demned to  fight  with  the  wild  beasts,  according  to  the  bar- 
barous custom  which  obtained  at  Rome,  he  commanded  such 
of  the  people  as  were  already  come  to  see  the  shows,  to  be 
thrown  to  them,  having  first  ordered  their  tongues  to  be  cut 
out,  that  they  might  not  disturb,  with  their  cries  and  com- 
plaints, his  inhuman  diversion.  Finding  it  very  chargeable 
to  maintain  the  wild  beasts,  which  were  kept  for  such  enter- 
tainments, he  often  visited  the  prisons  in  person  :  and,  order- 
ing all  the  prisoners  to  be  ranged  in  a  gallery  before  him. 
sentenced  many  of  them  to  be  thrown  to  the  wild  beasts,  with- 
out examining  whether  they  were  guilty  or  innocent.  Once 
in  particular,  as  they  stood  drawn  up  before  him,  he  com- 
manded £iil  to  be  taken  away  to  feed  his  beasts,  a  calvo  ad 


m  ^^-^m 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  jBS 

ealvum,  i.  e.  from  such  a  bald  head,  whom  he  pointed  out,  to 
another.  Gre'^t  numbers  of  old  men,  of  infirm  persons,  and 
of  such  as  were  reduced  to  poverty,  met  with  the  same  cruel 
fate ;  the  inhuman  tyrant  pretending  that  by  such  unheard 
of  barbarities  he  consulted  the  public  welfare,  since  he  deliv- 
ered the  state  from  persons  who  were  so  many  burdens  to  it." 

Elnted  by  absolute  power,  and  the  abject  submission  of  all 
ranks,  he  pretended  that  he  was  a  god,  and  claimed  the  same 
worship  which  was  paid  the  chief  gods,  Apollo,  Mars,  and 
Jupiter.  He  ordered  a  temple  to  be  built  for  his  worship, 
and  dedicated  it  to  his  own  divinity,  "  placing  in  it  his  statue 
in  gold,  done  to  the  life,  and  every  day  clothed  in  the  same 
robes  which  he  himself  wore.  He  likewise  instituted  priests 
and  priestesses,  to  officiate  in  his  new  temple,  the  greatest  and 
richest  men  in  Rome,  so  great  was  their  debasement  at  this 
time,  purchasing  the  infamous  priesthood  with  vast  sums ; 
for  Caius  sold  it  at  such  an  extravagant  price,  that  his  uncle 
Claudius,  not  having  wherewithal  to  discharge  the  flebt, 
eight  millions  of  sesterces,  says  Suetonius,  which  he  con- 
tracted on  that  occasion,  was  obliged  to  surrender  all  his  ef- 
fects to  his  creditors,  who  publicly  sold  them  by  auction.  The 
sacrifices  which  his  priests  daily  offered  to  him  were  pea- 
cocks, pheasants,  Numidian  hens,  &,c. ;  and,  as  though  his 
other  follies  were  not  sufficiently  extravagant,  he  became  at 
last  priest  to  himself,  and  admitted  to  the  same  dignity  his 
wife  Caesonia,  whom  he  married  the  year  following ;  and  also 
his  horse,  the  most  proper  priest  of  all  for  such  a  deity. 

The  consummate  folly  of  Caius  in  claiming  divine  hon- 
ours was  resisted  by  none  but  the  Jews.  He  sent  orders 
to  Petronius,  governor  of  Syria,  to  set  up  his  statue  in  the 
most  holy  place.  Though  the  noble  Roman  was  aware  of 
the  danger  to  which  he  exposed  himself  by  delaying  to  pub- 
lish this  extraordinary  edict,  yet  he  knew  that  the  dan- 
ger was  equally  great  and  more  immediate,  rashly  to  enforce 
it,  from  the  Jews'  utter  abhorrence  to  idolatry.  He  accor- 
dingly proceeded  in  the  affair  with  much  prudence  and  cau- 
tion. That  he  might  appear  zealous  for  the  honour  of  the 
emperor,  but  chiefly  with  a  view  to  avoid  the  threatened  evil, 
he  sent  for  the  most  celebrated  artists,  and  the  best  materials 
for  a  statue,  to  distant  countries,  and  collected  many  troops  in 
Ptolemais  and  its  vicinity.  The  appearance  of  an  army 
alarmed  the  Jews,  and  to  allay  their  fears  he  felt  compelled  to 
inform  them  of  the  orders  which  he  had  received.  The  chiefs  of 
.^e  Jews  Immediately  assembled,  and  presented  to  him  an  ad- 

VOL.  HI.  8 


4 


86  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

dress,  in  which  they  strongly  expressed  their  respect  for  the 
emperor,  but  plainly  stated  that  they  would  sooner  all  perish 
than  allow  their  temple  to  be  polluted.  He  replied  that  their 
resistance  would  be  regarded  rebellion.  This  they  disa- 
vowed, and  declared  that  they  had  no  design  of  resorting  to 
force,  but  that  he  could  only  enter  the  sanctuary  through  the 
blood  of  the  whole  nation. 

Petronius  having  arrived  at  Ptolemais,  Aristobulus  the 
brother  of  Agrippa,  and  several  others  of  the  highest  rank, 
visited  him,  and  earnestly  entreated  him  to  grant  them  liberty 
to  send  an  embassy  to  Rome,  and  to  favour  them  with  a  letter 
to  the  emperor,  whom  they  proposed  to  petition  that  he  would 
condescend  to  recall  the  decree,  to  which  they  could  not  pos- 
sibly submit.  Petronius  warned  them  not  to  apply  to  Caius, 
Ij  for  their  disinclination  to  do  what  he  commanded  would,  he 

H  assured  them,  only  bring  on  them  destruction  ;  but  he  pledged 

y  himself  to  write  the  emperor,  and  do  nothing  to  offend  them 

I  till  he  received  an  answer.     The  letter  of  the  governor  stated, 

"  that  he  had  met  with  difficulties  in  the  execution  of  his  or- 
1  ders,  through  want  of  proper  hands  ;  and   that  the  statue, 

jj  which  he  designed  should  be  a  masterpiece  of  its  kind,  was 

'!  not  yet  reared,  because  he  feared  lest  the  taking  of  so  many 

men  from  their  other  labours  should  bring  a  scarcity  on 
the  land,  and  lower  the  tribute ;"  with  such  other  reasons, 
which,  instead  of  appeasing,  greatly  exasperated  the  empe- 
ror. He  was  just  reading  the  letter,  and  in  the  height  of 
his  resentment,  when  king  Agrippa,  who  was  then  at  Rome, 
came  into  his  presence.  He  was  greatly  surprised  to  see 
such  a  mixture  of  passions  in  his  looks  and  gestures,  and 
began  to  fear  he  had  either  offended,  or  been  in  some  way 
misrepresented  to  him  ;  when  Caius,  who  easily  observed 
his  disorder,  broke  the  secret  to  him  in  words  to  this  ef- 
fect ;  "  Your  Jewish  subjects  are  strange  creatures,  to  refuse 
to  acknowledge  me  for  a  god,  and  to  provoke  my  resentment 
against  them  :  I  had  commanded  the  statue  of  Jupiter  to  be 
set  up  in  their  temple,  and  they  have,  it  seems,  opposed  it, 
and  raised  a  kind  of  universal  insurrection."  This  informa- 
tion overwhelmed  Agrippa  ;  he  fainted,  and  continued  un- 
well several  days.  On  recovering,  he  wrote  Caius,  and 
ij  earnestly  besought  him  to  regard  the  Jews  with  pity.     He  i 

ij-  reminded  him  of  the  loyalty  of  that  people,  and  of  the  many  j[ 

jj  favours  which  his  predecessors  Augustus  and  Tiberius  had  || 

jj  conferred  on  them ;  and  that  the  greatest  favours  which  he  ii 

had  heaped  on  himself  would  only  augment  his  unhappi*  i 


#. 


THE    ROMAN    EMFISJS   TRIUMPHANT.  87 

ness,  if  he  did  not  allow  the  Jews  to  preserve  their  religion  ; 
and  that  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  live,  if  the  sacred  place 
was  profaned,  and  his  nation  disgraced.  Caius  answered  not 
this  letter,  and  this  induced  Agrippa  to  hope  that  he  relented. 
The  emperor,  he  believed,  loved  him  ;  and  he  therefore  took 
the  liberty  to  send  him  an  invitation  to  a  grand  entertainment. 
This  he  readily  accepted.  In  the  course  of  the  feast,  when 
Caius  was  heated  with  wine,  Agrippa,  in  glowing  language, 
praised  him  for  his  generous  deeds,  and  the  noble  gifts  he  had 
given  him.  Caius  was  highly  gratified,  and  promised  Agrippa 
whatever  he  would  ask.  The  Jewish  monarch  instantly  thus 
addressed  his  guest :  "  Since  it  is  your  royal  pleasure  to  add 
this  new  favour  to  all  the  rest,  I  will  beg  for  such  an  one  as 
will  be  at  once  an  irrefragable  proof  of  your  goodness  to  me, 
and  draw  a  plenty  of  heavenly  blessings  upon  your  head ; 
and  that  is,  that  you  will  lav  aside  your  resolution  of  setting 
up  the  statue  in  the  temple  of  Jerusalem."  This  petition, 
which  showed  not  only  the  greatest  disinterestedness,"  but 
also  the  most  unfeigned  love  for  his  country  and  religion, 
even  at  the  hazard  of  his  life,  had  such  an  eflect  on  tliat  em^ 
peror,  that  he  wrote  immediately  to  his  governor,  that  "if  his 
statue  was  not  already  set  up,  he  should  forbear  doing  it : 
adding,  that  he  had  altered  his  mind  out  of  friendship  to 
Agrippa." 

While  the  dreadful  edict  of  Caius  was  suspended  over  the 
heads  of  the  nation,  the  labours  or  practices  of  the  followers 
of  Christ  would  excite  little  concern  in  the  minds  of  the  ru« 
lers  of  the  Jews.  Besides,  however  much  they  might  hate 
them,  they  would  not  presume  to  continue  persecuting  them, 
in  opposition  to  the  Roman  laws,  which  protected  all  sects  of 
the  Jews.  Thus  the  Christians  would  enjoy  peace  in  Judea, 
Galilee,  and  Samaria,  during  a  considerable  part  of  the  reign 
of  Caius.  It  was  about  this  period,  that  Saul,  apparently  the 
most  active  persecutor  of  the  Christians,  believed  the  gospel, 
and  became  the  great  apostle  of  the  nations.  This  must  have 
dissipated  the  fears  of  many  disciples  of  Christ,  who  sojourned 
in  Syria,  whom  he  had  authority  to  imprison  and  destroy. 
While  a  great  and  effectual  door  was  thus  opened  for  the 
preaching  of  the  gospel  in  this  season  of  public  calamity,  it 
seems,  we  tliink,  plain  from  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  that  the 
Christian  ministers  and  people  received  remarkable  increase 
of  divine  knowledge,  fitting  them  for  the  extended  labours  to 
which  they  were  called  ;  for  they  were  now  taught  to  pro 
claim  the  gospel  indiscriminately  to  all  nations. 


#. 


-9 


WS  THE   ROMAN    EHFIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

From  the  time  of  the  descent  of  the  Holy  Spirit  on  the 
day  of  Pentecost,  they  were  confident  that  their  Lord  was  or- 
dained to  conquer  all  nations.  It  is,  however,  questionable  if 
any  of  them  had  hitherto  acquired  any  distinct  ideas  of  the 
means  which  he  was  to  employ  to  accomplish  this  great  and 
glorious  enterprise.  His  first  commission  to  his  ministers 
was  confined  to  the  Jews  ;  for  he  prohibited  them  from  going 
to  any  of  the  nations,  or  from  even  entering  into  any  city  oi 
the  Samaritans.  And  when  he  commanded  them  to  "  Go  into 
all  the  world,  and  preach  the  gospel  to  every  creature,  and 
teach  all  nations,"  he  expressly  enjoined  that  they  should  com- 
mence their  mission  at  Jerusalem.  Nor  does  it  appear  that 
the  apostles  or  their  associates  proclaimed  the  gospel  beyond 
that  city,  till  persecution  compelled  them  to  seek  an  asylum 
in  the  surrounding  regions.  They  had  been  educated  in  all 
the  religious  opinions  and  prejudices  of  their  nation,  origina- 
ting in  imperfect  views  of  the  Divine  purposes  and  plans  re 
specting  the  redemption  of  mankind  by  the  Messiah.  By  the 
covenant  made  with  Abraham,  and  still  more  explicitly,  bj 
the  Sinai  covenant,  the  Jews  were  intrusted  with  the  keeping 
of  the  law  and  the  promises.  Through  them  alone  could  the 
nations  obtain  the  knowledge  of  Divine  Revelation.  All  the 
visible  privileges  of  the  true  religion  were  granted  them ;  and 
every  one  belonging  to  another  nation,  who  w^orshipped  God, 
learned  to  regard  the  Jews  as  a  people  honoured  by  God 
above  all  other  races  of  man.  While,  therefore,  the  covenant 
made  with  the  Jewish  Fathers  remained  in  full  force,  it  was 
divinely  proper  that  every  new  revelation  of  the  will  of  Hea- 
ven should  be  communicated  first  to  the  Jews.  Accordingly, 
John  the  Baptist,  Messiah's  forerunner,  Jesus  Christ  himself, 
and  all  his  first  ministers  and  followers,  were  Jews ;  and 
none  were  received  into  the  congregations  of  Christians  for 
several  years,  except  those  believers  in  Christ  who  were  pre- 
viously proselytes  to  the  religion  of  the  nation  of  Jews.  The 
Christians,  in  common  with  their  unbelieving  and  impenitent 
countrymen,  viewed  every  man  of  another  nation,  till  he  wa? 
circumcised  and  had  submitted  to  all  the  rites  and  institutes 
of  Moses,  as  unclean ;  and,  consequently,  they  neglected  to 
proclaim  salvation  to  the  uncircumcised,  for  they  evidently 
supposed  them  not  qualified  to  receive  it. 

Thus  the  kingdom  of  God  received  no  subjects  direct 
from  the  nations  before  the  reign  of  Caius  Caligula.  The 
apostle  Paul  was  probably  the  first  Christian  who  preached 
Christ  to  all  men  without  respect  of  persons ;  for  he  was  coip 


m- 


THE   ROMAN   EMPOIB   TRIUMPHANT.  89 

missioned  to  proceed  at  once  to  minister  to  the  nations,  and  he 
readily  obeyed.  The  first  three  years  of  his  ministry  were 
passedi  in  Arabia,  and  we  have  reason  to  conclude  that  he 
made  no  distinction  between  Jews  and  Gentiles,  for  he 
considered  himself  appointed  chiefly  to  convert  the  latter  to 
the  faith  of  Christ.  Not  long  after  his  conversion,  Peter 
was  instructed  by  a  vision  to  preach  to  the  uncircumcised,  and 
to  acknowledge  those  of  them  who  believed  in  Christ,  and 
received  the  gifts  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  proper  subjects  of  his 
divine  kingdom.  And  from  the  time  of  the  conversion  of 
Cornelius  and  his  friends,  all  the  chief  ministers  of  Christ 
engaged  with  great  zeal  in  raising  congregations  every  where 
from  all  the  uncircumcised,  who  received  their  message  con- 
cerning the  Christ.  Nor  does  it  appear  that  any  Gentile  was 
in  future  deemed  disqualified  to  worship  God,  because  he  de- 
clined to  be  circumcised  and  to  obey  the  law  of  Moses.  This 
sentiment  was  indeed  strongly  maintained  and  zealously  pro- 
pagated by  a  few  proud  Jews,  who  aspired  to  be  leaders  in 
the  Christian  community,  and  they  succeeded  in  procuring 
many  disciples ;  but  the  assembly  of  the  chief  ministers,  and 
the  whole  congregation  in  Jerusalem,  publicly  condemned 
their  conduct,  and  sent  a  decree  to  all  Christian  congregations, 
declaring  that  no  Gentile  was  required  to  become  a  Jew,  or 
to  keep  the  law  of  Moses,  in  order  to  the  enjoyment  of  the 
blessings  of  the  kingdom'of  God.  This  was  one  of  the  most 
important  and  most  memorable  events  in  the  history  of  the 
primitive  church.  It  caused  great  joy  among  all  the  Chris- 
tian community,  and  their  ministers  engaged  with  exceed- 
ingly invigorated  zeal  in  the  propagation  of  the  gospel.  The 
whole  world  actually  became  the  field  of  their  missionary 
work.  They  were  no  longer  shut  up  in  synagogues  :  they 
all,  like  Paul,  proclaimed  everywhere,  to  all  people,  salvation 
through  faith  in  Christ  Jesus ;  and  the  power  of  the  Lord 
was  with  them,  and  muhitudes  turned  from  idols  to  serve  the 
Living  and  True  God. 

It  is  probable  that  the  ministers  of  Christ  had  now  more 
liberty  to  advance  his  kingdom  than  was  usually  granted,  not 
only  in  Judea,  but  also  in  the  other  parts  of  the  empire. 
They  interfered  not  with  the  political  or  religious  arrange- 
ments of  the  empire.  They  took  no  part  in  the  contentions 
of  the  Jews  with  the  Romans,  occasioned  by  the  imperial 
command  to  worship  the  emperor  as  a  god.  The  purity  of 
the  temple-worship  was  not  now  an  object  of  interest  to  them. 
Nor  did  they  revile  the  gods,  or  rob  the  temples  of  idolaters. 

8* 


r 


90  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRroMPHANT. 

They  quietly  proceeded  to  announce  the  gospel,  and  to  ciL 
on  all  men  to  renounce  all  idols,  and  worship  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ.  No  law  of  the  empire  disapproved  of  this  conduct, 
and  few  opposed  it,  except  the  unbeHeving  Jews,  and  those 
whom  they  persuaded  to  join  them  in  persecuting  the  follow- 
ers of  Christ.  The  Jews,  however,  had  completely  lost  their 
influence  for  a  time,  by  their  resolute  determination  to  resist 
the  decree  of  Cesar  in  relation  to  their  temple.  Not  only 
were  they  so  opposed  in  their  own  land  that  they  ceased  to 
persecute  the  churches  in  Judea,  Galilee,  and  Samaria,  but 
they  were  also  in  a  similar  depressed  condition  in  other  coun 
tries.  They  were,  in  particular,  exposed  to  dreadful  suffer- 
ings in  Egypt. 

The  country  prospered  in  the  last  years  of  Tiberius,  for 
its  Roman  governor  Avilius  Flaccus,  ruled  with  much  wis- 
dom and  justice.  But,  being  at  heart  an  enemy  of  the  Jews, 
when  he  learned  that  they  had  subjected  themselves  to  the 
displeasure  of  the  emperor,  he  joined  the  idolatrous  Egyp- 
tians, who  eagerly  embraced  the  opportunity  which  the  de- 
cree of  Caius  gave  them  of  inflicting  every  kind  of  evil  on 
the  Jews,  of  whom  there  were  about  one  million  in  the  king- 
dom. He  regarded  with  indifference  or  pleasure  the  lawless 
conduct  of  the  multitude,  who  plundered  the  Jews  of  their 
property,  destroyed  their  places  of  worship,  or  defiled  them 
by  placing  in  them  statues  of  the  emperor.  He  published 
an  edict  declaring  them  aliens  in  Alexandria.  Immediately 
the  idol-worshippers  rose  against  them,  expelled  them  from 
their  houses,  and  shut  them  up  in  a  small  unheahhy  part  of 
the  city,  and  attempted  to  prevent  them  from  procuring  pro- 
visions. The  Alexandrians  watched  them  narrowly  night 
and  day,  to  prevent  them  from  making  their  escape.  But,  in 
the  end,  hunger  prevailing  over  fear,  several  found  means  to 
withdraw  either  to  the  sea-side,  or  to  some  remote  burying- 
places ;  but  such  of  them  as  were  discovered,  were  tortured  in  a 
[j  most  cruel  manner,  put  to  death,  and  their  bodies  ignominiously 

u  dragged  through  the  streets  of  the  city.     Those  Jews  who, 

ij  not  having  any  notice  of  the  uproar,  happened  to  come  to 

Jfj  the  city  fiom  their  country-houses,  were  treated  with  the  same 

ij  cruelty,  an.d  hurried  away  to  the  torture,  or  torn  in  pieces  by 

the  enraged  multitude.  Some  of  the  rioters  lay  night  and 
day  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  waiting  there  for  the  Jewish 
merchants  ;  and  as  soon  as  any  vessel  arrived  belonging  to 
that  nation,  they  leaped  into  it,  seized  the  effects,  and  then 
burnt  it,  together  with  the  owners.     In  short,  when  Jews  ap- 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  91 

peared  in  any  part  of  the  city,  except  the  narrow  quarter  al- 
lotted to  them,  they  were  sure  of  being  tortured  in  a  most 
barbarous  manner  and  massacred.  The  least  inhuman  among 
the  rioters  despatched  them  with  the  sword,  or  with  fire,  often 
burning  whole  families,  without  respecting  the  old  men,  or 
pitying  the  infants  ;  and  employing  for  fuel  such  of  their 
effects  as  no  one  thought  worth  purchasing.  Others,  more 
cruel,  to  prolong  the  torments  of  those  unhappy  wretches, 
having  tied  them  to  the  stakes,  kindled  round  them  fires  of 
moist  and  green  wood  ;  so  that,  after  they  had  long  borne 
the  torment  of  a  slow  fire,  they  perished  at  length,  suffocated 
with  the  smoke,  when  their  bodies  were  but  half  burnt.  Oth- 
ers, with  ropes  fastened  to  their  feet,  were  dragged  through 
tile  streets  and  public  places  of  the  city,  the  populace  insult- 
ing their  bodies  even  after  they  were  dead,  trampling  them 
under  foot,  and  mangling  them  with  such  brutal  cruelty,  so 
that  not  one  member  remained  entire  to  entitle  them  to  a  fu- 
neral. They  then,  by  way  of  mockery,  pretended  to  bewail 
those  whom  they  had  thus  inhumanly  butchered :  but,  if  any 
of  their  friends  or  relations  lamented  them  in  earnest,  they 
were  immediately  seized,  whipped  without  mercy,  and,  after 
suffering  all  the  torments  which  cruelty  itself  could  invent, 
condemned  to  the  ignominious  punishment  of  the  cross. 
Flaccus  might,  with  one  word,  have  put  a  stop  to  the  fury 
of  the  populace,  but  he  the  whole  time  pretended  ignorance 
of  the  very  things  he  saw  and  heard.  However,  he  sent  at 
last  for  the  leading  men  amongst  the  Jews,  as  if  he  designed 
to  make  up  all  differences  between  them  and  the  people  of 
Alexandria.  The  Jews  had  at  Alexandria  an  ethnarch,  or 
chief  of  their  nation,  whom  Josephus  calls,  as  is  commonly 
believed,  alabarch  ;  they  had  likewise  a  council,  which  was 
established  by  Augustus  ;  and  out  of  this  Flaccus  caused  thirty- 
eight  persons  to  be  seized,  to  be  bound  like  criminals,  some 
with  cords,  others  with  chains,  and  in  that  condition  to  be 
dragged  through  the  great  market-place  to  the  theatre,  where 
the  people  were  celebrating  the  birth-day  of  Caius,and  there,  in 
the  presence  of  their  enemies,  to  be  whipt  so  unmercifully,  that 
some  of  them  died  soon  after.  In  inflicting  this  punishment, 
he  chose  the  most  ignoininious  method,  (for  different  methods 
were  then  in  use,)  treating  them  as  public  thieves  and  rob- 
bers. Those  who  outlived  this  cruel  punishment  were  im- 
prisoned and  kept  under  close  confinement,  till  Flaccus  him- 
self was  arrested,  that  is,  from  the  thirty-first  of  August, 
which  was  Caius's  birth-day,  to  the  latter  end  of  Septemlier 


^^ 


-m 


92  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

During  this  solemnity,  which  seems  to  have  lasted  several 
days,  many  Jews  were  crucified,  after  the  people  assembled 
in  the  theatre  had  diverted  themselves  with  scourging,  rack 
ing,  and  torturing  them  at  their  pleasure.  With  these  scenes 
of  cruelty  they  were  daily  entertained,  till  the  Jews,  either 
expiring  on  the  rack  or  hurried  away  to  execution,  gave 
room  to  dancers,  players,  and  other  diversions  in  use  amongst 
the  Romans  ;  diversions  truly  less  horrible,  but  perhaps  not 
more  innocent.  Such  women  as  were  suspected  to  be  Jews, 
were  by  the  insulting  populace  seized,  carried  into  the  mar- 
ket-place, and  there  exposed  to  public  view.  Those  who 
proved  not  to  be  Jews,  were  immediately  dismissed  ;  but  to 
the  Jewish  women  they  caused  hog's  flesh  to  be  immediately 
brought,  which,  if  they  ate,  they  too,  were  dismissed  ui# 
touched  ;  but  if,  on  the  contrary,  they  adhered  to  their  law, 
they  were  exposed  to  the  greatest  indignities  imaginable, 
racked  with  all  manner  of  torments,  and  put  to  a  cruel  death. 
Such  was  the  condition  of  the  Jews  at  Alexandria  for  the 
space  of  about  two  months,"  in  the  second  year  of  the  reign 
of  Caius.  Their  sufferings  were  mitigated  by  the  interces- 
sions of  Agrippa  ;  and  the  unjust  governor  Flaccus,  who  was 
recalled  to  Rome,  was  tried,  condemned,  and  banished.  But 
the  Jews  in  Egypt  endured  much  till  the  reign  of  Claudius. 
Thus  the.  Divine  indignation  was  manifested  against  them 
because  of  their  apostacy  from  the  true  religion,  and  their 
hatred  of  its  faithful  followers. 

Those  Jews  who  resided  east  of  the  Euphrates  were  not 
less  afflicted  than  those  in  Judea  and  Egypt.  About  the  time 
that  the  latter  groaned  under  the  tyranny  of  Caius,  many 
thousands  of  the  former  were  destroyed.  The  causes  of  this 
catastrophe  are  minutely  related  by  Josephus.  Very  many 
Jews  evidently  dwelt  in  Mesopotamia  and  Babylon,  if  their 
historian  be  correct  when  he  says,  that  they  sent  thousands 
with  their  collection  for  the  temple,  lest  the  treasure  should  be 
seized  by  the  Parthians,  who  ruled  over  the  region  of  ancient 
Assyria.  Two  Jews,  brothers,  named  Asineus  and  Anilcus, 
early  lost  their  father  ;  their  mother,  from  poverty,  could  not 
afford  to  give  them  either  a  good  education  or  respectable 
trade  :  in  their  youth  they  deserted  society,  and  became  cap- 
tains of  a  number  of  the  destitute  among  their  own  people 
who  sojourned  in  Babylonia.  These  supported  themselves 
partly  by  keeping  flocks,  but  chiefly  by  robbery  and  plunder. 
They  erected  a  strong  fortress,  and  demanded  tribute  from 
the  inhabitants  of  the  surrounding  districts,  as  a  compensa- 


m- 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  »d 

tion  for  exemption  from  their  depredations.  The  report  of 
these,  and  of  their  courageous  daring  and  heroic  exploits, 
roused  the  Parthian  governor  of  Babylon  to  attempt  the  de- 
struction of  their  fortress,  and  their  dispersion.  He  led  a  con- 
siderable band  against  them,  and  proposed  to  attack  them  on 
Sabbath,  which,  it  was  believed,  they  held  so  sacred  as  not  to 
engage  in  warfare,  not  even  in  self-defence.  His  plan  was 
anticipated  by  the  Jewish  band  ;  they  suddenly  fell  on  the 
army,  killed  many,  and  put  the  survivors  to  flight.  The  de- 
feat of  his  general  astonished  Artibanus,  kingof  Parthia,  and, 
instead  of  resolving  on  revenge,  he  sought  the  friendship  of 
the  Jewish  heroes,  and  committed  to  them  the  government  of 
Babylonia.  The  brothers  strongly  forti6ed  the  places  ex- 
posed to  the  inroads  of  enemies,  and  acquired  celebrity  in  the 
Parthian  empire.  The  younger  brother,  Anileus,  unhappily 
married  the  widow  of  a  Parthian  general,  and  permitted  her 
to  continue  worshipping  the  gods  of  her  people..  This  ex- 
ceedingly offended  the  Jews,  and  they  implored  her  husband 
to  repudiate  her.  His  love  for  her  was  stronger  than  his 
reverence  for  the  laws  of  his  nation  ;  and  his  brother  declined 
to  compel  him  to  comply  with  the  wishes  of  their  followers. 
The  Parthian  lady,  being  apprehensive  that  Asineus  should 
be  persuaded  by  his  countrymen  to  urge  his  brother  to  di- 
vorce her,  killed  him  by  poison. 

Anileus,  possessed  of  the  entire  government  of  Babylonia, 
sought  to  enrich  himself  by  plundering  other  provinces.  He 
led  an  army  against  some  villages  belonging  to  Mithri- 
dates,  one  of  the  king's  sons-in  law.  The  Parthian,  in  de- 
fending his  province,  was  defeated  and  made  prisoner.  He 
was,  however,  from  respect  to  his  rank,  liberated  by  Anileus ; 
and  very  soon  raised  a  new  army  to  oppose  him.  The  Jews 
now  sustained  a  total  defeat,  and  were  forced  to  flee  from 
Babylonia.  Those  who  escaped  the  sword  of  the  enemy 
sought  refuge  in  Seleucia,  where  they  united  with  the  Sy- 
rians to  resist  the  oppressive  measures  of  the  Greeks,  who  had 
long  possessed  the  government  of  the  city.  The  latter, 
however,  maintained  their  authority  and  power,  and  severely 
punished  the  Jews,  of  whom  they  slew  fifty  thousand.  The 
few  who  escaped  fled  to  Ctesiphon,  the  winter  residence  of 
the  Parthian  kings ;  but,  dreading  the  vengeance  of  the 
Greeks,  the  principal  citizens,  they  returned  to  Babylonia, 
and  settled  in  Nisibis  and  Neerda,  two  strong  cities  on  the 
Euphrates. 

While  the  Jews  thus  endured  calamities  not  less  dreadfui 


»= 


94  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

than  those  which  they  inflicted  on  the  Christians  whom  their 
power  could  reach,  the  latter  persevered,  through  evil  report 
and  good  report,  to  make  the  gospel  known  in  every  region 
of  the  Roman  empire,  and  even  beyond  its  boundaries.  Nor 
is  it  probable  that  their  labours  were  much  interrupted  by 
the  pagans  in  the  reign  of  Caius:  for  their  minds  were  fully 
occupied  by  the  political  affairs  of  that  dreadful  period. 
Every  day  almost  threatened  new  evils  on  all  ranks.  Every 
one  respected  for  wisdom,  valour,  or  riches,  provoked  the 
envy,  hatred,  and  revenge  of  the  selfish,  sensual,  cruel,  and 
sanguinary  emperor. 

in  the  second  year  of  his  reign,  one  of  his  acts  to  gain  ce- 
lebrity exhibited  at  once  the  consummation  of  folly  and  unpar- 
alleled prodigality,  which  occasioned  inexpressible  suffering 
to  his  subjects.  He  fixed  his  court  at  Puteoli,  and,  to  dis- 
play his  power  over  sea  and  land,  ordered  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  vessels  to  be  collected  or  built,  sufficient  to  form 
a  bridge,  extending  from  Puteoli  to  the  opposite  point  of  the 
bay  of  Baiae.  "  These  vessels  were  placed  in  two  rows  in 
the  form  of  a  crescent,  beinsf  fastened  and  moored  tog-ether 
with  anchors,  chains,  and  cables.  So  many  ships  were  em- 
ployed in  this  foolish  undertaking,  that,  none  being  left  to 
convey  corn  to  Rome,  the  city  was  greatly  distressed  by  fam- 
ine, which  continued  to  the  reign  of  Claudius,  and,  to  the 
great  satisfaction  of  Caius,  swept  off  daily  great  numbers  of 
the  people.  Seneca  tells  us,  that,  when  Caius  was  killed, 
there  was  not  sufficient  corn  in  the  public  granaries  to  main- 
tain the  people  eight  days  longer.  When  the  ships  were 
well  fastened  and  secured,  vast  quantities  of  large  planks  and 
boards  were  laid  over  them,  and  covered  with  earth.-  Then 
to  rnake  this  stupendous  work  the  more  magnificent  and  sur- 
prising, he  sent  ibran  infinite  number  of  artificers  and  work- 
inen,  who,  at  an  immense  charge,  and  with  incredible  expe- 
dition, Caius  punishing  the  least  remissness  with  present 
death,  built  houses,  and  convenient  inns,  on  the  bridge,  for 
the  reception  of  the  emperor  and  his  numerous  retinue.  Into 
these  public  houses  was  conveyed  fresh  water  in  pipes  from 
the  land,  Caius  taking  delight  in  such  things  only  as  to  oth- 
ers seemed  impossible.  When  this  wonderful  work  was  com- 
pleted, Caius  repaired  to  it  with  all  the  great  lords  of  Rome, 
being  attended  by  immense  crowds  of  people,  who  flocked 
from  every  quarter  to  behold  this  mighty  pomp.  Upon  his 
arrival  at  Baiae,  he  offered  solemn  sacrifices  to  the  gods,  espe- 
cially to  Envy,  lest  the  other  deities  should  be  touched  with 


=m 


THE    ROMAN   EMPHIE   TRIUMPHAPTT.  95 

jealousy  in  seeing  their  glory  eclipsed  by  his.  Then  proudly 
adorned  with  magnificent  robes  of  gold,  and  armed  with  the 
breastplate  of  Alexander  the  Great,  having  a  civic  crown  on 
his  head,  accompanied  with  the  great  officers  of  his  army, 
and  all  the  nobility  of  Rome,  he  mounted  on  horseback,  and, 
entering  upon  the  bridge  at  Baiae,  rode  with  an  awful  majesty 
to  Puteoli.  There  he  resided  the  greater  part  of  the  day 
and  the  following  night,  when,  with  an  infinite  number  of 
torches,  lanterns,  and  other  lights,  placed  in  different  parts  of 
the  work,  the  sea,  the  neighbouring  mountains,  and  the  shore 
were  illuminated  to  a  vast  distance,  Caligula  boasting  that  he 
had  turned  the  night  into  day,  as  well  as  the  sea  into  land 
Ij  The  next  day  he  appeared  in  the  habit  peculiar  to  the  char- 

ioteers in  the  circus,  and  in  a  chariot  drawn  by  two  stately 
horses,  being  attended  by  young  Darius,  the  Parthian  hos- 
tage, a  squadron  of  his  guards  in  bright  armour,  and  a  great 
train  of  his  friends  magnificently  attired,  and  likewise  in 
their  chariots :  he  set  out  on  his  return  to  Baiae,  but  halted 
about  the  middle  of  the  bridge;  and  thpre  ascending  a  mag- 
i;  nificent  throne,  made  a  solemn  oration  in  praise  of  his  own 

i  exploit  in  riding  so  many  miles  upon  the  sea,  and  of  the  pains 

and  care  taken  by  his  soldiers  and  workmen,  among  whom 
he  distributed  large  rewards.     He  spent  all  the  day  and  the 
Ij  next  night  in  this  place,  revelling  and  banqueting  with  his 

')  friends  ;  and  when  he  began  to  be  heated  with  wine,  that  he 

■j  might    perform  some  memorable  action  before  he  left  his 

,  bridge,  he  all  on  a  sudden  caused  great  numbers  of  peo- 

i  pie  to  be  thrown  into  the  sea,  without  distinction  of  friend  or 

[!  foe,  noble  or  ignoble  ;  and  when  they  attempted  to  climb  up 

tl  into  the  vessels,  he  ordered  them  to  be  thrust  off;  so  that  many 

I  perished,  though  a  greater  part  saved  themselves  by  swim- 
^1  "lii^g,  the  sea  proving  extremely  calm  and  smooth  the  whole 
;!  time,  which  Caius  foolishly  ascribed  to  the  respect  Neptune 
Ij  had  for  him  as  a  more  powerful  deity. 

II  Caius  having,  by  this  and  many  other  similar  extravagances, 
:  exhausted  and  d'-ained  his  exchequer,  betook  himself  to  all 
'ji  manner  of  rapine,  inventing  such  kinds  of  penalties,  confisca- 
[j  tions,  and  imposts  nad  never  before  been  heard  of  He 
jj  would  not  allow  any  one  to  be  legally  a  citizen  of  Rome 

whose  grant  ran  in  the  following  terms,  "  To  him  and  his 
posterity,"  unless  he  was  his  son,  pretending  that  the  word 
posterity  did  not  extend  beyond  that  degree  ;  so  that  most  of 
the  Roman  citizi'ns  were  obliged  to  purchase  their  freedom 
anew.      He<l*^claied  the  wills  void  of  all  from  the  beoinnine 


96  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

of  Tiberius'  reign,  who  had  not  named  that  prince  or  himseli' 
amongst  their  heirs.  Hereupon  several  persons  named  him 
in  their  wills  amongst  their  friends  and  children,  which  he 
knowing,  caused  them,  under  several  pretences,  to  be  put  to 
death,  that  he  might  receive  his  share  the  sooner ;  nay,  he 
was  once  heard  to  say  that  it  was  a  great  presumption  in  them 
to  live  and  keep  him  out  of  his  inheritance.  No  commodity 
whatever,  not  even  the  necessaries  of  life,  were  exempt  from 
some  tax  or  other.  For  all  actions  at  law,  in  whatsoever 
place  commenced,  he  exacted  the  fortieth  part  of  the  thing  in 
controversy,  and  laid  heavy  fines  on  such  as  were  convicted 
either  of  compounding  or  dropping  the  suit.  He  enacted  a 
law,  enjoining  all  artificers,  labourers,  porters,  carriers,  &.c. 
to  pay  into  the  exchequer  the  eighth  part  of  their  daily  gains. 
Every  prostitute  was  obliged  to  pay  a  certain  portion  of  what 
she  earned ;  nay,  he  was  not  ashamed  to  turn  his  own  palace 
into  a  brothel-house,  maintaining  there  great  numbers  of  pros- 
titutes, and  sending  his  officers  to  invite  people  of  all  ranks 
to  his  diversions." 

Towards  the  end  of  the  year,  Caius  determined  to  distin- 
guish himself  as  a  great  general  and  mighty  conqueror.  He 
ordered  a  large  army  to  be  raised  to  make  war  on  the  Ger- 
mans. His  march  from  Rome  presented  the  most  extraordi- 
nary scene  ever  witnessed  in  any  country.  He  moved  some- 
times with  such  haste  "  that  the  prastorian  cohorts  were  obliged 
to  have  their  standards  brought  after  them  on  their  sumpter 
horses ;  at  other  times  so  slowly,  that  he  seemed  to  walk  only 
for  his  amusement.  He  was  carried  the  greatest  part  of  the 
way  in  a  litter  on  eight  men's  shoulders,  having  dispatched 
messengers,  commanding  the  neighbouring  cities  to  have 
their  roads  well  swept  and  watered,  that  he  might  not  be 
troubled  with  dust.  He  was  attended  in  this  mock  expedition 
by  Herod  king  of  Batanea  and  Trachonitis,  and  by  Antiochus 
king  of  Comagene,  and  followed  by  a  train  of  gladiators, 
comedians,  buflfoons,  and  loose  women,  with  whom  he  spent 
his  whole  time.  When  he  arrived  at  the  place  where  the 
legions  were  encamped  that  guarded  the  banks  of  the  Rhine, 
he  reviewed  his  forces,  which  amounted  to  two  hundred  or 
two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  men.  To  acquire  the  repu- 
tation of  a  rigid  observer  of  military  discipline,  he  dismissed, 
with  ignominy  and  disgrace,  several  old  officers,  pretending 
that  they  were  unfit  for  the  service,  but  in  reality  to  exempt 
himself  from  the  obligation  of  paying  them  the  rewards  due  to 
veterans.     He  passed  the  Rhine  ;  but  after  advancing  a  few 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  97 

miles  into  the  country,  he  returned  without  having  killed,  or 
even  seen,  a  single  enemy,  though  it  might  have  been  ex- 
pected from  his  preparations  that  he  would  have  overrun  the 
whole  country.  Tacitus  tells  us  that  one  Brinio  or  Brenno, 
prince  of  the  Caninefates,  ridiculed  with  impunity  this  foolish 
expedition  of  Caius.  And  indeed  there  was  reason  to  censure 
his  absurd  conduct ;  for  while  he  who  had  threatened  the  bar- 
barians with  utter  destruction  was  passing  in  his  chariot 
through  a  narrow  lane,  and  his  troops  were  forced  to  break 
their  ranks  on  account  of  the  narrowness  of  the  place,  an  of- 
ficer observing  that  great  would  be  their  confusion  if  the 
enemy  should  appear,  Caius  immediately  threw  himself  out 
of  his  chariot,  mounted  his  horse,  and  galloped  to  the  bridges 
with  a  design  to  repass  the  river ;  but  finding  them  crowded 
with  the  servants  and  baggage  of  the  army,  he  made  them 
;  hand  him  from  one  to  another,  and  convey  him  over  their 

j  heids,  thinking  he  could  not  too  soon  get  out  of  the  enemy's 

I  country.     Being  afterwards  recovered  from  his  fright,  and 

i  assured  that  there  was  nothing  to  fear,  Jhe  ordered  some  of 

i  his  German  guards  to  cross  the  Rhine,  and  afterwards  having 

j  concealed  themselves  for  some  time  in  a  neighbouring  forest, 

I  rise  out  of  their  ambuscade  in  great  tumult  and  hurry;  and 

!  that  upon  the  alarm  which  this  would  occasion,  word  might 

^  be  brought  him  that  the  enemy  was  at  hand  ;  which  ridicu- 

I  lous  order  being  obeyed,  the  mock  hero,  starting  from  table, 

!  and  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  the  praetorian 

I  horse,  hastened  to  oppose  tht;  enemy,  and,  advancing  to  the 

forest,  spent  the  remaining  part  of  the  day  in  cutting  down 
'  trees  to  erect  trophies  for  so  signal  a  victory.    Upon  his  return 

he  reproached  with  cowardice  those  who  had  not  followed 
him,  but  rewarded  such  as  had  borne  the  brunt  of  the  day 
with  a  new  sort  of  crowns,  which,  to  distinguish  them  from 
I  all  others,  he  called  exploratoiiae." 

!  Thp  (Termans.  soon  after  the  departure  of  Caius,  invaded 

Gaul  and  were  repulsed  by  his  general  Galba.  The  empe- 
ror rewarded  him,  but  claimed  from  the  Roman  senate  all  the 
glory  of  the  victory.  About  the  same  time  he  commanded  the 
troops  to  march  to  the  coast  of  Gaul,  opposite  to  the  island  of 
Britain,  which  he  proposed  to  reduce  entirely  under  Rome. 
On  joininof  the  troops,  "  he  drew  them  up  along  the  coast, 
embarked  in  a  magnificent  galley,  and,  having  advanced  a 
small  WMV  from  the  shore,  returned  suddenly,  and,  ascending 
his  tribunal,  ordered  the  warlike  engines  to  be  disposed  in 
order  and  to  the  best  advantage,  the  trumpets  to  sound,  and 


98  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

the  signal  of  battle  to  be  given.  Neither  soldiers  nor  ofScera 
could  conceive  what  he  had  in  view,  till  at  length,  all  on  a 
sudden,  he  ordered  them  to  gather  the  cockle  shells  on  the 
shore,  and  to  fill  with  them  their  laps  and  head-pieces,  saying, 
'  These  are  spoils  of  the  conquered  occean,  due  to  the  palace, 
due  to  the  capital.'  Then,  to  reward  his  fellow-soldiers  for  so 
glorious  a  victory,  he  distributed  among  them  a  very  inconsi- 
derable sum,  biding  them  be  merry,  and  enjoy  in  safety  the 
rewards  of  their  valour.  And,  that  so  glorious  a  conquest 
might  never  be  forgot,  he  caused  a  high  tower  to  be  erected, 
according  to  the  model  of  the  pharos  at  Alexandria  for  setting 
up  lights  to  direct  ships  at  sea  in  the  night.  And  now  Caius 
thought  of  nothing  but  the  preparations  for  a  triumph  due  to 
his  noble  achievements.  Accordingly,  he  wrote  to  his  officers 
at  Rome,  enjoining  them  to  get  every  thing  ready  for  the 
most  magnificent  triumph  that  had  ever  been  seen  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  warning  them  not  to  put  him  to  any  extraordinary 
expense,  since  every  man's  estate  was  at  their  disposal.  Be- 
fore he  left  Gaul  he  chose  the  tallest  men  of  that  province, 
without  distinction  of  rank  or  condition,  to  grace  his  triumph, 
giving  them  German  names,  and  obliging  them  to  learn  that 
language,  to  let  their  hair  grow,  and  colour  it  red,  that  they 
might  pass  for  Germans.  He  likewise  commanded  the 
galleys,  in  which  he  and  his  chief  officers  had  put  to  sea,  to 
be  conveyed  to  Rome  for  most  part  of  the  way  by  land."  On 
approaching  Rome  he  sent  messengers  prohibiting  any  of  the 
senators  to  meet  him,  and'on  entering  he  refused  the  honour 
of  a  triumph.  From  this  time  he  purposed  to  extirpate  the 
senate,  and  several  of  the  most  eminent  senators  were  put  to 
death  ;  and  had  not  his  life  been  shortened,  he,  doubtless, 
would  have  fulfilled  his  designs.  He  was  justly  universally 
hated  and  dreaded ;  but  the  Romans  had  so  completely  dege- 
nerated, that  they  endured  his  outrageous  actions  nearly  four 
years,  and  left  it  to  the  soldiers  to  betray  and  assassinate  their 
sovereign.  Cassius  Cha3rea,  a  tribune  of  the  praetorian  band, 
was  eminent  for  his  bravery  and  honourable  actions  ;  his  per- 
sonal appearance  was,  however,  remarkably  disadvantageous. 
On  this  account,  Caius,  who  knew  that  he  disapproved  of  the 
injustice  and  cruelty  of  his  government,  took  every  oppor- 
tunity to  speak  of  him  as  an  effeminate  coward.  This  con- 
temptible conduct  of  Caius  provoked  the  indignation  of  the 
noble  soldier,  and  he  determined  to  risk  his  lilfe  to  free  the 
empire  from  the  power  of  the  savage  tyrant.  Chaerea  easily 
found  numbers  to  join  him  in  the  conspiracy,  and  many  of 


i 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  99 

these  hurried  him  on  to  execute  his  purpose,  lest  he  should  be 
betrayed.  He  struck  the  first  fatal  blow  while  Caius  amused 
himself  with  some  Asiatic  youths  who  had  been  trained  to 
dance  in  the  theatre.  The  fellow  conspirators  of  Choerea 
quickly  followed  his  example,  and  some  of  them  seemed  to 
derive  pleasure  from  mangling  the  body  of  their  victim,  even 
when  his  life  was  extinct.  The  body  of  the  emperor  was  left 
on  the  spot  where  he  fell,  till  night,  when  it  was  privately  re- 
moved to  the  Lamian  gardens,  and,  after  being  half  burnt, 
was  interred  without  the  least  sign  of  regret  or  respect.  The 
hateful  tyrant's  wife  and  only  daughter,  an  infant,  were  not 
permitted  long  to  survive,  and  the  Romans  eagerly  desired 
that  his  name  should  be  declared  infamous.  The  senate  suc- 
ceeded to  procure  the  abolition  of  all  his  acts,  the  destruction 
of  his  statues,  and  the  melting  down  of  all  the  coins  on  which 
his  name  was  engraved. 

Caius  was  succeeded  by  his  uncle  Claudius,  who  owed  his 
exaltation  chiefly  to  the  will  of  the  army.  Most  probably  he 
had  never  entertained  for  one  moment  the  hope  of  ascending 
the  throne  of  Rome,  nor  had  any  one  ever  dreamed  of  such  an 
event.  Upon  the  first  report  of  the  death  of  his  nephew, 
Claudius  in  extreme  terror  sought  refuge  behind  curtains  in 
the  dark  corner  of  a  room  in  the  palace,  whiere  he  heard  the 
noise  of  the  tumult,  and  trembled  lest  his  breathing  should 
attract  the  attention  of  any  one.  A  common  soldier  named 
Graius,  in  passing  through  the  palace  in  quest  of  plunder, 
discovered  Claudius,  who  earnestly  implored  his  compassion. 
This  Gratus  not  only  showed,  but  instantly  saluted  him  em* 
peror.  He  conveyed  him  to  his  companions,  from  whom  he 
received  the  same  honour.  They  placed  him  in  a  chair,  and 
as  they  passed  through  the  city  to  the  camp,  the  people  lamen- 
ted over  him,  for  they  imagined  that  the  soldiers  carried  him 
away  to  be  executed  ;  a  fate  which  they  felt  he  had  not  meri- 
ted. "  He  was  well  received  in  the  camp,  but.  as  he  was 
naturally  timorous,  he  passed  the  night  in  no  small  apprehen- 
sion. He  was  inclined  not  to  accept  the  empire ;  but  king 
Agrippa,  who  had  just  interred  the  body  of  Caius,  arriving 
in  the  camp,  and  hearing  the  army  designed  to  raise  Clau- 
dius to  the  sovereign  power,  went  immediately  to  him,  encour- 
aged him  to  lay  hold  of  the  present  opportunity,  and,  leaving 
him  in  that  resolution,  returned  home.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  soldiery,  convinced  that  the  state  could  not  long  subsist 
without  an  emperor,  and  reflecting  that  it  would  prove  far 
more  advantageous  for  them  to  give  than  to  receive  a  sover- 


I 


100  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRICJMPHANT. 

eign,  the  very  next  day,  the  twenty-fifth  of  January,  took  an 
oath,  of  allegiance  to  Claudius,  who  promised  them  fifteen 
sesterces  a  man.  He  was  the  first  emperor,  as  Suetonius  ob- 
serves, who  distributed  money  to  the  soJdiers  upon  his  acces- 
sion to  the  empire,  but  his  example  was  followed  by  most  of 
his  successors." 

The  views  of  the  soldiers  ill  accorded  with  those  cherished 
by  the  senate  and  people.  The  consummate  fool  or  monster 
of  wickedness  Caius,  had  not  been  interred  before  the  senate 
proposed  to  restore  the  constitution  of  the  Roman  republic, 
and  abolish  for  ever  the  name  of  Cesar.  Chaerea  was  ap- 
pointed commander  of  the  city  guards,  and  was  ordered  by 
the  consuls  to  adopt  for  the  watchword,  Liberty.  The  people 
rejoiced  in  the  restoration  of  Rome's  ancient  glory.  They, 
however,  quickly  deserted  the  senators ;  for  no  sooner  did 
the}'-  learn  that  the  army  had  called  Claudius  to  the  throne, 
than  they  loudly  expressed  their  approbation,  and  cried,  "  We 
prefer  one  prince  to  many  tyrants."  Thus  the  citizens  were 
divided  and  distracted  ;  and  the  report  of  the  discussions  of 
the  senators  enraged  the  thoughtless  multitude,  who  longed 
for  the  presents  and  shows  with  which  they  were  gratified  by 
the  emperors.  The  simple  and  temperate  manners  of  the 
early  days  of  the  republic  no  more  suited  the  Romans.  The 
population  of  Rome,  degraded  by  poverty,  dazzled  and  blen- 
ded by  the  pageantry  of  the  court,  intoxicated  by  low  plea- 
sures, and  drenched  in  licentiousness,  surrounded  the  senate, 
and  clamorously  called  for  the  soldier's  emperor.  The  sena- 
tors were  alarmed  ;  a  few  only  declared  their  determination 
to  restore  the  institutions  of  the  republic,  but  these  were  pow- 
erless against  the  fearful  apprehensions  which  agitated  the 
bosoms  of  the  many.  The  senate  requested  king  Agrippa, 
who  still  remained  in  the  city,  and  was  known  to  have  con- 
siderable influence  with  Claudius,  to  assist  them  with  his 
counsel.  That  ambitious  prince  and  able  statesman  appeared 
among  the  senators,  and  after  carefully  concealing  his  inter- 
view with  Claudius  in  the  camp,  announced  his  willingness 
to  sacrifice  his  life  for  the  glory  of  the  senate  and  the  Roman 
people.  Most  gladly,  he  said,  would  he  witness  public  liberty 
restored  ;  but  he  entreated  the  senators  to  reflect  that,  from  the 
resolution  of  the  praetorian  bands,  it  was  evident  that  Claudius 
must  be  raised  to  the  throne,  if  a  civil  war  was  to  be  avoided. 

His  counsel  to  them,  therefore,  was,  to  send  a  deputation  to 
the  prince,  urging  him  not  to  accept  the  empire.  He  and 
two  tribunes  were  immediately  commissioned  to  visit  Clau- 


« 


* 

i 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  101 

dius.  The  tribunes,  by  representing  the  clanger,  which  the 
timid  prince  expose^  himself  to  if  he  persisted  to  oppose  the 
will  of  the  senate,  would  have  easily  prevailed  on  him  to 
comply  with  their  wishes,  had  not  Agrippa  in  a  private  inter- 
view convinced  him  that  the  senators  possessed  little  power. 
While  the  latter  continued  to  indicate  their  purpose  to  haz- 
ard a  civil  war  rather  than  renounce  the  noble  enterprise  of 
emancipating  the  Romans  from  imperial  despotism,  the  tu- 
multuous cries  of  the  people  that  they  would  never  submit  to 
the  senate,  and  especially  the  desertion  of  the  city  guards, 
•rendered  their  cause  hopeless.  The  few  senators  who  ven- 
tured to  assemble  next  day  banished  all  thoughts  of  liberty, 
and  proceeded  with  the  usual  ceremonies  to  declare  Claudius 
emperor.  He  immediately  left  the  camp  accompanied  with 
the  senators  who  had  joined  him  and  the  praetorian  guards, 
and,  entering  the  city  in  triumph,  offered  a  sacrificial  thank- 
offering  in  the  capitol  to  the  gods,  who  had  raised  him  to  the 
sovereignty  of  the  world.  In  the  first  council  which  he 
held,  two  of  the  principal  conspirators  were  condemned  to 
death,  and  all  others  were  pardoned  ;  some  of  these  were 
indeed  afterwards  chosen  to  the  most  honourable  and  lucra- 
tive offices.  "  The  senate  decreed  him  all  the  honours  which 
they  had  conferred  on  other  emperors ;  but  he  modestly  de- 
clined the  greater  part  of  them,  and  caused  a  decree  to  be 
passed  in  the  senate,  forbidding  any  one  to  pay  him  divine 
honours,  or  style  him  a  god.  Having,  a  few  days  after  he 
was  declared  emperor,  married  his  daughter  Antonio  to  Cn. 
Pompeius,  he  would  not  suffer  the  people  to  make  any  public 
rejoicings  on  that  occasion,  nor  even  on  his  own  birth-day,  or 
on  the  anniversary  of  his  accession  to  the  empire.  He  no 
sooner  began  to  exercise  the  authority  with  which  he  was 
vested  than  he  suppressed  the  law  of  majesty,  which,  under 
the  two  preceding  emperors  had  proved  fatal  to  Rome.  At 
the  same  time  he  called  home  all  the  exiles,  eased  the  people 
of  the  tributes  with  which  Caius  had  loaded  them,  forbade 
such  as  had  any  relations  of  their  own,  however  distant,  to 
name  him  among  their  heirs ;  restored  the  estates  which  had 
been  unjustly  seized  by  Tiberius  and  Caius.  to  the  owners  or 
their  heirs  ;  ordered  all  statues,  which  Caius  had  caused  to  be 
brought  to  Rome  from  Greece  and  other  countries,  to  be  carried 
back  and  restored  to  the  cities  whence  they  had  been  taken. 
With  these  and  numerous  other  instances  of  his  clemen- 
cy, justice,  and  good  nature,  he  won  the  hearts  of  the  people 
to  such  a  degree,  that,  upon  a  groundless  report  of  his  being 

9* 


# 


f 


102  THE   RaMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHAWT. 

assassinated,  they  raised  dreadful  disturbances  in  the  city, 
calling  the  soldiers  traitors,  the  senate  parricides,  and  loading 
with  horrible  curses  and  imprecations  all  whom  they  sus- 
pected to  have  been  any  way  accessary  to  bis  death.  The 
tumult  continued  till  the  magistrates  assured  the  people  from 
the  rostra  that  Claudius  was  only  gone  to  Ostia,  whence  he 
would  return  in  a  short  time. 

It  is,  however,  scarcely  possible  to  conceive  of  a  well  edu- 
cated naan  less  capable  than  Claudius  to  hold  with  dignity 
and  honour  the  iron  sceptre  of  Rome.  No  prince  had  ever 
been  more  unjustly  and  cruelly  used  by  his  friends.  They 
treated  him,  from  his  infancy,  with  contempt,  and  left  him  to 
be  governed  by  servants  or  slaves,  either  with  kindness  or 
rigour,  as  they  were  inclined.  His  presence  shed  a  gloom 
over  the  minds  of  his  family,  not  excepting  his  mother,  the 
admired  and  almost  adored  Agrippina.  The  only  plausible 
reason  for  this  unnatural  treatment  seems  to  have  been  his 
total  want  of  the  family  pride,  ambition,  and  violent  spirit  of 
revenge.  The  consequence  of  this  was  most  serious,  and 
the  source  of  all  his  future  helplessness  and  misery.  He 
lost  all  moral  courage,  and  became  the  servile  instrument  of 
any  one  in  whom  he  could  place  confidence.  In  intellec- 
tual acquirements  he  unquestionabl}^  was  superior  to  many 
princes,  and  his  bodily  frame  was  not  defective.  "  From  his 
childhood  he  applied  himself  to  the  study  of  the  liberal  sci- 
ences, and  frequently  gave  public  testimonies  of  his  profi- 
ciency in  them.  He  arrived  at  no  small  perfection  in  ora- 
tory ;  and  his  discourse  was  not  without  elegance,  when  it 
was  the  result  of  study.  He  was  well  skilled  in  the  Latin 
and  Greek  tongues,  wrote  several  books  and  added  three  let- 
ters to  the  ancient  alphabet,  which,  however,  continued  in  use 
no  longer  than  his  reign.  Seneca  commends  his  works,  and 
speaks  of  him  as  an  encourager  of  learning.  He  was  tall 
and  well-shaped  ;  but  had  something  very  disaofreeable  in 
his  mein,  something  very  unbecoming  in  his  action,  which, 
together  with  his  feeble  voice,  and  inarticulate  pronunciation, 
is  the  chief  subject  of  Seneca's  railleries."  His  extreme  dis- 
trust of  all  men,  and  feebleness  of  resolution,  totally  disqual- 
ified him  for  the  active  business  of  society.  At  the  very  time 
that  he  had  ample  proofs  of  being  universally  loved,  he  was 
every  moment  in  dread  of  being  murdered.  His  friends  could 
not  prevail  upon  him,  during  the  first  month  of  his  reign,  to 
appear  once  in  the  senate,  because  Cesar,  the  dictator,  had 
oeen  murdered  there.     He  caused  all  whom  he  admitted  to 


# 


f--  -^-Hfe 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIKE  TRIUMPHANT.  103 

his  presence  to  be  first  carefully  searched,  lest  they  should 
have  some  weapon  concealed  under  their  garments.  It  was 
a  long  time  before  he  could  be  persuaded  to  excuse  women, 
and  even  children  from  being  examined  in  a  very  rude  and 
unbecoming  manner.  At  public  entertainments  he  was  con- 
stantly surrounded  by  his  guards,  whom  he  also  obliged  to 
attend  him  at  table,  distrusting  the  domestics  even  of  his  most 
intimate  friends.  He  never  failed  to  visit  in  person  such  of 
the  senators  as  were  indispos«^d  ;  but  always  sent  his  guards 
before  to  search  every  corner  of  the  house.  These  unneces- 
sary and  ridiculous  precautions  did  not  render  him  so  con- 
temptible in  the  eyes  of  the  multitude  as  the  weakness  and 
want  of  judgment  which  he  betrayed  in  the  administration 
of  justice.  He  was  totally  unqualified  for  that  office,  but, 
nevertheless,  could  not  be  prevented  from  hearing  and  deci- 
ding the  most  intricate  causes,  which  served  only  to  expose 
him  to  public  derision,  and  often  to  insults,  which  he  bore 
with  incredible  patience. 

This  weak  man,  invested  with  sovereign  authority  and  ab- 
solute power,  was  a  proper  instrument  by  which  the  unprin- 
cipled, ambitious,  and  selfish  might  advance  their  base  de- 
signs, when  they  acquired  influence  over  him.  Accordingly, 
during  his  reign  of  more  than  thirteen  years,  he  was  preyed 
on  by  his  successive  wives  and  freedmen,  who  surrounded 
his  person,  and  he  was  it  last  the  victim  of  the  fears,  hatred, 
or  revenge  of  one  of  the  most  depraved  of  her  sex. 

Claudius  was  about  fifty  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  ex- 
altation to  the  sovereignty  of  the  world,  a.  d.  41.  He  had 
already  divorced  two  wives,  who  had  born  him  children  ;  and 
his  present  wife  was  his  cousin,  named  Valeria  Messalina, 
who  governed  him  according  to  her  pleasure  ;  aided  by  sev- 
eral of  his  freedmen,  particularly  Narcissus.  Pallas,  Calixtus 
Messalina,  and  her  successoi  Agrippina,  she  administered  the 
whole  affairs  of  the  empire.  The  favourites  amassed  immense 
wealth  ;  each  was,  Pliny  says,  richer  than  Crassus. 

Among  the  first  acts  of  Claudius  may  be  noticed  the  re- 
ward which  he  granted  king  Agrippa  for  his  important  ser- 
vices. He  added  to  his  dominions  Judea  and  Samaria  ;  in 
consequence  of  which  the  kingdom  of  Agrippa  was  scarcely 
of  less  extent  than  that  of  his  grandfather  Herod  the  great,  in 
the  days  of  his  greatest  prosperity.  To  Herod,  the  brother 
of  Agrippa,  was  granted  the  kingdom  of  Chalcis,  lying  at 
the  bottom  of  Mount  Libanus.  And,  to  augment  the  honour 
and  happiness  of  these  princes,  he  constituted  them  senator* 


m. 


104  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  • 

of  Rome,  with  the  privilege  of  appearing  arrayed  in  the  prae- 
torian dress;  and  issued  edicts  in  favour  of  the  Jews  through- 
out the  whole  empire,  and  particularly  for  the  benefit  of  those 
in  Egypt.  He  commanded  the  governor  to  put  them  in  pos- 
session of  all  the  immunities  which  had  been  granted  to  them 
by  the  princes  of  Egypt,  who  had  most  highly  esteemed  and 
exalted  them  ;  and.  according  to  Josephus,  he  enjoined  that 
the  Jews  in  every  other  part  of  the  empire  should,  like  those 
in  Egypt,  be  raised  to  the  enjoyment  of  ail  the  privileges 
which  were  granted  to  their  respective  fellow-citizens.  1  he 
copy  of  the  decree  sent  to  every  province  merits  insertion,  it 
was  passed  a.  d.  42.  "  Tiberius  Claudius  Cesar,  Augustus, 
Germanicus.  high  priest,  tribune  of  the  people,  chosen  consul 
the  second  time,  ordains  thus : — Upon  the  petition  of  king 
Agrippa  and  king  Herod,  who  are  persons  very  dear  to  me, 
that  I  would  grant  the  same  rights  and  privileges  should  be 
preserved  to  the  Jews  which  are  in  all  the  Roman  empire, 
which  I  have  granted  to  those  of  Alexandria,  I  very  willingly 
comply  therewith ;  and  this  grant  I  make  not  only  for  the 
sake  of  the  petitioners,  but  as  judging  those  Jews  for  whom  I 
have  been  petitioned  worthy  of  such  a  favour,  on  account  of 
their  fidelity  and  friendship  to  the  Romans.  I  think  it  also 
very  just  that  no  Grecian  city  should  be  deprived  of  such 
rights  and  privileges,  since  they  were  preserved  to  them 
under  the  great  Augustus.  It  will  therefore  be  fit  to  permit 
the  Jews,  who  are  in  all  the  world  under  us,  to  keep  their 
ancient  customs  without  being  hindered  so  to  do.  And  I  do 
charge  them  also  to  use  this  my  kindness  to  them  with  moder- 
ation, and  not  to  show  a  contempt  of  the  superstitious  obser- 
vances of  other  nations,  but  to  keep  their  own  laws  only. 
And  I  will  that  this  decree  of  mine  be  engraven  on  tables  by 
the  magistrates  of  the  cities  and  colonies,  and  municipal 
places,  both  those  within  Italy  and  those  without  it,  both  kings 
and  governors,  by  the  means  of  the  ambassadors,  and  to  have 
them  exposed  to  the  public  for  full  thirty  days,  in  such  a 
place,  whence  it  may  plainly  be  read  from  the  ground." 
These  events,  we  doubt  not,  contributed  to  facilitate  the  la- 
bours of  the  primitive  Christians,  because  they  continued  to 
be  viewed  as  a  sect  of  the  Jews  everywhere,  except  in  Judea. 
Hence  we  find  them  freely  admitted,  in  all  Greece,  Asia  Minor, 
and  Macedonia,  into  all  the  synagogues,  and  permitted  to 
teach  in  every  public  place  the  things  concerning  the  king- 
dom. But  the  resuh  of  Herod  Agrippa's  acquisition  of  Judea 
and  Samaria  was  disastrous  to  the  disciples  settled  in  thes« 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  105 

countries.  For  their  great  increase  and  prosperity  exceed- 
ingly grieved  the  Jewish  leaders,  whom  Agrippa  was,  from 
interest  and  inclination,  most  desirous  to  please. 

That  prince  remained  not  long  in  Rome  after  the  settle- 
ment of  Claudius  on  the  throne.  Having  returned  to  Judea, 
he  assumed  extraordinary  zeal  for  the  law  and  for  the  wel- 
fare of  the  Jews.  He  not  only  reverenced  the  worship  of  the 
temple,  but  he  performed  the  remarkable  vow  of  a  Nazarite, 
and  adorned  the  city  of  Jerusalem  with  beautiful  buildings. 
He  proposed  to  render  it  impregnable,  by  surrounding  it  wjth 
a  strong  wall ;  and  only  deferred  completing  the  work,  on 
discovering  that  it  was  disapproved  by  the  Roman  governor 
of  Syria.  The  golden  chain  which  he  had  received  from 
the  emperor  Caius,  he  consecrated  as  a  grateful  monument  to 
Jehovah,  by  fixing  it  in  a  conspicuous  place  in  the  temple. 
And  to  testify  his  great  zeal  for  the  law,  and  his  delight  to 
gratify  the  strongest  passions  of  the  Jews,  he  gave  orders  to 
seize  James  the  Less,  and  condemned  him  to  be  beheaded  as 
a  transgressor  of  the  institutes  of  Moses.  The  very  mode  of 
putting  the  just  man  to  death  was  adopted  from  the  Romans, 
and  showed  that  the  king's  veneration  for  Moses  was  more 
pretence  than  reality ;  and,  perhaps,  this  unjust  and  bloody 
act  was  performed  from  revenge  on  observing  the  surpassing 
excellence  of  the  lives  of  the  apostles,  and  the  esteem  in  which 
they  were  held,  which  at  once  exposed  and  condemned  his 
ostentatious  vanity  and  pride,  and  tended  to  withdraw  from 
him  the  popular  gaze  and  admiration.  Whatever  be  in 
this,  when  he  saw  that  his  injustice  and  barbarity  ministered 
pleasure  to  the  Jews,  and  gained  their  applause,  he  com- 
manded that  Peter  should  be  cast  into  prison.  He  would 
have  instantly  put  him  to  death,  had  it  not  been  the  season  of 
the  passover,  when  his  executioners  would  have,  by  the  deed, 
been  disqualified  from  keeping  the  festival.  A  miracle,  in  an- 
swer to  the  prayers  of  the  Christians,  saved  the  apostle  of  the 
Jews,  and  utterly,  confounded  his  powerful  persecutor  who  al- 
layed his  wrath  by  murdering  the  innocent  keepers  of  the  prison. 

Though  Herod  attempted,  by  putting  to  death  the  guards 
of  Peter,  to  induce  the  Jews  to  think  that  he  had  no  belief 
that  the  apostle  was  delivered  by  the  Divine  interposition,  yet 
he  was  probably  convinced  by  it  of  the  folly  of  expecting  to 
acquire  fame  by  persecuting  the  Christians,  and  therefore 
resolved  to  seek  it  by  means  more  appropriate.  His  obstinate 
impenitence  and  daring  impiety,  however,  speedily  brought 
on  him  the  Divine  vengeance ;  he  eagerly  sought  the  praise 


-i 


• 


106  THB   ROBIAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

of  men,  and  became  a  remarkable  monument  of  the  just  di» 
pleasure  of  Heaven. 

Humbled  and  mortified  in  Jerusalem,  he  descended  to  Ce- 
saria,  and  by  a  magnificent  display  of  his  princely  dignity, 
and  an  ostentatious  exhibition  of  his  wisdom  and  oratorial 
power,  he  have  occasion  to  the  people  to  admire  his  greatness 
and  flatter  his  vanity,  by  adoring  him  as  if  the  Divinity  re- 
sided in  him.  A  pagan  king,  by  approving  such  conduct, 
might  plead  as  an  apology  the  example  of  those  of  his  rank, 
who  discovered  their  folly  by  accepting  religious  homage ; 
but  Agrippa  knew  that  the  people  reviled  the  God  of  heaven, 
and  acted  contrary  to  the  constitution  of  the  nation,  and  the 
example  of  the  kings  of  the  Jews.  His  sin  was  not  greater 
than  it  was  inexcusable  ;  and  it  became  the  Majesty  of  Heaven 
to  inflict  on  him  signal  punishment,  by  immediate  death  in 
one  of  its  most  dreadful  forms.  Luke  gives  a  simple,  un- 
adorned, but  awfully  impressive  narrative  of  the  death  of 
Agrippa ;  and  his  record  is  amply  corroborated  by  Josephus, 
when  he  says, — "Agrippa  had  reigned  three  years  over  all 
Judea,  he  came  to  the  city  Cesaria,  which  was  formerly  called 
Strato's  Tower ;  and  there  he  exhibited  shows  in  honour  of 
Cesar,  upon  his  being  informed  that  there  was  a  certain  festi- 
val celebrated  to  make  vows  for  his  safety.  At  which  festi- 
val, a  great  multitude  was  gotten  together  of  the  principal 
persons,  and  such  as  were  of  dignity  through  his  province. 
On  the  second  day  of  which  show,  he  put  on  a  garment  made 
wholly  of  silver,  and  of  a  contexture  truly  wonderful,  and 
came  into  the  theatre  early  in  the  morning :  at  which  time 
the  silver  of  his  garment  being  illuminated  by  the  fresh  re- 
flection of  the  sun's  rays  upon  it,  shone  out  after  a  surprising 
manner,  and  was  so  resplendent  as  to  spread  a  horror  over 
those  that  looked  intently  upon  him :  and  presently  his  flat- 
terers cried  out,  one  from  one  place  and  another  from  another, 
though  not  for  his  good, — that  he  was  a  god  :  and  they  a^- 
ded. — -Be  thou  merciful  toiis;  for  akhough  we  have  hith- 
erto reverenced  thee  only  as  a  man,  yet  shall  we  henceforth 
own  thee  as  superior  to  mortal  nature.'  Upon  this  the  king 
did  never  rebuke  them,  nor  reject  their  impious  flattery.  But, 
as  he  presently  afterwards  looked  up,  he  saw  an  owl  sitting 
on  a  certain  rope  over  his  head,  and  immediately  understood 
that  this  bird  was  the  messenger  of  ill  tidings,  as  it  had  once 
been  the  messenger  of  good  tidings  to  him ;  and  fell  into  the 
deepest  sorrow.  A  severe  pain  also  arose  in  his  belly,  and 
began  in  a  most  violent  manner      He  therefore  looked  upon 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  107 

his  friends,  and  said ;  '  I,  whom  you  call  a  god,  am  com- 
mar-ied  presently  to  depart  this  life;  while  Providence  thua 
reproves  the  lying  words  you  just  now  said  tome  ;  and  I,  who 
was  by  you  called  immortal,  am  immediately  to  be  hurried 
away  by  death.  But  I  am  bound  to  accept  of  what  Provi- 
dence allots,  as  it  pleases  God ;  for  we  have  by  no  means 
lived  ill,  but  in  a  splendid  and  happy  manner.'  When  he 
said  this,  his  pain  became  violent.  Accordingly  he  was  car- 
ried into  the  palace ;  and  the  rumour  went  abroad  every- 
where, that  he  would  certainly  die  in  a  little  time.  But  the 
multitude  presently  sat  in  sackcloth,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  after  the  law  of  their  country,  and  besought  God 
for  the  king's  recovery.  All  places  were  also  full  of  mourn- 
ing and  lamentation.  Now  he  rested  in  a  high  chamber,  and 
as  he  saw  them  below  lying  prostrate  on  the  ground,  he 
could  not  himself  forbear  weeping.  And  when  he  had  been 
quite  worn  out  by  the  pain  in  his  belly  for  five  days,  he  de- 
parted this  life,  being  in  the  fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age." 

Luke  emphatically  remarks  of  Herod  Agrippa,  "he  was 
eaten  up  of  worms;* but  the  word  of  God  grew  and  multi- 
plied." The  success  of  the  first  ministers  of  the  gospel  in 
Judea,  the  most  demoralized  of  all  countries,  was  as  wonder- 
ful as  if  a  handful  of  corn  sown  on  the  top  of  Libanus,  had 
become  so  productive,  and  endowed  with  such  power,  as  to 
disperse  itself  over  all  countries,  and  yield  a  produce  suffi- 
cient to  support  the  whole  race  of  man.  The  vitality  and 
divine  excellence  of  the  word  of  God  became  the  more  con- 
spicuous from  the  political  and  social  condition  of  the  Jews 
subsequent  to  the  death  of  Agrippa. 

That  monarch  left  a  son  of  tHe  same  name,  and  three 
daughters,  Bernice  married  to  her  uncle  Herod,  king  of 
Chalcis,  Mariamne  and  Drusilla,  the  former  betrothed  to  Ju- 
lius Archelaus  and  the  latter  to  Epiphanes,  son  of  Aniiochus, 
king  of  Comagene,  the  northern  region  of  Syria,  of  which 
Semosata  was  the  metropolis,  situated  on  the  Euphrates. 
Herod,  Agrippa's  son,  was  educated  in  Rome,  and  being  only 
about  seventeen  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  father's  decease, 
was  considered  too  young  to  succeed  him.  On  this  account 
the  kingdom,  of  which  he  was  the  heir,  was  constituted  a 
Roman  province,  and  the  government  was  committed  to  Fa- 
dus.  Under  his  administration  visibly  commenced  the  fea>rfu* 
judgments  of  God  on  the  apostate  Jews,  predicted  by  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ. 

When   Caspius  Fadus  arrived  in  Judea,  the  inhabitant* 


%■■ 


'» 


103  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUxMPHANT. 

were  subjected  to  various  calamities.  Travelling  was  dan 
gerous,  and  property  everywhere  insecure,  from  the  numer 
ous  and  powerful  bands  of  robbers  who  traversed  the  land  ; 
and  a  species  of  civil  war  prevailed  between  the  Jews  of  Pe- 
rea  and  the  citizens  of  Philadelphia,  in  Gilead.  Fadus  was 
successful  in  restoring  peace  to  Judea ;  but  it  was  transitory. 
The  proud  race  of  Abraham  had  rejected  Jesus  Christ,  not- 
withstanding the  irrefragable  evidence  which  was  given  them 
that  he  was  their  promised  Messiah,  whose  presence  they 
and  their  fathers  had  for  ages  evidently  desired.  Having  de- 
"spised  the  truth,  and  persecuted  to  death  its  advocates,  they 
seem  to  have  lost  the  power  of  discerning  between  right  and 
wrong.  Hence,  any  man  ^  who  appeared  zealous  for  their 
traditions  and  prejudices  found  it  easy  to  persuade  them  ta 
admit  his  claims  to  be  the  Messiah,  without  the  least  plausible 
proof  of  their  validity.  A  remarkable  illustration  and  con- 
firmation of  this  view  of  the  Jews  we  have  in  the  second  or 
third  impostor  of  the  name  of  Theudas  or  Judas.  The  first 
and  second  were  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  time  of  Fadus^ 
as  is  evident  from  Acts  v.  36,  37.  The  third  Josephus  calls 
a  magician,  who  pretended  to  be  a  prophet.  A  great  multi 
tude  believed  him  when  he  promised  to  divide  the  river  Jor- 
dan. The  historian,  indeed,  says  that  a  great  part  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Judea,  in  obedience  to  his  word,  followed  him, 
carrying  their  movable  property  with  them.  Their  number 
alarmed  the  procurator,  who  immediately  sent  against  them  a 
company  of  cavalry,,  who  suddenly  attacked  them,  killed 
many,  and  took  not  a  few  of  them  prisoners,  among  whom 
was  the  leader,  who  was  carried  to  Jerusalem,  and  beheaded. 
About  the  same  time,  the  "suflferings  of  the  Jews  were 
aggravated  for  two  or  three  years  by  a  dreadful  famine, 
which  had  been  predicted  a  short  time  before  by  a  Christian 
prophet  named  Agabus.  The  feelings  awakened  in  the 
Christians  at  Antioch  by  the  announcement  of  Agabus  beau- 
tifully and  forcibly  illustrate  the  spirit  of  Christianity.  They 
knew  that  their  brethren  in  Judea  were  ill-prepared  for  a  sea- 
son of  want ;  for  besides  the  miseries  which  they  endured  in 
common  with  their  countrymen,  from  national  commotions, 
they  had  suffered  the  loss  of  their  property  for  Christ's  sake. 
Their  persecutors  had  either  seized  or  destroyed  the  greater 
part ;  anu  many  of  the  Christians  had  sold  their  possessions 
and  cast  the  price  into  the  treasury  or  fund  destined  to  supply 
the  wants  of  their  brethren  who  were  poor,  or  had  wiliingly 


m- 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  109 

renounced  the  means'of  getting  rich,  and  devoted  themselves 
to  go  as  missionaries,  preaching  to  all  the  gospel  freely. 

This  mode  of  raising  a  fund  for  the  comfort  of  the  church 
and  the  advancement  of  the  new  and  heavenly  empire,  was 
the  suggestion  of  Christian  wisdom  and  benevolence  ;  but  it 
was  not  imposed  on  individuals  as  a  burden  which  Christians 
were  indispensably  called  to  bear.  Considering  the  predic- 
tion of  Christ  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  deliv- 
erance of  Judea  over  to  the  Gentiles,  wisdom  dictated  to  the 
Jewish  Christians  that  it  was  prudent  to  turn  their  property 
into  money  as  early  as  possible,  and  benevolence  moved  them 
to  appropriate  it  to  the  kingdom  of  their  Lord  and  Saviour, 
Jesus  Christ.  But  this  appropriation  was  a  voluntary  act,  as 
we  learn  from  Peter's  address  to  Ananias,  who  dissimulated 
in  the  disposal  of  his  property  :  "  While  it  remained,  was  it 
not  thine  own  ?  and  after  it  was  sold,  was  it  not  in  thine  own 
power  ?"  Neither  the  Lord  nor  his  apostles  ever  proposed, 
as  a  general  test  of  unfeigned  belief  of  the  gospel,  that  Chris- 
tians should  dispose  of  all  their  property  for  the  advancement 
of  Christianity.  The  test  given  was,  that  every  Christian 
should  chiefly  seek  the  glory  and  extension  and  triumph  of 
Christ's  kingdom,  and  do  his  utmost  by  word  and  deed  to  at- 
tain this  end  ;  and  nothing  distinguished  the  disciples  of 
Christ  and  his  first  ministeis  from  all  other  communities  more 
than  their  love  to  one  another,  and  compassion  and  kindness 
towards  all  men,  expressed  by  liberal  distribution  of  whatever 
they  possessed  for  the  supplying  of  the  wants  of  one  another 
and  of  all  men.  In  this  they  had  no  example  to  imitate 
among  the  nations.  The  laws  of  no  country,  except  those 
delivered  by  Moses,  made  provision  for  the  destitute  and  af- 
flicted ;  and  the  Jews  were  the  only  ancient  people  who, 
wherever  they  went,  remembered  the  poor  of  their  own  land, 
and  collected  money  to  send  to  Jerusalem.  The  money,  how- 
ever, was  generally  considered  an  offering  to  the  temple,  and 
was  consequently,  we  have  reason  to  suspect,  treated  as  the 
property  of  the  priests,  rather  than  a  gift  to  the  destitute.  The 
contributions  of  the  first  Christians  were  not  received  by  the 
ministers  who  were  wholly  consecrated  to  spiritual  services, 
but  intrusted  to  a  class  of  what  we  may  call  laymen,  denom- 
inated deacons  or  servants,  who  had  no  personal  interest  in 
the  money  which  they  pledged  themselves  to  distribute  im 
partially  as  every  man  had  need.  These  servants  were  se- 
lected for  their  special  service  on  account  of  their  known 

VOL.  IIL  10 


^ 


HO  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

fidelity  to  Christ,  fervent  zeal  for  his  honour  and  kingdom, 
and  disinterested  love  for  all  his  followers. 

The  prophet  Agabus  had  no  sooner  announced  to  the 
great  muUitude  of  Syrian  Christians  that  Judea  was  to  be  vis- 
ited by  famine,  than  they  raised  a  fund  to  be  forwarded  to 
their  poor  brethren  in  that  country.  From  the  fourth  to  the 
seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Claudius,  the  Jews,  in  their  own 
land,  endured  extreme  want.  Josephus  distinctly  rcters  to  it, 
for  it  was  during  the  administration  of  Fadus,  who  retained 
not  the  office  of  procurator  long,  or  of  his  iuccessor  Tibe- 
rius Alexander,  son  of  the  chief  of  the  Jews  ni  Egypt,  but 
an  apostate  from  the  religion  of  his  lacnev,  that  Helena, 
queen  of  Adiabene,  a  Jewish  proselyte,  vi>»ited  Jerusalem, 
after  she  had  resigned  the  kingdom  to  hei  >on  Izates,  a  more 
zealous  Jewish  proselyte  than  even  she  wr.».  She  was  deeply 
affected  on  witnessing  the  sufferings  of  the  people,  thousands 
of  whom  died  from  want.  To  relieve  them,  she  imported  a 
large  quantity  of  corn  from  Egypt,  and  a  cargo  of  figs  from 
Cyprus.  "  And  when  her  son  was  informed  of  this  famine, 
he  sent  great  sums  of  money  to  the  principal  men  in  Jerusa- 
lem." That  fraternal  love  and  liberality  for  the  sake  of 
Christ  were  prominent  features  in  the  character  of  the  first 
generations  of  christians  is  manifest  from  the  New  Testament, 
and  is  attested  by  the  common  historians  of  their  age.  Nor 
indeed  could  we  otherwise  account  for  the  rapid  spread  of 
Christianity;  for  how  could  the  gospel  have  been  propagated 
widely  without  innumerable  preachers,  and  how  could  they 
have  travelled  into  all  countries  and  freely  preached  to  all, 
had  not  the  rich  abundantly  contributed  to  their  suppoit,  and 
all  the  brethren,  according  to  their  ability,  ministered  to  their 
aid?  Other  pecuniary  aid  their  Master  did  not  call  them  to 
expect,  nor,  indeed,  was  it  natural  or  desirable  that  Chris- 
tian ministers  should  have  been  supported  by  any  persons 
who  refused  subjection  to  the  government  of  their  supreme 
Lord  and  Master.  He  desires  not  the  services  of  any  who 
despise  his  authority,  and  have  no  solicitude  to  obtain  his  fa- 
vour, or  respect  his  laws  Could  the  gifts  of  such  persons 
bring  honour  to  the  kingdom  of  God  ? 

The.  most  intelligent  enemies  of  Christianity  ascribed  its 
triumphs  over  idolatry  chiefly  to  the  universal  benevolence 
which  characterised  its  enlightened  and  sincere  advocates  and 
followers.  Hence  Julian,  the  philosophic  emperor  and  de- 
vout worshipper  of  idols,  called  on  all  who,  like  him,  desired 
the  re-establishment  of  idolatry  in  the  Roman  empire,  in  the 


# 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE   TillUMFHANT,  1  1 1 

fourth  century,  to  neutralize  the  influence  of  Christians  in  so 
ciety,  by  showing  sympathy  for  the  afflicted,  and  exercising 
liberality  to  the  poor.  Unless  the  priests  of  idols  followed 
this  counsel  of  his,  he  seems  to  have  had  no  hope  in  the 
mighty  enterprise  which  he  entered  on, — the  destruction  of 
the  kingdom  of  God,  and  the  re-animating  with  his  origina 
vigour  the  fourth  beast,  which  had  crushed  to  death  his  pre- 
decessors. And  the  Lord  Jesus  himself  testifies  that  the 
manifestation  by  Christians  of  mutual  love  will  convince  ak 
other  men  that  he  alone  is  the  Saviour,  whom  God  ordainea 
and  promised  by  all  the  holy  prophets  to  restore  the  human 
race  from  moral  degradation  and  misery.  This  is  obviously 
implied  in  his  prayer  recorded  in  John  xvii.  21. 

Though  the  Christians  in  Judea  were  assisted  by  their 
brethren  in  Syria  during  the  famine,  yet  it  is  probable  that 
many  of  them  would,  every  passing  year,  emigrate  to  foreign 
lands  ;  for  their  countrymen,  who  persevered  in  the  rejection 
of  the  gospel,  continued  to  become  more  and  more  depraved, 
till  they  neither  feared  God  nor  regarded  man. 

About  the  eighth  year  of  Claudius,  he  appointed  Agrippa, 
only  son  of  his  friend  Herod  Agrippa,  to  the  throne  of  Chal. 
cis,  vacant  by  the  death  of  his  uncle  Herod  ;  and  Ventidius 
Cumanus  to  the  office  of  procurator  of  the  kingdom  of  Ju- 
dea. The  former  event  was  favourable  to  the  Jewish  nation, 
for  Agrippa  stood  high  in  the  esteem  of  Claudius.  Of  this, 
indeed,  the  gift  of  Chalcis  was  a  strong  proof,  for  it  properly 
belonged  to  the  son  of  the  late  king  Herod.  Agrippa  had 
shown  himself  the  ardent  friend  of  the  Jews  on  all  occa- 
sions. One  instance  is  particularly  noticed  by  Josephus. 
Cassius  Longinus,  governor  of  Syria,  demanded  the  Jews  to 
deposit  the  sacred  vests  of  the  high-priest  in  the  fortress 
named  Antonia,  where  they  had  been  kept  some  time,  to  the 
great  grief  of  the  Jewish  people.  Vitellius  had  gratified  them 
much  by  intrusting  the  vestments  to  the  care  of  the  priests. 
They  declined  to  obey  Longinus,  and  pacified  him  by  giving 
him  for  hostages  the  sons  of  their  chief  men,  till  they  should 
receive  an  answer  to  the  petition  which  they  proposed  to  send 
to  Cesar.  That  petition  was  strongly  enforced  by  Agrippa, 
to  whom  the  emperor  granted  the  request,  so  that  the  Jewish 
nation  escaped  the  attack  of  the  Roman  army,  with  which 
they  had  been  threatened  by  the  governor  of  Syria.  Agrip- 
pa succeeded  his  uncle  not  only  to  the  kingdom  of  Chalcis, 
but  also  to  the  superintendency  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem, 
and  of  the  treasury,  with  authority  to  choose  the  high-priest. 


112  THE   ROMitfJ    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

Probably,  among  the  last  acts  of  Claudius  Cesar,  was  his  ex- 
altation of  Agrippa  to  a  much  larger  kingdom  than  Chalcis, 
and  one  which  enabled  him  to  promote  more  effectually  the 
interests  of  the  Jews  ;  for  it  comprised  Batanea,  Trachonitis, 
Gaulonitis,  and  Abilene.  This  accounts  for  the  conspicuous 
part  he  took  in  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  of  Judea,  of  which 
we  have  a  remarkable  example  in  his  being  chosen  to  judge 
Paul  when  he  was  accused  by  the  Jews  before  the  tribunal 
of  the  Roman  procurator,  Festus. 

The  unbelieving  Jews  in  Judea,  however,  had  not  the  wis- 
dom to  improve  the  advantages  which  they  might  have  de- 
rived from  the  exaltation  of  their  friend  Agrippa.  The  event 
seems  to  have  so  elated  them,  that  they  became  impatient  un- 
der the  insults  of  the  Romans,  to  which  they  were  exposed, 
and  rashly  plunged  themselves  into  great  distress.  Had  they 
wisely  reflected  on  their  dependent  condition,  they  would  not 
doubtless,  on  very  slight  provocation,  have  braved  the  power 
and  revenge  of  their  Roman  rulers.  This,  however,  they 
frequently  did,  especially  when  they  had  reason  to  flatter 
themselves  that  they  were  sure  of  the  imperial  protection. 
The  perversion  of  their  judgment,  and  the  haughtiness  of 
their  spirit  were  productive  of  incalculable  evil  during  the 
short  administration  of  Cumanus,  the  successor  of  Longinus. 
The  vastness  of  the  multitude,  amounting  sometimes  to  more 
than  a  million,  who  assembled  in  Jerusalem  to  keep  the  great 
festivals,  suggested  to  the  Roman  procurator  the  expediency 
of  placing  a  guard  of  his  soldiers  before  the  gates  of  the  tem- 
ple, to  maintain  the  peace  of  the  city.  One  of  these  profane 
soldiers  shocked  the  devout  worshippers  by  exposing  his  na- 
kedness. This  they  regarded  as  an  indignity,  not  to  them 
only,  but  to  the  God  whom  they  adored.  They  became  in- 
furiated, and  some  of  them  went  to  the  procurator  and  inso- 
lently reproached  him  with  having  ordered  his  soldiers  to 
pour  contempt  on  them  and  their  worship.  In  vain  did  he 
attempt,  by  reasoning,  to  appease  their  anger  or  subdue  their 
fury.  To  prevent,  if  possible,  a  popular  tumult,  he  sum- 
moned his  army  to  assemble  in  Antonia,  the  fortress  which 
overlooked  and  commanded  the  temple.  The  appearance  of 
the  army  terrified  the  multitude ;  a  panic  seized  them,  and 
imagining  that  the  soldiers  would  immediately  fall  on  them, 
thev  fled.  The  passages  were  narrow,  the  crowd  pressed  on, 
and  crushed  to  death  not  less  than  twenty  thousand,  accord- 
ing to  the  extant  copies  of  Josephus ;  but  in  those  used  by 
Eusebius  and  Jerome,  the  number  killed  was  thirty  thousand 


«=■ 


THE    ROMAN    ExMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  113 

This  calamity  was  followed  by  another  equally  illustrative 
of  the  impetuous  passions  of  the  Jews.  The  Galileans  who 
kept  the  national  festivals  usually  travelled  through  Samaria 
to  Jerusalem.  A  company  of  them  were  attacked,  insulted, 
and  many  of  them  killed  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  village  of 
Ginea.  The  chief  men  of  Galilee  appealed  to  Cumanus  for 
redress.  He  refused  to  hear  them,  being  bribed  by  the  Sa- 
maritans. A  number  of  Galileans  resolved  to  be  revenged  on 
their  enemies.  Conducted  by  Eleazar,  a  famous  chief  of  a 
banditti,  they  plundered  many  villages  of  Samaria.  Cuma- 
nus sent  an  army  against  these  lawless  men,  killed  a  number 
of  them,  and  made  many  prisoners.  These  prisoners  were  af- 
terwards most  unjustly  put  to  death  by  Quadratus,  governor  of 
Syria,  even  after  he  had,  on  an  appeal  to  him  by  the  Jews 
and  Samaritans,  left  the  affair  to  be  judged  by  the  emperor. 
He  ordered  Cumanus  and  one  of  his  chief  officers,  Celer,  to 
proceed  to  Rome,  and  he  sent  thither  in  chains  a  few  of  the 
principal  persons  who  accused  them.  Agrippa  was  present 
at  the  trial  in  Rome,  and  to  him  the  Jews  believed  they  were 
indebted  for  the  decision  passed  in  their  favour.  The  con- 
duct of  the  Samaritans  and  the  Roman  officers  were  con- 
demned ;  three  of  the  chief  men  of  Samaria  weie  sentenced 
to  die  ;  Cumanus  was  banished,  and  Celer  was  sent  to  Jeru- 
salem to  be  dragged  through  the  city,  and  put  to  death. 
This  remarkable  decision  strongly  indicates  the  disposition  of 
the  imperial  court  to  protect  the  Jews;  and  it  must  have  had 
a  salutary  tendency  on  the  ministry  of  the  Christian  church, 
which  in  the  first  age  consisted  chiefly  of  believing  Jews. 
They  could  everywhere  claim  the  right  conferred  on  their  na- 
tion, by  which  tKey  had  liberty  to  confess  their  religious  senti- 
ments and  observe  their  religiotjs  rites.  Nor  would  the  Roman 
governors  be  indisposed  to  protect  them  against  the  hatred 
and  malice  of  their  unbelievin  r  countrymen,  as  well  as  from 
the  persecution  of  the  votaries-  of  the  idolaters.  The  Ro- 
mans tolerated  all  religions,  and  the  educated  among  them  in 
general  regarded  all  with  equal  indifference  or  contempt. 
Christians  were  not  recognised  by  law  as  followers  of  a  new 
religion  till  after  the  death  of  Claudius,  nor  was  there  any 
edict  proclaimed  against  them.  During  the  preceding  fifty 
years,  the  Jewish  religion  had  made  great  progress  in  the 
empire.  Many  Greeks  and  Romans,  including  some  of  rank, 
had  become  proselytes.  Rome  was  filled  with  them ;  and 
that  they  were  numerous  in  other  great  cities  is  plain  from 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.  Converts  to  Christ  would  not  be 
10* 


,    4  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

exposed  to  more  odium  than  Jewish  proselytes,  while  Chris- 
tians were  universally  regarded  merely  as  a  sect  of  the  Jews. 
Thus  the  whole  empire  was  opened  to  the  ministers  of  Christ, 
and  most  diligently  did  they  labour  to  advance  his  kingdom. 
They  suffered  in  travelling,  and  much  more  from  thei  sudden 
impulse  of  the  jealousy,  indignation,  and  revenge  of  those 
deeply  interested  in  the  support  of  the  synagogues  of  the 
Jews  and  the  temples  of  the  Gentiles  ;  but  while  protected  to 
a  considerable  degree  by  law,  they  triumphantly  preached 
the  gospel  throughout  the  whole  empire.  The  most  able  and 
zealous  minister  of  Christ  was  a  Roman  citizen  as  well  as 
Jew  ;  and  consequently  could  in  every  place,  when  expedi- 
ent, as  we  find  he  did,  claim  the  protection  of  law :  and  by 
him,  aided  by  a  number  of  persons  less  gifted,  the  gospel  of 
Christ  was,  during  the  reign  of  Claudius,  successfully  pub- 
lished throughout  all  the  most  civilized  and  richest  provinces 
of  the  empire.  It  was  at  least  not  four  years  later  when 
Paul  informs  the  Romans  of  the  fact,  the  truth  of  which 
they  had  ample  opportunity  to  judge,  that  he  had  ministered 
in  all  those  countries  of  the  empire  lying  eastward  of  Rome, 
from  Illyricum,  the  first  region  beyond  Italy  which  Rome 
subdued,  to  Jerusalem,  the  capital  of  Judea,  which  of  all 
kingdoms  of  the  Greek  empire,  was  the  last  to  acknowledge 
the  supremacy  of  the  Roman  people ;  and  we  know  that  the 
hand  of  the  Lord  was  with  Paul  in  all  places,  so  that  multi- 
tudes turned  from  idols  to  serve  the  living  and  true  God  ; 
Rom.  XV.  17—27. 

Though  he  and  his  associates  were  regarded  with  aversion, 
or  scorn  and  contempt,  by  those  accounted  the  most  devout 
and  the  wise  and  powerful  in  every  nation,  yet  they  proceeded 
on  their  mission,  accompanied  with  the  most  illustrious  tokens 
of  moral  conquerors, — the  most  marvellous  phenomenon  the 
human  race  ever  beheld.  Not  less  beautiful  than  brief  and 
emphatical  is  this  sentiment  expressed  by  Paul:  "Now 
thanks  be  unto  God  which  always  causeth  us  to  triumph  in 
Christ,  and  maketh  manifest  the  savour  of  his  knowledge  by 
us  in  every  place,"  2  Cor.  ii.  14.  To  the  same  purpose,  ad- 
dressing the  Colossians,  he  says:  "  We  give  thanks  to  God 
and  the  Father  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  praying  always  for 
vou,  since  we  heard  of  your  faith  in  Christ  Jesus,  and  of  the 
love  which  you  have  to  all  the  saints;  for  the  hope  which  is 
laid  up  for  you  in  heaven,  whereof  ye  heard  before  in  the 
word  of  the  truth  of  the  gospel ;  which  is  come  unto  you,  as 
it  is  in  all  the  world ;  and  bringeth  forth  fruit,  as  it  doth  also 


•^ 


THE   aOMAN    EMPIRE    TRIXJMFHANl  115 

in  you,  since  the  day  ye  heard  of  it,  and  knew  the  grace  of 
God  in  truth,"  Col.  i.  3 — 6.  The  world  spoken  of  in  this 
passage,  according  to  the  most  limited  interpretation,  critics 
agree,  must  denote  all  the  countries  constituting  the  Fourth 
or  Roman  empire ;  and  the  probability  is  strong  that  the 
apostle  Paul  had,  in  the  course  of  less  than  twenty  years, 
ministered  in  all  of  them  which  were  not  situated  westward 
of  Rome.  He  perhaps  spent  nearly  the  first  three  years  after 
his  conversion  in  Arabia ;  and  Syria  enjoyed  next  for  a  long 
time  his  ministry.  He  afterwards  successively  proclaimed 
the  gospel  in  the  vast  regions  of  Asia-Minor,  Greece,  Mace- 
donia, and  lUyricum.  Ephesus  was  the  centre  of  his  labours 
for  about  three  years,  and  Corinth,  two.  His  generous  prin- 
ciples were  not  acceptable  to  many  Christians  of  Jewish  des- 
cent, and  by  consequence  the  greater  number  of  those  belong- 
ing to  other  nations  may  be  considered  to  have  been  converted 
by  him,  or  ministers  who  travelled  with  him,  preaching  the 
gospel  to  all  who  were  disposed  to  hear  them.  When  he  had 
the  felicity  to  witness  the  triumph  of  Christ  in  all  the  above 
mentioned  nations,  he  resolved  to  commence  a  mission  to 
Rome  and  the  regions  of  the  western  division  of  the  empire. 
Previously  to  this,  he  proceeded  to  Jerusalem,  to  deliver  up 
the  fund  which  he  had  raised  among  the  churches,  which  he 
had  established  for  the  benefit  of  the  Christians  in  Judea, 
Acts  xxiv.  17.  Happily  for  the  world,  his  arrival  in  Jerusa- 
lem terminated  for  more  than  four  years  his  missionary  la- 
bours ;  and  afforded  him  time  to  commit  to  writing  many 
Epistles,  which  have  instructed,  and  will  continue,  till  the 
consummation  of  all  things,  infallibly  to  instruct  the  human 
race,  and  guide  all  who  receive  them  as  the  truth  of  God  to 
peace,  purity,  and  eternal  blessedness. 

The  Jews  had,  as  we  have  noticed',  not  long  before  Paul's 
ascent  to  Jerusalem,  received  strong  testimony  of  the  favour 
of  rhe  emperor  Claudius,  by  the  severe  punishment  inflicted 
on  their  inconsiderate  and  oppressive  procurator  Cumanus. 
This  was  calculated  to  excite  hopes  that  his  successor  Felix 
would  the  more  readily  listen  to  their  accusation  against 
Paul.  On  the  apostle's  appearing  in  the  temple,  they  raised 
a  tumult,  and  would  have  at  once  murdered  him,  had  the  cap- 
tain of  thft  Roman  band  who  guarded  the  city,  not  rescued 
him  out  of  their  hands.  This  noble  soldier  discovered  sacred 
regard  for  justice,  and  would  doubtless  have  gladly  liberated 
Paul;  but  the  violence  of  the  Jews,  and  the  singularity  of 
their  loud  accusations  against  him,  compelled  him,  apparently 


116 


THE   ROMAN   EMPOtE   TRIUMPHANT. 


as  niu  !h  from  regard  to  Paul's  safety  as  from  dread  of  being 
himself  charged  with  neglect  of  the  honour  of  the  emperor, 
to  send  him  to  Cesarea,  that  Felix  might  investigate  the  case. 
This  Roman  procurator  was  more  destitute  of  moral  prin- 
ciples, selfish,  and  reckless  than  any  one  that  had  hitherto 
governed  the  Jews.  Passion  or  expedience,  rather  than  law 
or  justice,  regulated  his  conduct.  He  governed  without 
much  dread  of  being  called  to  account  by  the  Roman  court; 
for,  being  the  brother  of  Pallas,  one  of  the  emperor's  freed- 
men.  and  one  of  his  chief  favourites,  he  trusted  to  his  brother 
for  protection  against  any  charges  which  might  be  brought 
against  him,  on  account  of  the  injustice,  cruelty,  and  oppres- 
sion of  his  government.  Nor  in  this  w^as  he  disappointed, 
for  when  he  was,  after  four  years,  accused  by  the  Jews  before 
Nero,  he  escaped  punishment  in  consequence  of  the  influence 
which  Pallas  retained  at  court  in  the  first  period  of  that  mon- 
arch's reign.  The  Jewish  nation  was  almost  entirely  disor- 
ganized at  the  time  when*  Felix  entered  on  his  office  of 
procurator.  Numerous  banditti  traversed  the  country,  and 
robbery,  plunder,  and  murders  were  everywhere  common. 
An  association  of  assassins  existed,  named  Sicarii,  who,  un- 
der pretence  of  patriotism  and  zeal  for  religion,  justified  the 
assassination  of  all  whom  they  chose  to  reckon  enemies  of 
their  nation  or  religion.  "Such  were  the  persons  who  pledged 
themselves  by  a  solemn  oath,  to  kill  Paul.  No  man  of  au- 
thority or  respectability  was  safe  from  their  murderous  pur- 
poses, secret  conspiracies,  and  desperate  deeds.  The  igno- 
rant, superstitious,  and  inconsiderate,  were  deluded  by  many 
pretended  prophets,  several  of  whom  avowed  themselves  to 
be  the  promised  Messiah.  Of  these  the  most  powerful  was 
an  Egyptian  Jew,  who  gathered  around  him  about  thirty 
thousand  men.  He  seems  to  have  announced  that  he  was 
appointed  to  accomplish  the  remarkable  prophecy  recorded 
in  Zech.  xiv.  He  summoned  the  blinded  multitude  to  meet 
him  on  mount  Olivet,  when,  at  his  command,  they  should  be- 
hold the  walls  of  Jerusalem  fall  down,  that  they  might  take 
possession  of  it,  and  give  laws  to  the  world.  Felix  ruled 
with  an  iron  rod  ;  and  succeeded  in  the  suppression  of  turbu- 
lence, and  the  partial  restoration  of  order ;  but  not  before 
many  thousands  of  the  Jews  were  killed.  Cesarea  seems, 
however  to  have  been  the  principal  scene  of  blood,  in  the 
time  of  Felix.  The  citizens  included  many  wealthy  Jews ; 
but  the  majority  were  Greeks,  Syrians,  and  Romans.  The 
former  claimed  the  right  to  rule,  because  their  king,  Herod 


I 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  1 17 

the  Great,  had  built  the  city ;  but  the  Syrians  insisted  that 
they  had  stronger  claims  to  the  government  of  the  city,  for 
their  ancestors  had  possessed  it  long  before  the  Jews,  under 
the  name  of  Strato's  Tower.  This  absurd  dispute  produced 
anarchy,  strife,  and  fighting.  Felix  interposed  to  restore 
peace  ;  and  his  soldiers  put  many  of  the  citizens  to  death, 
made  many  more  prisoners,  and  plundered  the  houses  of  a 
number  of  the  richest  citizens. 

This  Roman  ruler  had  opportunity  of  knowing  well  the 
laws  of  the  Jews;  for  he  had  by  marriage  connected  himself 
with  the  best  educated  fimily.  Herod  Agrippa's  daughters 
possessed  the  talents  of  their  family,  but  excelled  not  their  an- 
cestors in  moral  excellence.  Bernice,  repeatedly  married, 
was  considered  restless,  except  when  living  with  her  brother 
Agrippa  in  incest.  Drusilla  was  celebrated  for  her  beauty. 
Her  family  always  professed  veneration  for  the  law ;  and  she 
was  not  given  in  marriage  to  Epiphanes,  son  of  Antiochus, 
to  whom  she  was  betrothed,  in  consequence  of  his  declining 
to  be  circumcised.  Her  brother  gave  her  to  Azizus,  king  of 
Amesa  ;  but  she  deserted  him  and  married  Felix.  That  Ro- 
man, perhaps,  spoke  respectfully  of  Moses'  law.  It  is,  how- 
ever, certain,  that  he  preferred  the  gratification  of  his  evil  de 
sires.  Accordingly,  the  reigning  high-priest  was  murdered 
at  the  instigation  of  Felix,  because  of  his  daring  to  reprove 
him  for  his  many  lawless  actions.  No  judge  was  ever  more 
partial  in  judgment  than  this  ruler ;  and  his  treatment  of 
Paul  corresponded  with  his  general  conduct,  when,  although 
convinced  of  his  innocence,  he  kept  him  in  prison  two  years, 
in  expectation  that  the  apostle  or  his  friends  would  purchase 
his  freedom.  And  when  he  was  disappointed  in  this,  he  left 
him  in  chains  to  please  the  Jews,  for  he  knew  the  enmity 
and  malice  which  they  cherished  against  the  apostle  of  the 
Gentiles,  and  hoped,  doubtless,  by  persecuting  him,  to  ap- 
pease their  wrath  against  himself 

It  is  remarkable  that,  notwithstanding  the  uniform  kind- 
ness of  Claudius  to  the  Jews,  he,  on  one  occasion,  banished 
them  all  from  Rome.  The  cause  assigned  is,  that  they  were 
accused  of  frequently  raising  tumults.  The  time  that  they 
were  thus  disgraced  was  probably  soon  after  the  death  of  their 
able  and  unalterable  friend  Herod  Agrippa,  and  before  his 
son  was  honoured  with  the  friendship  and  confidence  of  the 
emperor.  An  anecdote  recorded  in  Acts  xviii.  2.  seems  to 
imply  that  the  adoption  of  Christianity  was  not  regarded  by 
the  Romans  a  renunciation  of  Judaism,  for  the  Jewish   be- 


ni8 


TEE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 


lievers  in  Christ  shared  in  the  suffering  of  the  Jews.     Hence 
we  may  certainly  conclude  that  they  participated  also  in  their 

{)rosperity,  so  far  as  that  depended  on  the  protection  of  the 
avvs  of  the  empire,  during  the  reign  of  Claudius. 

That  emperor  was  personally,  perhaps,  one  of  the  feeblest 
that  occupied  the  throne  of  Cesar.  Nevertheless,  Rome  not 
only  maintained  its  sovereignty,  but  also  extended  its  domin- 
ions, while  he  held  the  sceptre.  This,  we  conceive,  is  a  re- 
markable proof  of  the  wise,  and  almighty  superintendence  of 
Him  who  rules  supreme  oyer  all  the  earth ;  for  it  afforded 
ample  opportunity  to  the  ministry  of  Christ  to  disseminate 
widely  the  knowledge  of  his  name,  and  establish  and  enlarge 
his  empire.  The  very  weakness  of  this  emperor  permitted 
Christians  to  proceed,  without  much  opposition,  compared  to 
that  which  their  successors  had  to  encounter,  in  their  labours 
to  convert  the  nations.  His  court  was  a  scene  of  most  atro- 
cious wickedness  and  moral  confusion  ;  and  the  chief  admin- 
istrators of  the  government  inflicted  incalculable  misery  on 
the  Romans.  They  were,  however,  so  completely  occupied 
with  their  own  affairs,  and  even  so  destitute  of  reverence  for 
religion  in  any  form,  that  they  regarded  with  indifference  the 
advancement  of  an  empire  that  had  no  threatening  aspect,  in 
relation  to  the  objects  which  they  esteemed  worthy  of  their 
pursuit. 

Claudius  vras  inclined  to  promote  the  welfare  of  all  his  sub 
jects;  and  he  enacted  many  laws,  and  performed  many  deeds 
calculated  to  promote  their  happiness,  and  the  dominion  was 
enlarged  somewhat  in  his  reign.  The  inhabitants  of  the  Afri- 
can kingdom  of  Mauritania  attempted  to  expel  the  Romans 
in  revenge  for  the  death  of  their  king,  whom  Caligula  had 
employed  some  one  to  assassinate.  The  Roman  troops,  after 
repeated  victories,  reduced  the  kingdom,  and  it  was  divided 
into  two  provinces  of  the  empire. 

Aulus  Plaulius  landed  in  Britain  an  army  of  fifty  thousand 
men ;  the  second  officer  of  this  army  was  the  celebrated  Ves- 
pasian. The  natives  were  thrice  defeated ;  but  still  were  so 
formidable  that  the  emperor  conducted  a  strong  reinforce- 
ment to  his  army,  which  subdued  the  southern  division  of  the 
island,  over  which  the  Roman  general  Plautius  was  appointed 
governor,  with  Vespasian  for  his  lieutenant.  Ostorius  Sca- 
pula succeeded  Plautius  in  the  government,  extended  a  chain 
of  forts  along  the  Wear  and  Severn,  and  made  the  Roman 
power  to  be  acknowledged  as  far  north  as  the  Tyne ;  but  the 
fatigues  he  endured  in  his  battles  with  the  able  Briton  Carac- 


I 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT. 


119 


tacus,  whom  he  made  prisoner,  exhausted  his  strength,  and 
he  died  in  the  midst  of  his  triumphs. 

The  Germans  about  the  same  time  were  divided ;  some  of 
bhem  sought  the  alliance  of  Rome,  and  others  raised  armies 
o  oppose  her.  The  Roman  arms  were  triumphant,  and  had 
he  emperor  not  dreaded  the  power  of  his  generals  more  than 
Jbat  of  the  enemy,  his  dominion  would  have  been  greatly  ex- 
ended  in  Germany.  He  made  important  regulations  to  se- 
vure  for  the  provinces  a  wise  and  just  government ;  and  se- 
verely punished  those  governors  who  had  been  guilty  of  op- 
pressing the  people  intrusted  to  their  care.  He  was  not  less 
solicitous  to  advance  the  grandeur  of  Rome  and  Italy,  and 
the  comfort  of  the  community.  "  He  formed  a  noble  harbour 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  chiefly  that  Rome  might  be  well 
supplied  with  provisions ;  he  ordered  a  canal  to  be  cut,  with 
a  view  of  reclaiming  the  land  usually  inundated  by  the  lake 
Fucinus ;  and  finished  the  stupendous  aqueduct  begun  by 
Caius,  which  abundantly  supplied  the  city  with  the  best  wa- 
ter from  the  neighbouring  hills."  He  seems,  indeed,  to  have 
done  whatever  was  suggested  by  his  friends  calculated  to  exah 
or  reoder  the  Romans  happy.  But,  unhappily,  he  was 
equally  pliant  in  committing  the  most  unjust  and  even  barbarous 
actions,  which  his  most  hateful  wives  and  favourite  ministei> 
deemed  necessary  for  their  honour,  safety,  aggrandisement, 
or  sensual  indulgences.  Messalina  held  him  in  abject  bon- 
dage, and  her  power  over  his  ministers  was  absolute.  "  Many 
ladies  of  the  first  distinction,  among  whom  was  Julia,  the  niece 
of  the  emperor,  were  put  to  death  at  their  instigation ;  and 
upwards  of  three  hundred  knights  and  senators  fell  victims 
to  their  suspicion  and  vengeance."  The  ^ensual  passjons  of 
Messalina  were  ungovernable  ;  and  the  simple  Claudius  was 
the  last  to  discern  the  inexpressible  vileness  of  her  conduct. 
She  had  at  last  the  audacity  publicly  to  marry  a  young  Ro- 
man of  noble  birth,  whom  she  flattered  with  the  hope  of  ob- 
taining the  imperial  crown.  This  outrageous  act  forced  the 
emperor  to  consent  to  her  being  put  to  death.  But  he  soon 
was  ensnared  by  the  wiles  of  his  niece  Agrippina,  who  ruled 
over  him  with  a  tyrant's  power.  This  infamous  female  had 
been  the  wife  of  Cn.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  by  whom  she 
had  a  son,  named  L.  D.  Ahenobarbus,  better  known  as  the 
emperor  Nero.  After  her  husband's  death,  her  impure  con- 
duct occasioned  her  banishment  by  Caius.  On  being  recalled 
by  Claudius,  she  married  a  rich  noble,  murdered  him,  and 
rioted  on  his  inheritance.     She  lived  with  Claudius  some  time 


m- 


120  TSrc    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRTtTMFHANT. 

;vithout  marriag-e,  for  the  law  did  not  sanction  the  union  of 
uncle  and  niece;  the  senate,  however,  abolished  the  law,  to 

f)lease  the  guilty  pair,  and  Claudius  became  the  slave  and,  at 
ast,  the  victim  of  one  of  the  most  imperious  and  base  of  the 
female  sex. 

To  procure  the  crown  for  her  son  was  the  great  and  ex 
chisive  object  to  w^hich  Agrippina  sacrificed  every  other.  Tho 
first  step  which  visibly  showed  this,  was  her  successful  ma- 
noeuvring to  induce  the  senate  to  implore  Claudius  to  betroth 
his  daughter  Octavia  to  her  son,  by  which  he  was  raised 
nearly  to  an  equality  in  rank  with  the  emperor's  own  son 
and  legitimate  heir,  Britannicus.  She  next  proceeded  to  re- 
move out  of  the  way  every  female  whom  she  apprehended 
might  rival  her  in  the  affections  of  the  emperor  ;  and,  in  ef- 
fecting this,  she  hesitated  not  the  murder  of  the  objects  of  her 
suspicions  or  fear.  After  this,  by  the  agency  of  Pallas, 
Claudius  was  prevailed  on  to  adopt,  as  his  son  and  heir,  her 
son,  instead  of  Britannicus,  on  the  plausible  pretence  that  the 
former  was  three  years  older  than  the  latter.  This  adoption 
was  highly  approved  by  the  senate,  and  the  young  prince  re- 
ceived the  name  Nero  Claudius  Cesar  Drusus  Germanicus. 
Britannicus  was  from  this  time,  although  nine  years  of  age, 
confined  to  the  nursery,  and  excluded  from  all  society,  except 
those  who  complied  with  all  the  wishes  of  Agrippina,  while 
this  subtile  woman  employed  every  artifice  to  fix  the  eyes  of 
the  public  on  her  own  son.  Accordingly,  she  persuaded  the 
emperor  to  present  Nero,  in  his  fourteenth  year,  with  the  robe 
of  manhood,  which  intimated  that  he  was  qualified  for  the 
honours,  offices,  and  employments  of  state.  The  senate,  at 
the  same  time,  decijeed  that  he  should  be  chosen  consul  in  his 
twentieth  year,and,  in  the  mean  time,  invested  him  with  procon- 
sular authority,  and  styled  him  prince  of  the  Roman  youth. 
To  honour  him  in  the  presence  of  the  people,  he  was  also  in- 
troduced to  the  Circensian  games,  in  a  triumphal  robe,  the 
mark  and  ornament  of  the  imperial  state  ;  and  to  attach  the 
soldiers  to  him,  they  received  a  largess  from  the  emperor. 
Britannicus  was  now  not  only  neglected,  but  all  the  officers  at 
court  who  were  believed  to  pity  or  love  him,  were,  under  va- 
rious pretences,  removed  or  killed.  The  praetorian  cohorts 
were  commanded  by  two  officers  whom  the  empress  believed 
devoted  to  the  interests  of  her  predecessor  Messalina,  the 
mother  of  Britannicus ;  to  reconcile  the  emperor  to  their  re- 
moval from  office.  Agrippina  asserted  that  the  fidelity  of 
the  troops  would  be  more  secured  by  being  placed  under 


THE   ROMA2I    EMPIRE   T&IUMPBANT.  t|)l 


1 


one  commander.  She  knew  that  Burrhus  Afranius  would 
execute  her  counsels,  and  she  easily  procured  for  him  the 
command  of  the  troops,  because  he  was  universally  esteemed 
by  them. 

Nero,  in  his  sixteenth  year,  was  married  to  Octavia,  and 
appeared  before  the  royal  tribunal  as  an  orator  and  advocate 
of  the  oppressed.     At  his  intercession,  the  Ilians,  as  ancestors 
of  the  Romans,  obtained  an  immunity  from  all  tribute  and 
taxes ;  the  Rhodians  were  restored  to  their  ancient  liberty ; 
and  the  Roman  colony  of  Bononia,  who  had  lately  suffered 
much  from  a  great  fire,  received  a  large  grant  of  money.     It 
now  became  common  for  the  deputies  of  the  provinces  to  ap- 
ply to  Nero  to  plead  their  cause  before  the  emperor  and  sen- 
ate, and  they  readily  procured  his  efficient  services.     The  li-  j 
centious  habits  and  violent  measures  pursued  by  Agrippina  ^ 
were  at  lengtli  so  conspicuous  that  the  simple  Claudius  per- 
ceived them,  and  was  heard  to  lament,  "  that  it  was  his  fate  to                  J 
bear  the  iniquities  of  his  wives,  and  at  last  to  punish  them."                  [, 
This  saying  soon  reached  the  empress,  and  excited  no  pleas-  | 
ant   thoughts ;    and  she  was  still  more  alarmed  when  she                  ,' 
lea  rned  that  the  emperor  had  showed  to  his  despised  son  strong 
jl             marks  of  love,  and  expressed  his  purpose  to  give  him  soon                  / 
I]             the  manly  robe,  in  orcler,  he  said,  "  that  the  Roman  people                  !| 
|i             may  have,  at  last,  a  true  Cesar."     These  incidents  probably  ■               \\ 
I               determined  her  to  destroy  her  husband  speedily,  to  prevent                  jj 
j              her  own  ruin  and  that  of  her  son.     Claudius  in  his  sixty-                  ft 
!              fourth  year,  feeling  indisposed,  proposed  to  visit  Simnessa,  to                  jj 
enjoy  its  fine  air  and  famed  waters.     While  there,  his  infa-                  . 
'              mous  wife  succeeded  in  poisoning  him  by  the  agency  of  his 
|i              physician,  Xenophon.     The  court  assumed  the  appearance 
jl              of  astonishment  at  the  suddenness  of  his  death,  and  many 
means  were  used  to  recall  life,  on  the  supposition  that  he  had 

I  merely  fainted.  This  conduct  was  adopted  by  the  murder- 
Ij  ess  that  she  might  have  time  to  employ  proper  means  to  se- 
ll cure  the  empire  for  Nero ;  and,  "  with  this  view,  affecting 
]l  inconsolable  grief,  and  pretending  to  seek,  on  all  hands,  some 
jl              allay  to  her  sorrow,  clasped  Britannicus  fast  in  her  arms, 

II  styled  him  the  true  image  of  his  father,  and,  by  various  devi- 
II  ces,  kept  him  in  the  chamber,  and  likewise  his  two  sisters  Octa- 
;|  via  and  Antonia.  At  the  same  time,  she  posted  guards  in  all 
:i  the  avenues,  shut  up  all  the  passages,  and  from  time  to  time 
J  gave  out  that  the  prince  was  recovering.  At  last,  when  she 
i  had  taken  all  possible  precautions  to  prevent  any  disturbance, 

It  noon  the  gates  of  tlio  palace  were  unexpectedly  thrown 

VOL.    III.  11 


^- 


r 


122  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

open  ;  and  Nero,  accompanied  by  Burrhus,  captain  of  the 
praetorian  guards,  walked  forth  to  the  cohort  which  was  then 
upon  duty.  There,  by  the  command  of  Burrhus,  he  was  re- 
ceived with  shouts  of  joy,  and  instantly  put  into  a  htter. 
Some,  indeed,  hesitated,  frequently  looking  and  asking  where 
was  Britannicus?  but,  as  he  was  detained  in  the  chamber  of 
the  deceased  emperor,  and  no  one  appeared  to  propose  him, 
they  presently  joined  the  others,  and  embraced  the  choice 
which  was  offered  them.  Thus  Nero  was  caried  to  the  camp, 
where,  after  a  speech  suitable  to  the  exigency,  and  the  prom- 
ise of  a  largess  equal  to  tliat  of  the  late  prince,  he  was  saluted 
emperor.  The  declaration  of  the  soldiers,  was  followed  and 
confirmed  by  the  decrees  of  the  senate,  which  were,  without 
reluctancy,  accepted  by  the  people,  both  at  Rome  and  in  the 
provinces.  To  Claudius  was  decreed  a  solemn  and  pom- 
pous funeral,  the  same  as  had  been  ordained  to  Augustus, 
Agrippina  emulating  the  magnificence  of  her  great  grand- 
mother Livia  Augusta."  Thus  Nero  attained  the  empire  of 
the  world,  A.  D.  54,  in  his  seventeenth  year. 


CHAPTER   III 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT— CONTINUED. 

The  mighty  influence  in  early  life  of  example  and  circum 
stances  in  the  formation  of  the  human  character  was,  perhaps, 
never  more  clearly  seen  than  in  Nero,  the  Roman  emperor. 
He  must  have  conceived,  for  the  first  seventeen  years  of  his 
life,  that  his  mother  lived  and  acted  almost  wholly  for  him  ; 
and  he  could  not  therefore  fail  to  fix  his  eyes  on  her  conduct, 
and  regard  her  as  the  pattern  most  deserving  his  imitation. 
From  her  he  was  fully  taught  to  consider  happiness  to  con- 
sist in  the  uncontrolled  gratification  of  every  passion  and 
appetite,  and  the  possession  of  power  and  popular  admiration. 
To  procure  these  objects,  Agrippina  exerted  all  the  energies 
of  her  vigorous  mind,  and  applied  the  varied  arts  of  deceit 
and  malignity,  the  knowledge  of  which  she  had  acquired  by 
a  long  period  of  observation  of  the  ways  of  men,  and  of  inti- 
macy with  those  of  every  rank  who  were  most  familiar  with 
the  practice  of  these  destructive  arts.  She  purchased,  at  any 
price,  the  agency  of  the  most  depraved  to  execute  the  schemes 
which  she  judged  most  suitable  to  destroy  the  power  or  life 
of  all  whom  she  envied,  feared,  or  hated ;  and  that  she  might 
the  more  readily  command  the  services  of  such,  the  most  un- 
principled and  profligate  were  her  favourite  associates.  With 
what  perseverance  and  fearful  success  her  son  trode  in  her 
paths,  the  records  of  his  wretched  reign  afford  large  evidence. 
This,  however,  was  far  from  her  wishes ;  for,  in  proportion 
to  the  intensity  of  her  ambition  that  Nero  should  ascend  the 
throne,  so  was  she  solicitous  that  he  should  be  acceptable  to 
the  Roman  people  ;  and  this  she  well  knew  he  could  not  be, 
unless  he  discovered  virtues  becoming  the  sovereign  of  the 
world.  In  order  to  this,  she  placed  him  under  the  tuition 
and  direction  of  the  able  military  commander,  F.  Burrhus, 
and  the  eminent  philosopher  Lucius  Annceus  Seneca.  As 
these  men  owed  their  exaltation  to  Agrippina,  and  were 
known  for  their  integrity,  she  doubtless  expected  that  they 


— i's 


124  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

would  instruct  the  young  prince  to  respect  her  counsels.  On 
Seneca's  gratitude  she  had  especially  strong  claims.  His 
family  were  more  honoured  for  their  talents  than  their  rank. 
His  father  was  a  Roman  knight,  but  apparently  was  one  of  a 
colony  sent  to  Corduva,  in  Spain,  where  the  philosopher  was 
born.  Marcus  A.  Seneca,  the  father,  was  a  famous  rhetori- 
cian, some  of  whose  writings  remain.  His  youngest  son  A. 
Shela  Seneca,  was  the  father  of  the  celebrated  poet  Lucan, 
and  the  eldest  was  the  wise  and  candid  Gallio,  proconsul  of 
Achaia,  who  protected  Paul  from  the  vengeance  of  the  Jews. 
The  family  removed  to  Rome,  where  the  children  received 
the  best  education.  L,  A.  Seneca  was  instructed  in  the  phi- 
losophy of  Zeno  by  several  admired  stoics  ;  and  he  was  long 
one  of  the  most  enlightened  and  virtuous  of  the  sect.  His 
father  urged  him  to  apply  himself  to  the  bar,  and  aspire  to 
public  distinction ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  obtained  successively 
the  offices  of  quaestor,  praetor,  and  consul.  That  he  was  ad- 
mitted to  court  in  the  reign  of  Claudius  is  certain,  for  he  was 
one  of  those  accused  of  adultery  with  the  princess  Julia,  and 
suffered  exile  with  her.  He  lived  in  exile  eight  years,  during 
which  he  wrote  several  of  the  works  which  have  procured 
him  the  applause  of  posterity.  Agrippina  persuaded  the 
emperor  to  recall  him,  that  her  son  might  be  improved  by  his 
wisdom. 

Burrhus  and  Seneca  acted  together  harmoniously;  the  for- 
mer taught  Nero  the  duties  of  the  supreme  chief  of  the  army; 
the  latter  instructed  him  how  to  conduct  himself  as  the  prin- 
cipal ruler,  legislator,  and  judge  of  the  empire.  The  tutors 
were  highly  esteemed  by  their  royal  pupil,  and  rose  to  the 
dignity  of  the  first  ministers  of  the  state,  which  they  governed 
for  several  years,  with  such  consummate  wisdom,  that  "  the 
first  five  years  of  Nero's  reign  have  been  considered  a  perfect 
pattern  of  good  government."  Nero  most  liberally  rewarded 
and  honoured  both  his  ministers.  Burrhus  amassed  immense 
weakh ;  and  Seneca  was  accounted  still  richer.  "  His  houses 
and  walks  were  the  most  magnificent  in  Rome.  His  villas 
were  innumerable ;  and  he  had  immense  sums  of  money 
laid  out  at  interest  in  almost  every  part  of  the  world.  Dion 
Cassius,  the  historian,  reports  him  to  have  had  £250,000 
sterling  at  interest  in  Britain  alone,  and  reckons  his  calling  it 
in  at  once  as  one  of  the  causes  of  a  war  with  that  nation." 

While  Burrhus  secured  the  obedience  of  the  army  to  Nero, 
Seneca  recommended  him  to  the  esteem  of  the  Romans,  and 
both  did  much  to  promote  the  welfare  of  the  provinces.    Nero 


-^ 


%-  —= .  9 


THB   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANtT  125 

profited  little  by  the  instruction  of  his  philosophical  tutor;  for 
he  had  no  taste  for  intellectual  improvement.  This  was  con- 
cealed from  the  public  on  his  first  appearances  before  them  , 
for  his  addresses  were  composed  by  his  teacher  and  guide. 
After  the  magnificent  funeral  of  the  late  emperor,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  the  senate  and  delivered  an  oration  calculated  to 
please  his  audience,  and  to  raise  the  most  consoling  expecta- 
tions of  a  prosperous  reign.  "  Having  acknowledged  him- 
self indebted  to  the  authority  of  the  senate,  and  the  concur- 
rence of  the  soldiery,  he  declared  in  what  manner  he  designed 
to  govern  ;  that  he  claimed  not  the  judgment  and  decision  of 
affairs ;  that  the  whole  power  and  authority  should  not  be 
confined  to  a  few  persons,  but  every  magistrate  should  have 
his  peculiar  jurisdiction  ;  that  nothing  should  be  saleable 
within  his  walls,  nor  any  access  there  to  informers  ;  that,  be- 
tween his  family  and  the  icpublic  a  just  distinction  should 
ever  be  maintained  ;  that  the  senate  should  preserve  their 
ancient  jurisdiction;  that  Italy,  and  the  provinces  belong- 
ing to  the  people,  should  apply  only  to  the  consuls,  and 
by  them  procure  access  to  the  fathers ;  that  to  himself  he  re- 
served what  was  especially  committed  to  his  care,  the  direc- 
tion of  the  armies.  He  concluded  with  assuring  them,  that 
he  designed  to  govern  his  people  according  to  the  model  of 
the  deified  Augfistus.  The  senate  ordered  this  speech  to  be 
engraved  on  a  plate  of  silver,  and  to  be  annually  read  in  the 
senate  by  the  new  consuls.  At  the  same  time,  they  heaped 
all  kinds  of  honours  upon  him  ;  which  he  accepted,  without 
refusing  any,  except  that  of  Father  of  his  Country,  in  con- 
sideration of  his  youth :  even  this,  however,  he  assumed 
before  the  second  year  of  his  reign  expired,  as  appears  from 
some  ancient  medals.  He  seemed,  at  first,  inclined  to  per- 
form the  mighty  promises  he  had  made  to  the  senate  ;  for 
this  year  he  gave  numerous  instances  of  clemency,  modera- 
tion, and  affability  ;  to  the  people  he  distributed  four  hundred 
sesterces  a  man  ;  to  such  of  the  senators  as  were  descended 
from  illustrious  famihes,  but  reduced  to  poverty,  he  allowed 
annual  sdaries  ;  to  some  five  hundred  thousand  sesterces,  be- 
sides a  certain  quantity  of  corn,  which  he  likewise  distributed 
monthly  to  his  guards.  Many  impositions  he  utterly  sup- 
pressed, and  retrenched  others  to  a  fourth ;  he  redressed  sev- 
eral disorders;  restrained  the  profuse  luxury  of  feasts  and 
banquets  which  had  obtained  during  the  late  reign,  Claudius 
being  greatly  addicted  to  feasting :  with  the  approbation  of 
the  senate  he  published  an  edict,  prohibiting  the  selling  of 


i 


*- 


1 


-^ 


126  THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

any  thing  boiled  in  public  houses,  except  pulse  and  greens  • 
he  suppressed  a  kind  of  sport,  in  which  certain  persons,  run- 
ning about  the  city,  pretended  to  have,  by  custom,  acquired  a 
right  of  robbing,  as  it  were,  in  jest,  all  they  met,  and  carry- 
ing off  whatever  they  could  seize.  The  senate  likewise 
depending  upon  the  prince's  declaration,  began  to  exercise 
their  ancient  jurisdiction  ;  and  made  various  regulations  ; 
among  the  rest  the  two  following  ;  that  no  orator  or  pleader 
should  receive  any  fee,  payment,  or  present,  for  defending  a 
cause ;  and  that  those  who  were  appointed  quaestors,  should 
be  no  longer  obliged  to  exhibit  public  shows  of  gladiators. 
All  this  was  opposed  by  Agrippina,  as  annulling  the  acts  of 
Claudius;  but  Nero •  preferred  the  counsels  of  Burrhus  and 
Seneca  to  those  of  his  mother  ;  and  the  fathers  prevailed. 
Towards  the  end  of  this  year,  Nero  bestowed  the  Lesser  Ar- 
menia on  Aristobulus,  the  son  of  Herod  king  of  Chalcis ;  to 
Sohemus  he  gave,  with  the  ensigns  of  royalty  and  title  of 
king,  the  country  of  Sophene,  lying  between  Armenia,  Meso- 
potamia, and  Comagene  ;  and  added  some  towns  of  Galilee 
to  the  territories  which  Claudius  had  given  to  Agrippa,  the 
son  of  Agrippa,  king  of  Judea." 

The  mother  of  the  young  emperor  much  obstructed  the 
beneficent  administration  of  his  ministers.  She  soon  showed 
that  she  had  procured  the  sovereignty  for  her  son,  chiefly  that 
she  might  exercise  it  herself!  She  at  first  daringly  assumed 
absolute,  irresponsible  authority,  and  gratified  her  revenge  by 
imprisoning  or  putting  to  death,  without  any  regard  to  law 
or  justice,  those  who  had  opposed  her  ambitious  schemes. 
Thus  she  ordered  Narcissus,  one  of  the  favourite  ministers  of 
Claudius,  to  be  cast  into  prison,  because  he  had  discovered  af- 
fection for  his  master's  son  Britannicus,  and  spoken  con- 
temptuously of  her  conduct.  His  many  crimes  may  have 
merited  death,  but  he  had  always  maintained  his  fidelity  to 
his  sovereign.  He  was  either  murdered  in  prison,  or  took 
his  own  life  to  escape  an  ignominious  death.  The  Romans 
had  spoken  of  the  proconsul  of  Asia,  Junius  Silanus,  as  worthy 
of  the  empire ;  Agrippina,  on  learning  this,  employed  emis- 
saries to  remove  him  by  poison.  Though  the  Romans  deemed 
it  the  greatest  degradation  to  be  supposed  capable  of  submit- 
ting to  be  ruled  by  a  female,  yet  this  proud  and  impetuous 
princess  attempted  to  sit  on  the  throne  with  her  son,  '-  to  an- 
swer foreign  ambassadors  jointly  with  him,  to  write  letters  to 
princes  and  kings,  to  dispatch  orders  to  the  governors  of  pro- 
vinces and  commanders  of  armies,  to  preside  among  the  Ro- 


— =# 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  127 

man  eagles,  and,  in  short,  to  be  called  and  acknowledged  a 
partner  in  the  empire  which  her  ancestors  had  acquired,  and 
she  had  conferred  on  her  son.  She  always  accompanied  him 
in  the  same  litter,  was  attended  by  the  same  guards,  and  at 
first  prevailed  upon  the  young  prince  to  assemble  the  senate 
in  the  palace,  that  posted  by  a  door  behind  a  curtain,  she 
might  overhear  the  debates  without  being  seen."  The  minis- 
ters of  Nero  would  probably  have  vainly  endeavoured  to  hum- 
ble his  mother,  and  compel  her  to  retire  into  private  life,  had 
he  not  soon  feh  that  she  was  resolved  to  prevent  him  from 
following  his  own  inchnations.  He  resembled  her  in  the 
violence  of  his  passions  ;  and  she  no  sooner  sought  to  restrain 
them,  than  she  forfeited  his  affection  and  confidence,  and 
awakened  in  him  aversion  and  inconquerable  hatred.  He 
had  not  reigned  two  years  when  it  because  manifest  that  early 
example  had  prevented  him  from  deriving  profit  from  the  in- 
structions of  philosophy.  He  allowed  himself  to  be  carried 
whithersoever  his  perverted  heart,  impure  imagination,  and 
undisciplined  passions  impelled  him  ;  and  those  only  who  hur- 
ried him  on  in  his  course  to  disgrace  and  ruin  were  his  chosen 
companions.  His  young  wife  Octavia,  illustrious  by  birth, 
and  admired  for  propriety  of  conduct,  lost  all  influence  over 
him ;  he  regarded  her  with  utter  dislike.  He  passionately 
loved  Acte,  a  liberated  slave,  and  selected  for  his  confidential 
friends  profligate  youths,  who  clandestinely  procured  for  him 
illicit  pleasures.  His  ministers  scarcely  used  any  effort  to  re- 
strain his  passions,  because  he  had  gratified  them  by  casting 
oflf  the  authority  of  his  mother,  and  surrendering  himself  to 
be  guided  wholly  by  them  in  all  the  aflfairs  of  government ; 
but  the  haughty  princess  was  indignant,  and  used  every  art  to 
regain  her  power  over  him.  When  he  appeared  insensible  to 
the  meanness  and  shame  of  his  conduct,  she  proposed  to  assist 
him  in  obtaining  whatever  he  desired ;  in  order  to  which  she  ex- 
pressed her  willingness  to  expend  all  her  wealth,  which  nearly 
equalled  the  imperial  treasures.  She  found  her  spurious  sub- 
mission and  ostentatious  generosity  produced  no  favourable  im- 
pression on  him.  The  disgrace  of  her  chief  advocate  at  court 
roused  her  wrath,  and  almost  deprived  her  of  reason.  Pallas 
'  had  the  management  of  the  finances  under  Claudius,  and 
acted  more  like  the  sovereign  director  than  a  minister  of  the 
empire,  and  had  accumulated  great  riches.  He  continued  in 
office  while  Nero  respected  the  opinion  of  his  mother,  whom 
Pallas  always  supported.  Although  dismissed  from  the  palace, 
he  was  neither  stripped  of  his  wealth,  calculated  at  seven  mi'- 


IM  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

lions  of  our  money,  nor  even  called  to  render  an  account  of 
his  administration. 

"  The  disgrace  of  Pallas  provoked  Agrippina  to  such  a  de- 
gree, that,  not  able  to  restrain  her  rage,  she  abandoned  her- 
self to  it  vjrithout  control,  uttering  dreadful  threats  and  curses, 
even  in  the  emperor's  hearing.  Britannicus,  said  she,  is  now 
grown  up,  the  true  and  worthy  son  of  Claudius  ;  he  is  now 
fit  to  assume  the  empire  of  his  father  ;  an  empire  which  one 
who  is  a  son  only  by  adoption  holds,  to  the  prejudice  of  the 
lawful  heir,  and  exerts  his  ill-acquired  power  chiefly  by  abu- 
sing and  insuhing  his  mother.  She  threatened  to  lay  open  to 
the  world  all  her  infamous  practices,  all  the  steps  she  had  ta- 
ken to  secure  the  empire  to  the  ungrateful  monster  her  son, 
the  surreptitious  adoption,  her  own  guilt  in  poisoning  her  hus- 
band, the  crying  calamities  she  had  brought  upon  her  own 
family,  the  unhappy  house  of  Germanicus,  &.c.  She  added, 
that  only  one  comfort,  by  the  providence  of  the  gods,  remained 
to  her,  that  her  step-son  was  still  alive ;  with  him  she  would 
repair  to  the  camp,  and  there  leave  it  to  the  decision  of  the 
soldiery  whether  the  prating  pedagogue  Seneca  and  the 
maimed  Burrhus,  or  the  son  of  the  deified  Claudius  and  the 
daughter  of  the  renowned  Germanicus,  should  have  the  sover- 
eign rule  of  mankind.  At  the  same  time,  she  shook  her  fist 
at  the  emperor  himself,  tossed  her  hands,  uttered  all  manner 
of  reproaches,  curses,  imprecations  ;  devoted  the  monster,  so 
she  called  her  son,  and  his  governors,  to  the  infernal  furies ;  in- 
voked the  manes  of  her  husband  Claudius,  of  the  Silani,  and 
many  others  whom  she  had  murdered,  to  no  purpose. 

"  This  alarmed  Nero ;  and  as  Britannicus  the  next  day  ended 
the  fourteenth  year  of  his  age,  when  he  was  to  take  the  manly 
robe,  the  emperor  began  seriously  to  reflect  now  on  the  vio- 
lent temper  of  his  mother,  then  upon  the  promising  genius  of 
the  youth,  of  which  he  had  given  in  the  late  feasts  of  Saturn, 
a  glaring  proof,  and  gained  by  it  the  favor  and  esteem  of  all." 
Among  the  amusements  of  the  festival  of  Saturn,  it  was  the 
custom  for  the  Roman  youths  to  choose  one  of  their  number 
to  act  as  a  king,  all  whose  commands  they  were  to  obey.  The 
noble  youths  chose  the  young  emperor.  After  giving  a 
variety  of  orders  to  his  companions,  he  requested  Britannicus" 
to  stand  up  and  sing,  in  the  hope  that  his  bashfulness,  oc- 
casioned by  seclusion  from  society,  should  expose  him  to  ridi- 
cule or  contempt ;  "  but  Britannicus,  to  the  great  surprise  of 
all,  with  a  becoming  modesty,  and  an  undisturbed  address, 
though  the  eyes  of  the  whole  court  were  upon  him,  raised  his 


f 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  129 

voice,  and  sung  a  few  verses,  importing  that  he  was  bereft  of 
hjs  natural  inheritance,  and  unjustly  deprived  of  the  authority 
to  which  he  was  born.  The  modest  and  comely  aspect  of  the 
youth,  the  deep  concern  he  betrayed  in  every  note,  and  the 
reflections  which  all  who  were  present  made  within  them- 
selves, drew  sighs  and  tears  from  the  whole  company.  Nero, 
struck  with  the  address  of  the  youth,  but  more  with  the  verses 
he  sung,  immediately  withdrew,  as  did  all  the  rest,  in  silence, 
to  give  free  vent  to  their  grief  in  private,  and  let  their  tears 
flow  unrestrained."  This  incident,  and  the  ihreatenings  of 
the  princess,  cost  the  royal  youth  his  life.  He  who  had  sup- 
planted him,  and  who  called  him  his  brother,  and  who,  when 
called  to  sign  a  warrant  to  execute  two  robbers,  declined 
again  and  again,  and  at  last  reluctantly  complied,  exclaiming, 
"O!  had  I  never  learned  to  write,"  secretly  commanded  the 
keeper  of  the  prince  to  poison  him.  His  progress  in  every 
species  of  folly,  wickedness,  and  cruelty,  from  this  time  was 
rapid,  till  his  name  justly  became  proverbial  for  a  bloody 
tyrant,  meriting  the  execration  of  mankind. 

His  ministers  were  convinced  of  his  guilt  in  the  murder  of 
Britannicus  ;  but  ^he  most  virtuous  of  them,  instead  of  resent- 
ing it,  appear  to  have  actually  shared  in  his  crimes,  by  con- 
senting to  be  enriched  by  the  property  of  the  murdered  prince. 
The  historian  observes  that  "  he  distributed  the  possessions 
of  Britannicus,  his  palaces  in  Rome,  his  manors  and  villas 
throughout  Italy,  like  spoils  taken  in  war,  among  the  chief 
persons  of  hip  rrr.f,  <  >  j  '.ircL^ise,  by  such  donations,  their  ap- 
probation, or  at  least  their  silence.  In  this  distribution  Nero 
did  not  forget  his  mother,  but  could  by  no  liberalities  calm 
her  tempestuous  spirit.  She  caressed  Octavia,  the  deceased 
prince's  sister  and  the  emperor's  wife  ;  held  frequently  secret 
cabals  with  her  confidants,  and  was  on  all  hands  amassing 
treasure,  as  if  she  had  some  oreat  design  to  support  with  it ; 
she  paid  q-reat  court  to  the  tubunes  and  centurions,  and  re- 
ceived, in  the  most  obliging  manner  such  of  the  nobility  as 
came  to  wait  upon  her.  These  measures  were  known  tc 
Nero,  who  thereupon  withdrew  the  prretorian  guards  which 
attended  her  as  consort  to  the  late  emperor  and  mother  to  this, 
and  also  the  band  of  Germans  which,  as  a  farther  honour, 
had  been  added  to  the  former  ;  at  the  same  time,  he  comman- 
ded her  to  quit  the  palace,  and  retire  to  the  house  which  had 
belonged  to  her  grandmother  Antonia.  He  repaired  thither 
flow  and  then  to  visit  her,  but  always  surrounded  with  a 
crowd   of  oflficers,  and  withdrew  after  a  short  comnliment 


1 


r 


130  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

Agrippina  was  immediately  deserted  in  her  new  habitation ; 
the  throng  of  courtiers,  who  daily  frequented  her  levee 
while  she  lived  in  the  palace,  instantly  vanished  ;  no  one  ap- 
peared to  comfort  her  in  her  disgrace,  no  one  to  visit  her, 
except  a  small  number  of  ladies,  and  these  not  from  any 
friendship  or  affection,  but  to  watch  all  the  words  and  actions 
of  the  disgraced  princess,  and  carry  them,  with  the  usual  ag- 
gravations of  talebearers  to  the  emperor." 

One  of  her  most  attached  friends,  a  lady  remarkable  alike 
for  her  rank,  beauty,  and  licentiousness,  determined  to  be  re- 
venged on  her  for  her  freedom  and  boldness,  in  preventing 
a  noble  youth  from  marrying  her.  She,  accordingly,  per- 
suaded two  of  her  dependants  to  accuse  Aggrippina  of  pro- 
posing to  marry  Rubellius  Plautus,  great  grandson  of  Au- 
gustus, with  a  view  to  raise  him  to  the  throne.  This  alarmed 
Nero,  and  he  resolved  to  put  the  parties  to  death,  and  remove 
Burrhus  from  the  command  of  the  praetorians,  because  he  had 
been  raised  to  the  office  by  the  princess.  The  charge  brought 
against  her  was  fully  investigated,  and  she  was  not  only  de- 
clared innocent,  but  she  was  received  into  partial  favor  by  her 
son,  her  friends  were  exalted  and  honoured,  and  her  enemies 
banished  or  put  to  death. 

While  the  Roman  court  was  thus  agitated  by  intrigues, 
and  degraded  by  vice,  even  in  the  best  period  of  Nero's  reign, 
his  able  ministers  maintained,  on  the  whole,  the  peace  and  in- 
tegrity of  the  empire.  In  Germany  the  troops  were  employed 
in  works  of  public  utility  ;  they  were,  however,  occasionally 
called  to  reduce  to  obedience  a  few  tribes,  who  discovered  the 
love  of  independence.  Thus  while  Dubius  Avitus  governed 
Lower  Germany,  a.  d.  57,  the  Frisians  seized  "certain  lands, 
which,  being  void  of  inhabitants,  had  been  applied  to  the  use 
01  the  Roman  soldiers,  who  were  wont  to  send  their  horses 
and  cattle  to  graze  there.  They  had  already  founded  their 
dwellings,  and  sown  the  fields,  when  Avitus  threatened  to 
drive  them  from  thence,  unless  they  first  obtained  from  the 
emperor  a  grant  of  those  territories.  Hereupon  the  two  chiefs 
proceeded  to  Rome,  where,  while  they  waited  for  access  to 
Nero,  among  the  several  sights  which  were  usually  exhibited 
to  strangers,  they  were  conducted  to  Pompey's  theatre,  to  as- 
sist at  a  public  show.  There,  while  they  were  gazing  round 
them,  surveying  with  astonishment  the  multitudes  of  people, 
and  informing  themselves  which  were  the  Roman  knights, 
where  sat  the  senators,  &,c.,  they  spied  certain  persons  in  a 
foreign  dress  sitting  among  the  latter,  and  asked  who  they 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  131 

were.  '  This  is  a  distinction,'  answered  the  interpreter, '  con- 
ferred by  the  Roman  people  on  the  ambassadors  of  such 
nations  as  have  signalized  their  bravery  in  war,  and  fidelity 
towards  us.'  If  so,'  replied  the  two  chiefs,  '  we  claim  a  right 
to  sit  there  too ;  for,  amongst  men,  there  is  not  a  nation  which, 
in  fidelity  and  feats  of  arms,  surpasses  the  Germans ;'  and 
thus,  leaving  their  seats,  they  placed  themselves  among  the 
senators ;  a  proceeding  highly  applauded  by  the  numerous 
assembly,  as  the  effect  of  an  honest  emulation.  Nero  honored 
them  both  with  the  rights  of  Roman  citizens,  but  commanded 
them  to  abandon  their  new  possessions  ;  which  their  country- 
men refusing  to  do,  Avitus,  by  a  sudden  irruption,  put  many 
of  them  to  the  sword,  and  forced  the  rest  to  comply  with  the 
emperor's  orders.  Some  time  after,  the  Ansibarri,  being 
driven  from  their  own  country  by  the  Chauci,  took  possession 
of  the  same  lands,  supported  by  the  neighbouring  nations, 
who  pitied  their  forlorn  condition,  and  led  by  Boiocalus,  a 
man  of  great  renown,  and  of  known  fidelity  towards  the 
Romans.  He  represented  to  Avitus,  in  behalf  of  himself  and 
his  people,  that  on  the  revolt  of  the  Cherusci,  when  Varus 
and  his  legions  were  slaughtered,  he  had  been  thrown  into 
bonds  by  Arminius ;  that  he  had  afterwards  served  under 
Tiberius,  then  under  Germanicus,  and  to  the  merit  of  fifty 
years  service  was  ready  to  add  that  of  submitting  his  people  to 
the  empire  of  Rome. 

He  remonstrated,  that  the  teritory  in  dispute  was  large, 
and  lay  waste ;  that  he  might  allow  to  an  unhappy  people, 
driven  from  their  own  habitations,  settlements  in  it,  and  at  the 
same  time  retain  wide  tracks  for  the  horses  and  cattle  of  the 
Roman  soldiers  to  graze  and  range  in ;  that  it  was  inconsis- 
tent with  humanity  to  famish  men,  in  order  to  feed  beasts ; 
and  incompatible  with  religion  to  devote  to  dismal  deserts 
and  solitude  any  part  of  the  earth  which  was  by  the  gods  ap- 
propriated to  the  children  of  men;  that  such  parts  of  it  as 
none  possessed  were  free  and  common  to  all.  Then  raising 
his  eyes  to  the  sun,  and  the  other  celestial  luminaries,  he 
asked  them  how  they  could  bear  to  behold  a  desolate  soil  ?  and 
asked,  if  they  would  not  more  justly  let  loose  the  sea  to  swal- 
low up  usurpers  who  thus  engrossed  the  earth?  Avitus,  pro- 
voked at  this  language,  made  no  other  reply  than,  that  the 
weaker  man  must  submit  to  the  more  powerful ;  and  that 
since  the  gods,  to  whom  they  appealed,  had  left  the  sovereign 
judgment  to  the  Romans,  they  would  suffer  no  other  judges 
than  themselves      This  answer  he  gave  in  public;  but  to 


r 


132  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

Boiocalus  hi  privately  offered  lands  as  an  acknowledgment  of 
his  long  attachment  to  the  Romans.  This  offer  the  brave 
German  considered  as  a  price  proposed  for  betraying  his  peo- 
ple, and  rejected  it  with  indignation,  adding,  'A  place  to  live 
in  we  may  want,  but  a  place  to  die  in  we  cannot.'  Thus  they 
parted  with  mutual  animosity.  The  Ansibarii  invited  into  a 
confederacy  the  bordering  nations ;  but  Curtilias  Mancias,  who 
commanded  in  Upper  Germany,  passing  the  Rhine  at  the 
head  of  his  legions,  threatened  them  with  desolation  and 
slaughter  if  they  afforded  any  assistance  to  the  enemies  of 
Rome.  On  the  other  hand,  they  were  awed  by  Avitus,  who 
likewise  appeared  with  his  legions  on  the  bank  of  the  Rhine  ; 
80  that  the  unhappy  Ansibarii,  deserted  by  all,  had  recourse 
to  the  Usipites,  the  Tubantes,  the  Catti,  and  the  Cherusci,  beg- 
ging leave  to  settle  in  their  territories  ;  but  being  every  where 
driven  out  as  enemies  and  intruders,  in  the  course  of  these 
long  and  various  peregrinations,  the  people  perished.  This 
year  the  Juhones,  a  people  in  alliance  with  Rome,  who  are 
supposed  to  have  inhabited  the  countries  of  Nassau  and  Is- 
emburgh,  were  afflicted  with  a  sudden  irruption  of  subterra- 
neous fire;  which  consumed  their  farms,  towns,  and  dwel- 
lings, and  was  advancing  with  great  fury  to  the  walls  of  Col- 
ogne, when  certain  boors,  after  having  in  vain  attempted  to 
extinguish  it  with  water,  and  other  usual  expedients,  trans- 
ported with  rage,  attacked  it  at  a  distance  with  volleys  of 
stones.  This  assauh,  to  their  great  surprize,  allayed  its  fury ; 
which  no  sooner  began  to  abate,  than  they  proceeded  to  a 
closer  attack  with  clubs  and  blows,  as  in  an. encounter  with  an 
enemy ;  and  at  length,  which  is  still  more  surprising,  they 
quite  vanquished  the  conflagration,  by  throwing  their  gar- 
ments upon  it." 

Domitius  Corbulo,  the  greatest  general  of  the  age,  acquired 
great  fame  by  the  complete  conquest  of  Armenia,  the  acqui- 
sition of  its  capital  Artaxata,  and  the  expulsion  of  its  king 
Tridates,  who  had  declined  to  be  tributary  to  Rome.  His 
defeat  was  the  more  gratifying  to  the  Romans  from  the  cir- 
cumstance that  he  was  brother  of  Vologeses,  king  of  Par- 
thia. 

The  beneficial  influence  of  the  administration  of  Burrhus 
and  Seneca  was  not  felt  by  the  Jews  ;  they  had  evidently  lost 
the  respect  of  the  Romans ;  and  the  governors,  in  general, 
appointed  them  were  little  disposed  to  sympathise  with  their 
national  prejudices.  The  government  of  Felix  had  exceed- 
ingly provoked  them  ;  and  some  of  the  principal  men  fol- 


i 


fi  =# 


THE   ROBIAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  133 

lowed  him  to  Rome  to  accuse  him  of  injustice  and  cruelty. 
Happily  for  him,  his  brother  Pallas  still  retained  great  politi- 
cal power ;  Josephus  says,  that  he  was  at  that  time  highly 
honoured  by  Nero.  He  must,  therefore,  have  reached  Rome 
before  the  end  of  A.  D.  59,  for  Pallas  seems  about  this  time 
to  have  been  deprived  of  office  and  of  the  favour  of  the  em- 
peror. At  his  intercession,  Felix  escaped  punishment.  Nor 
were  the  Jews  more  successful  in  their  appeal  respecting  their 
privileges  as  citizens  of  Cesaria  ;  for  the  Syrian  inhabitants 
were  declared  to  have  superior  claims  to  the  government  of 
the  city.  Porcius  Festus,  the  new  procurator  of  Judea,  ap- 
pears to  have  been  an  enlightened,  candid,  and  just  ruler, 
compared,  at  least,  to  his  predecessors.  This  may  be  infer- 
red from  his  treatment  of  the  apostle  Paul.  That  he  might 
understand  his  case,  he  had  recourse  to  Agrippa,  who  had 
the  entire  management  of  the  temple,  and,  consequently, 
might  be  supposed  best  qualified  to  judge  one  who  was  ac- 
cused of  defiling  it,  and  subverting  its  worship.  These 
judges  announced  the  apostle  innocent,  and  were  disposed  to 
liberate  him  had  he  not  appealed  to  Cesar.  He  was  proba- 
bly immediately  sent  to  Rome,  where  he  remained  two  years 
a  prisoner  before  he  was  publicly  tried  and  acquitted. 

We  know  not  the  reason  of-  this  most  unrighteous  delay  ; 
it  probably  was  chiefly  occasioned  by  the  absence  of  accu- 
sers. That  his  enemies  in  Judea  did  not  send  messengers  to 
Rome  to  demand  his  condemnation,  is  obvious  from  what  the 
Jews  said  to  him  when  they  assembled  to  hear  him.  Acts 
xxviii.  21,  22.  This  singular  conduct  of  those  who  violently 
and  incessantly  sought  his  death  most  probably  originated  in 
their  consciousness  that  they  could  only  provoke  the  Roman 
emperor  and  his  ministers  by  accusing  a  man  whom  they 
knew  that  they  could  not  prove  guilty  of  any  word  or  deed 
which  the  Romans  regarded  deserving  punishment.  Why 
then  did  the  noble  minded  Burrhus  or  Seneca  order  him  to 
be  watched  in  his  own  hired  house,  and  kept  in  safety  by  a 
soldier  chained  to  him  ?  Was  it  because  he  was  known  to 
be  at  the  head  of  "  the  sect  everywhere  spoken  against  ?" 
That  his  opponents  afterwards  summoned  courage  to  appear 
against  him  before  Nero,  the  lion,  may  be  accounted  for  from 
the  change  produced  in  their  favour  at  court  by  the  infa- 
mous Popprea.  That  she  early  interceded  for  the  Jews  is 
plain  from  an  anecdote  of  Agrippa,  during  the  time  of  Fes- 
tus. The  king  "  came  often  to  Jerusalem,  and  had  a  lodging 
near  the  temple,  (of  which  he  had  the  superintendency  given 

VOL.  in.  12 


#= 


134  THE  ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

him)  after  his  uncle  Herod  took  it  into  his  head  to  build  him- 
self a  palace  there,  of  such  an  height,  that  he  could  oversee 
all  that  was  done  in  the  innermost  court  of  it.  The  Jews 
were  the  more  displeased  at  it,  because  Festus  and  the  Ro- 
mans would  likewise  come  and  take  a  view  of  it  from 
thence;  for  which  reason  they  built  a  partition-wall  high 
enough  to  cover  that  sacred  place,  which  the  king  and  gov- 
ernor taking  as  an  affront,  ordered  it  to  be  pulled  down. 
The  Jews,  after  much  opposition,  obtained  leave  at  length  to 
send  deputies  to  Rome  ;  and  these,  by  the  intercession  of  Pop- 
p£Ba,  got  a  grant  from  the  emperor  for  keeping  up  the  wall. 
Ishmael,  the  then  high-priest,  being  at  the  head  of  this  em- 
bassy, was,  for  his  laudable  zeal,  deposed  by  Agrippa,  who 
bestowed  that  dignity  on  Joseph,  surnamed  Cabbis,  the  son 
of  the  late  pontiff  Cantharas.  Josephus  adds,  that  Poppsea 
detained  Ishmael  and  Chelcias  as  hostages  at  Rome." 

That  Paul  owed  not  his  discharge  from  the  Roman  tribu- 
nal to  Nero,  seems  suggested  by  the  apostle  s  remark,  that  he 
was  "delivered  out  of  the  mouth  of  the  lion."  The  royal 
court  was  still  under  the  direction  of  Seneca,  for  he  retired 
not  from  office  till  a  later  period.  It  is  well  known  that  he 
was  a  candid  and  just  judge ;  consequently,  as  nothing  could 
be  proved  against  Paul,  except  that  he  was  "  ringleader  of 
the  Nazarenes,"  Nero  may  have  reluctantly  submitted  to  the 
judgment  of  his  minister,  who  must  have  perceived  that  the 
apostle  had  done  nothing  worthy  of  death,  even  judging  by 
the  law  of  the  Romans  as  hitherto  interpreted  by  their  legis- 
lators and  judges.  The  ancient  laws  of  Rome,  like  those  of 
all  ancient  idolatrous  nations,  were,  in  relation  to  religion, 
most  intolerant.  No  religious  worship  was  allowed  different 
from  that  sanctioned  by  the  state.  Of  this  Waddington  has, 
in  few  words,  adduced  conclusive  evidence,  and  exposed  the 
fallacy  of  the  opinion  that  paganism  was  tolerant. 

It  can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  these  laws  applied  only  to 
Roman  citizens ;  for  the  Romans  imposed  not  their  form  of 
idolatry  on  other  nations  ;  on  the  contrary,  they  sometimes 
adopted  foreign  gods.  And  it  is  equally  clear  that  the  intol- 
erant laws  were  neglected  by  the  Romans,  in  imitation  of  the 
Greeks,  in  proportioti  to  their  progress  in  philosophy,  litera- 
ture, and  the  arts.  Facts  attest  that  the  Jews  not  only  pub- 
licly assembled  to  worship  God  in  Rome,  but  also  made  a 
number  of  proselytes.  They  consisted  of  different  sects ;  and, 
as  one  of  these,  the  Christians  were  numerous  in  Rome,  in 
the  rrign  of  Claudius.     This  is  manifest  from  the  epistle  ad 


^--  '  ^..:.:.^^ 


•\ 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  135 

dressed  to  them  by  Paul,  a  few  years  before  his  imprison- 
ment. The  Christians,  however,  considered  themselves  not 
properly  a  sect  of  the  Jewish  religion,  but  the  exclusive  fol- 
lowers of  it,  as  it  was  received  by  the  ancient  Jews,  by  Moses, 
and  the  prophets,  and,  by  consequence,  pronounced  all  the 
Jews  who  received  not  the  gospel  apostates  from  the  religion 
of  Divine  Revelation,  which  they  ignorantly  boasted  in  as  the 
glory  of  their  nation.  But  this  view  of  the  Christians  was 
confined  to  themselves ;  their  principles  and  practice  were 
not  comprehended  by  either  the  apostates  or  the  worshippers 
of  idols.  The  former  hated  them  as  the  enemies  of  religion ; 
and  the  latter  regarded  them  as  almost  destitute  of  all  re- 
ligion,— a  community  of  atheists.  Nor*  is  this  surprising,  for 
the  unbelieving  Jews  and  idolatrous  Gentiles  agreed  in  calling 
the  observance  of  a  system  of  rites  and  ceremonies  religion,  al- 
though that  system  was  neither  founded  in  religious  principles 
nor  accompanied  with  any  moral  precepts  or  practice.  It  is 
not,  therefore,  to  be  supposed  that  the  Christian  religion 
would  generally  be  looked  on  as  a  rival  of  the  popular  reli- 
gion of  the  empire,  as  long  as  Christians  adhered  to  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  doctrines  and  institutions  taught  them  by  the 
Lord  and  his  apostles. 

On  the  supposition,  however,  that  Christians  were  regarded 
in  the  first  period  of  Nero's  reign,  as  we  know  they  were 
sometime  later,  inventors  and  propagators  of  a  new  religion, 
or,  in  the  language  of  their  enemies,  a  new  superstition,  that 
emperor  was  not  then  disposed  to  punish  them  as  transgres- 
sors of  the  Roman  law.  Accordingly,  Tacitus  informs  us, 
that  about  the  fifth  year  of  Nero,  among  other  generous  deeds, 
when  a  lady  of  great  distinction,  Pomponia  Graccina,  was 
publicly  accused  of  having  embraced  a  foreign  superstition, 
instead  of  judging  her,  he  committed  the  inquisition  to  her 
noble  husband,  Aulus  Plautius,  who  had  acquired  fame  by 
his  military  victories  and  conquests  in  Britain.  This  officer 
assembled  his  relations,  examined  in  their  presence  the  accu- 
sation brought  against  his  wife,  and  pronounced  her  innocent. 
The  probability  of  the  opinion  that  Nero  was  not  yet  disposed 
to  persecute  on  account  of  religion,  is  much  strengthened  by 
an  incident  recorded  of  Albinus,  who  was  appointed  to  suc- 
ceed Festus,  in  the  government  of  Juuda.  During  the  inter- 
val between  the  unexpected  death  of  Festus,  and  the  arrival 
of  Albinus,  the  high-priest  Ananias,  a  haughty  Sadducee, 
summoned  before  the  sanhedrim,  James  the  apostle,  called  the 
Greater,  because  he  superintended  the  churches  of  Judea,  Sa- 


»  ■  .,^^ 


B  I 


136  THE   ROIVTAN    EMPIRE   TRrUMPHAHT. 

maria,  and  Galilee.  He  was  tried  for  blasphemy,  condemned 
atxd  stoned  to  death.  The  Jews  might  call  offenders  of  their 
law  before  their  national  councils  and  lesser  courts,  and  inflict 
the  punishment  of  whipping ;  but  to  take  life  was  a  direct  vio- 
lation of  the  law  of  the  Romans,  which  they  were  bound  to 
obey.  The  Christians  in  Alexandria  complained  to  Albinus 
on  his  arriving  there,  of  the  presumption  and  wickedness  of 
Ananias.  He  immediately  wrote  a  threatening  epistle  to  the 
guilty  priest.  This  alarmed  Agrippa,  who  had  the  appoint- 
ment to  this  high  office.  To  appease  the  wrath  of  Albinus, 
he  deposed  Ananias,  and  conferred  the  priesthood  on  Jesus, 
son  of  Damneus,  who  was  not  less  wicked  than  his  predeces- 
sor. We  have  no  instance  on  record  of  a  Roman  prince  or 
governor  hitherto  viewing  Christianity  in  any  other  light  thar 
Gallio,  the  elder  brother  of  Seneca,  did,  who  held  it  merely  i 
question  or  disputable  subject  of  the  Jews'  religion  ;  and  hence 
did  not  oppose  it  in  his  official  capacity.  It  seems,  therefore, 
evident  that  the  government  of  the  Romans  rather  protected 
than  persecuted  Christians,  for  nearly  the  first  thirty  years 
after  the  Lord  Jesus  delivered  to  them  his  commission  to 
preach  the  gospel  to  every  creature,  and  to  teach  those  who 
received  it  all  that  he  revealed  to  his  inspired  ministers.  With 
great  fidelity  did  his  followers  generally  obey  him ;  and  most 
abundantly  did  he  prosper  them  in  their  labours,  so  that 
Christian  communities  were  established  in  the  great  cities, 
towns,  and  villages  of  the  empire,  and  even  beyond  its. boun- 
daries. 

Thus  the  Fifth  Empire  gradually  advanced  "without  ob- 
servation." Its  grand  characteristics,  "  righteousness,  peace, 
and  joy  in  the  Holy  Spirit,"  mild  and  salutary  as  the  dew  of 
heaven,  were  neither  loved  nor  feared  by  the  princes  of  this 
world.  Nevertheless,  Christians  were,  in  every  place,  ex- 
posed to  great  opposition.  The  great  and  wise  of  this  world 
contemptuously  treated  them  as  fanatics  or  enemies  of  all  reli- 
gion, and  the  masses  of  the  lower  classes  were  forward  in  tu- 
multuously  insulting  them.  None  sympathised  with  them, 
except  such  as  truly  felt  the  unspeakable  worth  of  their  im- 
mortal spirits,  deplored  their  depravity  and  guih,  and  were 
persuaded  that  Judaism,  paganism,  or  philosophy,  possessed 
no  power  to  give  them  peace  of  conscience  or  purity  of  heart 
or  life.  All  such  gladly  received  the  word  spoken  by  the 
ministers  of  Christ,  and  joined  their  society,  sacredly  obeyed 
their  instructions,  and  joyfully  suffered  with  them  reproach, 
threatenings,  imprisonments,  public  shame,  and  lass  of  pro 


THE  ROMAN  EMPUIE  TRIUMPHANT.  137 

perty,  and  sometimes  of  life,  for  the  sake  of  the  Lord  Jesus 
The  Jews,  boasting-  in  their  religious  superiority  in  the  sight 
of  God,  indulged  implacable  hatred  and  revenge  against  the 
followers  of  Christ,  because  they  taught  that  righteousness  ac- 
ceptable to  God,  is  obtained  only  by  faith  in  Christ,  and  is 
equally  attainable  by  Jew  and  Gentile.  The  learned  de- 
spised a  scheme  of  mercy  which  set  at  nought  their  treasures 
of  wisdom  and  speculations  on  the  chief  good  ;  and  they 
laughed  to  scorn  the  advocates  of  a  scheme  which  proclaimed 
that  the  first  step  to  true  wisdom  is  profound  humility  before 
God,  because  he  has  no  respect  to  the  wisdom  of  this  world, 
and  admits  equally  and  readily  to  his  favour  the  illiterate 
and  the  wise,  the  peasant's  child  and  the  illustrious  philos- 
opher. The  hosts  of  priests  and  artists  who  subsisted  by  the ' 
magnificence  and  pageantry  of  idol-worship,  would  have 
trodden  to  the  earth  the  community  who  pronounced  idolatry 
hated  by  Heaven,  and  doomed  to  utter  destruction. 

Nero  quickly  became  a  proper  instrument  to  gratify  the 
malice  of  the  numerous  enemies  of  Christianity  ;  but,  like  all 
its  enemies,  he  perished,  while  "  the  word  of  the  Lord  grew 
and  multiplied."  His  impetuous  passions  were  somewhat  re- 
strained till  the  sixth  year  of  his  reign,  the  twenty-third  of  his 
age,  by  the  respect  which  he  entertained  for  Burrhus  and 
Seneca.  He  had,  indeed,  frequently  acted  contrary  to  their 
advice ;  and  flattered  and  stimulated  by  the  profligate  youth 
whom  he  chose  for  his  companions,  he  had  debased  himself 
in  the  eyes  of  all  ranks,  by  frivolous  pursuits,  sensual  indul- 
gences, and  acts  of  extreme  folly  and  wickedness.  His  com- 
panions now  succeeded,  by  plausible  argument  or  ridicule, 
to  induce  him  to  disregard  the  authority  of  his  able  ministers ; 
and  their  power  was  completely  destroyed  by  the  subtile  arts 
of  one  of  the  most  depraved  of  females,  the  infamous  Pop- 
pcea  Sabina,  who  governed  him  with  uncontrolled  sway.  She 
was  the  daughter  of  a  senator  named  Titus  Ollius,  and  her 
mother  had  Fallen  a  victim  to  the  envy  and  revenge  of  Mes- 
salina,  one  of  the  wives  of  Claudius.  Poppaea  was  admired 
for  all  the  superficial  ornaments  of  her  sex ;  but  no  one  was 
ever  more  destitute  of  moral  worth.  Josephus  calls  her  a  re- 
ligious lady,  of  which,  however,  the  only  evidence  referred  to 
by  him  is,  that  she  was  a  zealous  friend  of  his  nation.  From 
this  we  may  conclude  that  she  was  a  proselyte  of  the  sect  of 
the  Pharisees,  who  were  remarkable  for  claiming  religious 
reputation  even  while  they  violated  every  moral  precept,  and 
practiced  every  species  of  immorality.  Their  religion  t& 
12* 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

quired  only  belief  in  the  Scriptures,  in  common  with  their  tra 
ditions  and  observances  of  their  ritual,  which  comprised  many 
traditional  ceremonies.  Poppaea  was  first  married  to  R. 
Crispin  us,  a  Roman  knight,  to  whom  she  had  a  son.  She 
deserted  him  for  Otho,  a  young  man,  and  the  chief  favourite  of 
Nero.  He  imprudently  daily  spoke  of  her  with  rapture  in 
the  hearing  of  his  sovereign,  who  became  impatient  to  see 
her.  In  his  first  conversation  with  her,  he  was  fascinated,  and 
conducted  her  to  his  palace,  from  which  Otho  was  immediately 
excluded  and  appointed  to  the  government  of  Lusitania,  where 
he  acquired  great  fame  by  his  able  administration,  and  was 
scarcely  less  admired  for  propriety  of  conduct  than  he  had 
been  infamous  in  youth  for  a  life  of  pleasure,  dissipation,  and 
profligacy.  His  abandoned  wife,  on  becoming  the  mistress 
of  Nero,  aspired  to  be  his  wife,  and  employed  all  her  seductive 
arts  to  obtain  this  object  of  her  ambition.  In  order  to  this,  she 
resolved  completely  to  alienate  the  emperor  from  his  mother, 
who  had  to  a  considerable  degree  regained  her  influence  over 
him,  and  to  persuade  him  to  divorce  Octavia,  his  lawful  wife. 
She  succeeded  in  her  diabolical  schemes ;  for*  Agrippina's 
opposition  to  Poppaea,  enraged  her  son,  and  induced  him  to 
believe  all  the  reports  and  calumnies  propagated  against  her 
by  the  adultress.  Violent  hatred  of  her  expelled  from  his  de- 
based mind  all  natural  affection,  and  he  determined  to  take 
her  life.  Several  attempts  to  effect  this  by  poison  failed,  from 
her  skill,  it  is  said,  in  remedies  to  counteract  its  power. 

In  these  circumstances  Nero  was  perplexed,  for  he  was 
not  more  desirous  to  put  his  mother  to  death,  than  he  was  to 
conceal  the  dreadful  crime.  He  soon  found  one  ready  to 
effect  his  malignant  purpose.  Anicetus,  a  franchised  slave, 
who  had  been  his  tutor  when  a  child,  was  now  commander  of 
the  fleet  stationed  at  Misenum.  "  As  he  was  an  implacable 
enemy  to  Agrippina,  and  Agrippina  to  him,  he  undertook  so 
to  contrive  a  vessel,  that,  by  a  sudden  and  artificial  bursting 
in  the  open  sea,  it  should  overwhelm  and  drown  her,  without 
the  least  warning  or  apprehension.  If  she  were  thus  dis- 
patched by  shipwreck,  no  one,  he  said,  could  ascribe  her 
death  to  the  malice  and  contrivance  of  men.  Nero  was 
pleased  with  this  device  the  more,  because  he  had  a  favorable 
opportunity  to  put  it  in  execution,  as  he  was  then  celebrating  at 
Baiae  the  solemn  festival  of  Minerva,  called  Gluinquatrus, 
which  began  on  the  nineteenth  of  March,  and  lasted  five  days. 
In  order  to  entice  his  mother  thither,  he  pretended  a  desire  to 
be  reconciled  to  her,  declaring  that  children  ought  to  bear 


# 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  139 

«nth  the  humours  of  their  parents,  and  that  for  himself,  it  be- 
hoved him  to  forget  all  past  provocations,  and  be  sincerely 
reconciled  to  a  tender  mother,  whose  gift  was  the  power  and 
empire  which  he  swayed.  A  general  rumour  of  this  preten- 
ded disposition,  which  was  immediately  spread  abroad,  reached 
Agrippina  and  found  credit  with  her,  women  being  naturally 
prone  to  believe  what  feeds  their  wishes,  and  promises  mattei 
of  joy.  At  the  same  time  he  wrote  a  letter  to  her,  filled  with 
the  most  tender  expressions  of  filial  aflfection  and  duty,  inviting 
her  to  pass  the  festival  with  him  at  Eaiae.  Agrippina,  not 
suspecting  any  treachery,  though  well  practised  in  the  dark 
devices  of  the  court,  deferred  no  longer  her  departure ;  but, 
embarking  at  Antium,  where  she  then  was  sailed  to  Bauli, 
an  imperial  villa  between  the  cape  of  Misenum  and  the  gulf 
of  Baiae.  Thither  Nero  hastened  to  receive  her,  met  her 
upon  the  shore,  presented  her  his  hand,  embraced  her,  and 
conducted  her  to  the  castle.  Not  far  from  the  shore,  amongst 
several  other  vessels  belonging  to  the  emperor  and  the  noble- 
men of  his  court,  rode  that  which  had  been  contrived  by  Ani- 
cetus,  more  pompous  and  gaudy  than  the  rest,  as  if  Nero,  by 
that  distinction  intended  fresh  honour  to  his  mother  ;  but  she, 
having  had  some  intimation  of  the  plot,  though  doubtful 
whether  she  should  believe  it  or  not,  when  invited  on  board, 
declared  she  chose  to  go  to  Baiae  by  land,  and  accordingly 
was  carried  thither  in  a  sedan. 

Upon  her  arrival,  the  behaviour  of  Nero,  obliging  beyond 
expression,  and  free  from  all  manner  of  affectation,  allayed 
her  fears  ;  for  Nero,  during  her  stay  there,  treated  her  with 
the  utmost  magnificence,. yielded  to  her  at  table  the  most  hon- 
ourable place,  entertained  her  with  great  variety  of  diver- 
sions, granted  her  all  the  favours  she  asked  in  behalf  of  her- 
self or  her  friends,  and,  in  conversing  with  her,  broke  some- 
times out  into  sallies  of  youthful  gaiety,  discoursing  at  other 
times,  with  a  composed  and  grave  air,  of  weighty  aflfairs',  as 
if  he  reposed  in  her  an  entire  confidence,  and  sought  her 
counsel.  Having,  with  these  ensnaring  caresses  and  hollow 
fondness,  removed  all  her  suspicions,  he  drew  out  the  last  ban- 
quet till  the  night  was  far  spent,  and,  in  the  meantime,  gave 
private  orders  to  the  commander  of  one  of  his  galleys  to  run 
foul  of  that  which  had  conveyed  Agrippina  to  Bauli  and  dis- 
able it,  that  she  might  be  obliged  to  embark  on  the  fatal  ves- 
sel. When  the  banquet  was  over,  Nero  acquainted  her  with 
the  misfortune  which  had  happened  to  her  own  vessel,  beg- 
ged her  to  accept  of  the  other,  and  ordered  the  admiral  him 


q^- 


# 


^  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

self,  Anicetus,  to  attend  her  to  Antium.  The  emperor  accom- 
panied her  in  person  to  the  shore,  and  at  parting-  hung  upon 
her  neck,  kissing  her  eyes,  kissing  her  bosom  with  such  ten- 
derness, that  he  left  it  uncertain,  as  our  historian  observes, 
whether  he  meant,  by  that  passionate  behaviour,  to  cloak  his 
horrid  design,  or  whether  his  spirit,  however  fierce  and  sa- 
vage, could  not  withstand  the  more  powerful  efforts  of  nature 
at  the  last  sight  of  a  mother  just  going  to  perish.  The  sea 
proved  smooth  and  calm,  the  night  clear,  and  the  stars  shone 
in  full  lustre,  as  if  all  this,  says  our  historian,  had  been  con- 
certed by  the  providence  of  the  gods,  that  so  black  a  murder 
might  not  remain  undiscovered,  by  being  ascribed  to  the  ma- 
lignity of  winds  and  waves.  Agrippina,  when  she  embarked, 
was  attended  only  by  two  persons,  Creperius  Gallus,  who 
stood  in  the  steerage,  and  a  lady  named  Aceronia  PoUa,  who 
lay  at  her  feet,  and  was  entertaining  her  with  the  pleasing 
discourse  of  the  remorse  of  her  son,  and  his  sincere  reconcil- 
iation •  when  all  on  sudden,  upon  a  signal  given,  the  deck 
over  tnat  quarter  was  loosened,  and,  being  purposely  loaded 
with  a  great  quantity  of  lead,  sunk  violently  down,  and 
crushed  Creperius  to  death.  Agrippina  and  Aceronia  were 
defended  by  the  posts  of  the  bed  where  they  lay,  which  hap- 
pened to  be  too  strong  to  yield  to  the  weight ;  neither  did  the 
vessel  open  as  had  been  concerted,  such  of  the  mariners  as 
had  not  been  intrusted  with  the  plot  obstructing  the  measures 
of  those  who  were.  The  latter,  finding  this  expedient  de- 
feated, strove  to  bear  the  vessel  down  on  one  side,  and  so  sink 
her ;  but  the  other  mariners,  not  privy  to  the  design,  at  the 
same  time  struggling  to  preserve  her,  by  balancing  the  con- 
trary way,  she  was  not  at  once  swallowed  up,  but  sunk  by 
degrees ;  so  that  Agrippina  and  Aceronia  fell  softly  into  the 
sea.  The  latter,  screaming  out  for  the  more  speedy  relief 
that  she  was  Agrippina,  and  passionately  calling  upon  the 
mariners  to  succour  the  prince's  mother,  was  by  them  pursued 
with  their  poles  and  oars,  and  so  slain.  Agrippina  never 
opened  her  mouth,  and,  being  therefore  less  known,  escaped, 
with  one  wound  only  on  her  shoulder ;  and  what  with  swim- 
ming, what  with  the  timely  assistance  of  some  fisher  boats 
which  rowed  out  to  succour  her,  reached  the  lake  Lucrinus, 
and  was  thence  conveyed  to  her  own  villa.  There,  reflect- 
ing upon  the  danger  which  she  had  escaped,  the  fate  of  Ace- 
ronia, mistaken  for  herself,  and  designedly  slain,  the  manner 
in  which  the  vessel,  under  the  shelter  of  the  shore,  not  tossed 
by  the  winds  nor  striking  upon  the  rocks,  had  yielded  in  its 


# 


m  =B 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  141 

upper  part,  and  been  purposely  overset,  she  concluded  that 
for  this  very  end  she  had  been  enticed  by  the  fraudulent  let- 
ters of  her  son,  and  for  this  reason  treated  by  him  with  such 
extraordinary  marks  of  honour.  However,  she  thought  it  ad- 
visable to  dissemble  the  whole,  and,  although  well  apprised  of 
these  black  devices,  to  act  as  if  she  saw  them  not.  With  this 
view,  she  dispatched  Agerinus  her  freedman,  to  acquaint  the 
emperor  with  the  danger  she  had  escaped,  by  the  providence 
of  the  gods  and  his  imperial  fortune,  and  to  entreat  him  that, 
however  alarmed  at  the  misfortune  which  had  threatened  his 
mother,  he  would  postpone  the  trouble  of  visiting  her,  for 
what  she  only  stood  in  need  of  at  present  was  rest.  In  the 
meantime,  disguising  her  fear,  and  counterfeiting  perfect  se- 
curity, she  caused  her  wound  to  be  dressed  ;  and,  calling  for 
the  last  will  of  Aceronia,  ordered  all  her  effects  to  be  regis- 
tered and  sealed  up.  As  to  Nero,  he  had  passed  the  night 
in  great  uneasiness  and  anxiety  attending  the  success  of  his 
design  ;  and,  while  he  was  hourly  expecting  expresses  to  ap- 
prise him  that  the  parricide  was  executed,  tidings  arrived  that 
his  mother  had  escaped  with  only  a  slight  wound.  At  this 
he  was  struck  with  terror  and  dismay,  not  doubting  but  her 
fierce  spirit,  bent  upon  hasty  revenge,  would  either  arm  the 
slaves,  stir  up  the  rage  of  the  soldiery  against  him,  or  recur, 
with  a  tragical  representation  of  the  whole  plot,  to  the  senate 
and  people.  Thus  terrified  and  dismayed,  he  immediately 
sent  for  Burrhus  and  Seneca,  who  perhaps  had  not  before, 
says  Tacitus,  been  acquainted  with  the  conspiracy.  To  them 
he  notified  his  disappointment,  and  told  them  that,  in  the  pres- 
ent emergency,  he  had  no  resource,  no  protection,  no  one 
to  advise  with,  but  them.  They  both  kept  long  silence, 
either  because  they  thought  it  in  vain  to  dissuade  him  from  a 
design  on  which  they  saw  him  bent,  or  because  they  believed 
matters  already  pushed  so  far  that,  unless  Agrippina  soon  per- 
ished, Nero  certainly  must.  At  length  Seneca,  who  used  al- 
ways to  speak  the  first,  looked  at  Burrhus,  as  if  he  asked 
him  whether  orders  for  the  dispatching  of  Agrippina  might 
not  be  trusted  to  the  soldiery  under  his  command.  Burrhus 
understood  him,  and  answered,  that  the  praetorian  guards 
were  so  zealously  attached  to  the  name  of  the  Cesars,  so  fond 
of  the  family  and  memory  of  Germanicus,  that  they  would 
never  engage  in  any  cruel  or  bloody  attempt  against  their 
descendants.  He  added,  that  Anicetus  ought  to  accomplish 
what  he  had  begun.  Anicetus  undertook,  without  hesitation, 
to  acquit  himself  of  his  engagement ;  and  Nero,  crying  ou* 


# 


f 


t42  HE    ROHAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

that  Anicetus  presented  him  that  day  with  the  empire,  urged 
him  to  use  dispatch,  taking  with  him  whom  he  pleased  to  as- 
sist him.  In  the  meantime,  Agerinus,  arriving  from  Agrippi- 
na  with  the  news  of  her  disaster  and  escape,  was  immediately 
admitted  to  the  emperor ;  by  whose  orders,  as  he  was  deliver- 
ing his  message,  a  dagger  was  dropped  between  his  legs ; 
and  then,  as  if  he  had  been  sent  to  murder  the  prince,  he  was 
immediately  loaded  with  irons  and  dragged  to  prison.  This 
fable  was  forged  to  support  another ;  for  Nero  intended  to  give 
out  that  his  destruction  had  been  concerted  by  his  mother,  and 
that  she,  upon  the  discovery  of  her  treason,  had  put  an  end  tb 
her  own  life,  to  avoid  the  punishment  she  deserved. 

"  In  the  meantime,  the  danger  which  threatened  Agrippina 
at  sea,  and  was  looked  upon  as  the  effect  of  chance,  flying 
abroad,  the  people  from  all  quarters  flocked  to  the  shore  to  as- 
sist her ;  some  crowded  into  barks  and  skiffs,  others  entered 
the  sea,  and  waded  as  deep  as  their  height  would  permit,  nay. 
some  stretched  out  their  arms  as  it  were  to  catch  and  receive 
her;  so  that  the  whole  coast  resounded  with  lamentations  for 
her  misfortune,  vows  for  her  deliverance,  and  the  indistinct 
clamour  of  a  multitude  solicitous  about  her  safety.  When 
they  understood  that  she  was  out  of  danger,  they  all  hastened 
to  congratulate  her  upon  her  escape.  But  Anicetus  present- 
ly arriving  with  an  armed  band  of  marines,  they  all  dispersed  ; 
and  the  franchised  slave,  having  beset  the  villa  with  a  guard, 
burst  open  the  gates,  secured  such  of  her  slaves  as  offered  to 
stop  him,  and  advanced  to  the  very  door  of  her  chamber, 
which  he  found  guarded  by  a  small  number  of  her  friends, 
who,  at  the  sight  of  so  many  armed  men,  betook  themselves 
to  flight,  and  left  her  with  one  maid  only,  who  lay  in  the 
room  with  her.  She  was  already  very  anxious  and  uneasy 
that  no  person  had  yet  arrived  from  her  son,  nor  had  even 
Agerinus  returned,  when  she  heard  a  sudden  noise  and  tumult 
at  the  door  of  her  chamber,  which  so  terrified  her  maid,  that, 
starting  up,  she  too  was  about  to  depart ;  which  Agrippina' 
perceiving,  '  Thou  likewise,'  said  she,  '  art  going  to  abandon 
me  ;'  and  that  moment  Anicetus,  having  forced  open  the  door, 
entered  her  chamber,  accompanied  by  Herculeus,  captain  of 
a  galley,  and  Olearitus,  a  centurion  of  the  navy.  The  prin- 
cess, though  well  apprised  of  their  design,  yet  addressing 
them  with  great  intrepidity, '  If  you  are  come,'  said  she, '  from 
the  emperor,  to  be  informed  of  my  health,  I  can  acquaint  him 
that  I  am  well  refreshed  and  recovered  ;  if  upon  any  bloody 
design,  I  will  never  believe  you  commissioned  by  my  son  • 


« 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  143 

my  son  cannot  command  a  parricide.'  But  the  assassins, 
without  returning  her  any  answer,  placed  themselves  round 
ner  bed  (for  in  her  chamber  was  a  small  light) ;  and  Her- 
culeus  first  discharged  a  blow  upon  her  head  with  a  great 
club.  Olearitus  the  certurion  instantly  drew  his  sword  to 
dispatch  her ;  but  she,  notwithstanding  the  blow  she  had  re- 
ceived, starting  up,  presented  her  belly,  crying  with  a  loud 
voice,  '  Strike  me  here  ;  this  carried  and  brought  forth  such  a 
monster  as  Nero.'  In  uttering  these  words,  she  was  pierced 
with  a  multitude  of  wounds,  and  expired.  Thus  died  the  cel- 
ebrated Agrippina,  daughter  to  Germanicus,  grand-daughter 
to  Agrippa,  and  great  grand-daughter  to  Augustus,  sister  to 
one  emperor,  wife  to  another,  and  mother  to  a  third.  This 
doom  she  had  deserved  by  a  train  of  iniquities,  long  before 
it  overtook  her ;  nay,  we  are  told  that  she  was  warned  of  it 
many  years  before  by  the  Chaldeans,  whg  being  consulted 
by  her  concerning  the  fortune  of  Nero,  and  answering  that 
he  would  certainly  reigr^and  kill  his  mother ;  '  Let  him  kill 
me,'  said  she,  '  so  he  do  but  reign.' " 

The  conscience  of  the  royal  matricide  still  lifted  its  voice, 
and  on  reflection  he  was  filled  with  inexpressible  horrors. 
Unhappily,  he  had  no  faithful  monitor :  his  most  enlightened 
guides  or  ministers  were  more  solicitous  to  please  him  than 
to  correct  his  defects,  or  suppress  his  evil  propensities.  To 
withdraw  him  from  one  series  of  follies  or  crimes  they  seldom 
did  more  than  substitute  others  less  offensive  to  the  public  mind. 
On  this  occasion,  they  acted  as  if  they  believed  that  he  was 
grieved  for  the  loss  of  his  mother,  whom  he  had  been  com- 
pelled to  kill  to  avoid  being  himself  murdered.  Accordingly, 
Burrhus  persuaded  his  officers  to  congratulate  the  emperor 
on  his  deliverance  from  his  mother's  conspiracy  to  destroy 
him.  Their  example  was  imitated  by  the  principal  persons 
in  the  cities  of  Campania,  who  expressed  their  joy  by  present- 
ing addresses  to  Nero,  and  sacrifices  to  the  gods.  Seneca 
composed  letters,  which  were  addressed  by  the  emperor  to  the 
senate ;  in  them  it  was  falsely  asserted,  that  Agrippina  had 
sent  Agerinus,  one  of  her  freedmen,  to  assassinate  him  ;  the 
principal  crimes  of  Claudius  were  •  recalled  and  ascribed  to 
her;  and  that,  therefore,  the  Romans  ought  to  regard  her 
death  rather  as  a  public  blessing  than  a  calamity.  Apparently 
guided  by  the  policy  of  his  ministers,  Nero  honoured  the  ene- 
mies of  his  mother,  and  used  every  means  o  render  her  mem- 
ory detestable.  His  courtiers  persuaded  him  that  the  public 
were  convinced  of  his  innocence ;  and  prepared  the  various 


f 


144  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

classes  m  Rome  to  confirm  him  in  this  unfounded  opinion 
Accordingly,  on  returning,  from  Naples,  where  he  had  retired 
to  dissipate  his  melancholy,  "several  tribes,  in  distinct  bodies 
and  the  senate  in  their  robes,  with  an  immense  multitude  of 
women  and  children,  met  him,  on  his  approach  to  the  metro- 
polis ;  and  wherever  he  passed,  plays  and  shows  were  exhi- 
bited with  all  the  pomp  and  parade  of  a  solemn  triumph. 
Elated  with  pride  at  such  a  reception,  he  repaired,  like  a 
triumphant  victor,  to  the  capitol,  and  there  paid  his  vows  and 
oblations.  All  these  tokens  of  joy  and  approbation  could  not 
alleviate  the  reproaches  of  his  own  conscience :  the  horrors 
of  his  guilt  never  forsook  him  ;  he  owned,  that  the  furies  pur- 
sued him  with  stripes,  and  rage,  and  burning  torches;  his 
dread  was  sometimes  so  great  that  all  his  joints  trembled  ;  he 
applied  to  the  magicians,  and  endeavoured,  by  one  of  their 
sacrifices,  to  call  up  the  ghost  of  his  mother,  and  entreat  her 
to  forgive  him :  some  time  after,  when  he  travelled  into  Greece 
though  he  was  extremely  desirous  «f  assisting  at  the  Eleusi- 
nian  ceremonies,  yet  his  heart  failed  him,,  and  he  withdrew 
as  soon  as  he  heart  the  crier  commandingf  with  a  loud  voice^ 
all  impious  and  profane  persons  to  depart.  As  no  one  would 
take  upon  him  to  give  the  emperor  wholesome  advice,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  all  conspired  to  deceive  him  with  servile 
flattery,  and  to  commend  even  his  most  enormous  excesses^ 
he  abandoned  himself,  without  restraint,  to  all  his  extrava- 
gant passions.  He  was  chiefly  fond  of  two  diversions,  both 
highly  unbecoming  his  rank  and  station,  namely,  of  driving 
a  chariot,  and  singing  to  the  harp  in  a  theatrical  habit.  Sen- 
eca and  Burrhus  indulged  him  from  the  beginning  in  the 
former,  in  order  to  divert  him  from  the  latter,  which  they 
thought  a  more  shameful  and  unmanly  employment.  Thus, 
a  piece  of  ground  in  the  Vatican  was  inclosed  with  a  wall, 
that  he  might  exert  his  dexterity  in  driving,  without  being  ex- 
posed to  the  view  of  a  promiscuous  crowd  of  spectators ;  but 
now  he  was  desirous  of  being  publicly  seen  by  the  populace, 
who  failed  not  to  gratify  him  with  encomiums  and  loud  ac- 
clamations. As  the  emperor  imagined  that  by  bringing  many 
others  under  the  same  infamy  he  should  lessen  his  own,  he 
'introduced,  as  actors  into  the  theatre,  several  noble  Romans, 
descended  from  illustrious  families,  but,  through  indigence,  be- 
come venal.  He  likewise  engaged,  with  great  rewards,  many 
Roman  knights  to  undertake  the  acting  of  parts  in  public  rep- 
resentations. However,  that  he  might  not  yet  debase  him- 
self in  the  common  theatre,  he  instituted  a  sort  of  plays  called 


#= 


T 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  145 

Juvenales,  which  were  exhibited  in  private  houses  or  gardens, 
persons  of  the  first  quality,  and  many  who  had  borne  the 
chief  offices,  in  the  state,  acting  in  them,  and  degrading  them- 
selves to  imitate  the  port  and  buffoonery  of  the  Greek  and  Ro- 
man mimics,  even  in  their  most  obscene  gesticulations." 

Nero,  finding  that  neither  his  most  atrocious  crimes  noi 
most  vain  and  contemptible  pursuits  diminished  the  flattery 
of  his  court  or  the  applauses  of  his  senate,  cast  off  all  moral 
restraint,  and  preferred  for  his  counsellors,  as  well  as  friends, 
the  most  unprincipled  and  immoral  among  the  chief  men  of 
Rome.  He  ceased  to  reverence  Seneca  for  his  wisdom  ana 
virtue,  and  despised  the  political  sagacity  of  the  accomplished 
statesman  Burrhus.  The  latter  died  about  the  ninth  year  of 
Nero ;  and  from  certain  circumstances  his  ungrateful  master 
was  suspected  to  have  caused  him  to  be  poisoned.  The  prae- 
torian guards  were  placed  under  the  command  of  F.  Rufus 
and  S,  Tigellinus.  The  former  was  respected  for  his  integ- 
rity, but  so  noted  for  indolence  that  his  authority  was  viewed 
merely  nominal.  His  colleague  possessed  the  entire  confi- 
dence of  the  emperor,  for  he  was  admitted  to  all  his  secret 
revels  and  debaucheries.  When  Tigellinus  was  known  to 
be  Nero's  chief  counsellor,  all  who  envied  or  hated  Seneca 
openly  revile<.i  him,  and  a  number  of  the  courtiers  were  as- 
siduous in  stimulating  the  emperor  to  dismiss  him.  The 
philosopher  anticipated  the  wishes  of  his  enemies;  he  retired 
from  court,  laid  aside  alibis  usual  splendour,  and  assumed  the 
manners  of  n  phi!cr;ophei  raiheo'  than  a  statesman.  Tigelli- 
nus now  directed  the  emperor  in  all  things,  executed  his  will, 
whether  it  was  regulated  by  justice  or  not.  He  hesitated  not 
to  disgrace  or  murder  any  one  obnoxious  to  his  master's  dis- 
pleasure; nor  to  promote  any  measure  on  which  he  set  his 
heart.  Nero  longed  to  gratify  Poppaea's  ambition  by  pub- 
licly marrying  her.  In  order  to  this,  it  was  necessary  that 
Octavia  should  be  divorced  or  put  to  death.  He  divorced 
her  on  the  frivolous  pretence  that  she  was  barren.  Imme- 
diately after  Popprea  was  declared  his  wife ;  but  this  detesta- 
ble female  rested  not  till,  by  false  accusation  of  adultery,  she 
procured  first  Octavia's  banishment,  and  then  her  death,  of 
which  proof  was  given  her,  by  the  murderers  presenting  to 
her  the  head  of  her  victim.  Soon  after  this  event  Poppaea's 
power  over  the  emperor  was  strengthened  by  bringing  hin  a 
daughter.  His  joy  was  great  on  this  occasion  ;  the  infant  he 
named  Augusta,  and  the  mother  was  honoured  by  the  same 
lofty  appellation.     The  senate  had  made  vows  for  her  happy 

VOL.  III.  13 


1 


I 


146  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

delivery;  "and  now  many  more  were  added,  and  the  whole 
amply  fulfilled  :  days  for  solemn  processions  were  appointed, 
a  temple  was  decreed  to  Fecundity,  golden  images  of  the  For- 
tunes at  Antium,  where  the  child  was  born,  were  ordered  to 
be  made,  and  placed  on  the  throne  of  Jupiter  Capitolinus : 
but  short-lived  was  the  prince's  joy  ;  for  within  four  months 
the  infant  died,  a  disaster  which  gave  occasion  to  new  strains 
of  flattery.  She  was  placed  among  the  gods,  and  divine 
worship,  with  a  priest,  altars,  and  sacrifices,  were  voted  to 
her.  As  the  emperor  had  rejoiced,  so  he  grieved,  beyond  all 
measure." 

Grief  or  reflection  suited  not  the  vain  mind  and  sensual 
heart  of  the  emperor,  and  he  had  removed  far  from  him  all 
who  were  disposed  or  qualified  to  preserve  him  from  acts 
of  either  imprudence  or  mischief  and  folly,  in  which  alone 
he  delighted.  He  now  became  remarkable  for  almost  noth- 
ing but  acts  of  despotic  cruelty  and  barbarity,  or  the  chief 
actor  in  scenes  of  dissipation.  After  the  loss  of  his  infant, 
he  departed  for  Naples,  to  exhibit  his  skill  in  singing  and  act- 
ing on  the  stage,  purposing  to  proceed  thence  to  Greece,  to 
contend  for  the  prize  for  music  at  the  Olympian  games.  He 
was  accompanied,  as  usual,  on  his  journey,  "  with  a  thou- 
sand chariots,  his  horses  and  mules  all  shod  with  silver,  his 
grooms  and  muleteers  clad  in  the  richest  cloth  of  Canusium, 
and  attended  by  a  band  of  praetorian  guards,  and  a  body  of 
African  horse,  most  pompously  attired.  Soon  after  his  arri- 
val at  Naples,  hei  mounted  the  stage,  and  sung,  for  several  days 
together,  to  an  immense  multitude,  all  the  rabble  of  Naples,  and 
incredible  numbers,  from  the  neighbouring  cities  and  colonies, 
flocking  to  such  an  extraordinary  spectacle.  In  this  exercise 
he  passed  his  whole  time  at  Naples,  repairing  to  the  theatre  in 
the  morning,  and  continuing  there  till  night,  allowing  him 
self  now  and  then  a  small  respite  to  take  breath,  and  refresh 
himself,  which  he  did  publicly,  in  the  presence  of  the  multi- 
tude." Some  unknown  reasons  induced  him  to  defer  his 
voyage  to  Greece  and  return  to  Rome,  where,  to  display  his 
magnificence,  or  gratify  the  citizens,  he  held  a  succession  of 
banquets  in  the  public  places  and  squares.  These  assemblies 
included  the  most  infamous  persons  in  the  city,  and  the  scenes 
exhibited  not  only  almost  everjr  species  of  grandeur  and  lux- 
ury, but  almost  every  kind  of  the  most  sensual  and  abomina 
ble  pleasure,  such  as  none  pretending  to  virtue  would  deign 
to  witness  Oi-  even  describe. 

It  had,  however,  been  well  for  society  had  this  wild  beast 


m 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  147 

oeen  satisfied  with  rioting  in  the  lowest  and  most  beastly  in- 
dulgences, which  the  virtuous  might  avoid.  Unhappily,  he 
delighted  to  spread  as  widely  as  possible  misery,  by  every 
device,  suggested  by  his  polluted  imagination  and  brutalized 
passions.  In  proof  of  this,  history  appeals  to  the  dreadful 
fire  which  threatened  the  entire  destruction  of  Rome,  about 
A.  D.  64,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  his  reign.  Its  origin  was 
indeed  never  fully  ascertained  ;  but  no  one  seems  to  have  hes- 
itated to  ascribe  it  to  the  diabolical  or  maniac  emperor.  He 
may  have  caused  it  to  be  raised  on  reflecting  on  the  dreadful 
scene  of  the  burning  of  ancient  Rome  by  the  Gauls,  for  the 
fire,  it  is  said,  commenced  on  the  day  of  the  year  correspon- 
ding with  that  in  which  that  tremendous  catastrophe  hap- 
pened. It  was  first  kindled  in  certain  shops  which  contained 
the  most  combustible  articles,  and,  of  course,  spread  with  the 
utmost  rapidity.  An  ancient  inscription,  near  St.  Peter's 
church,  attests  .that  it  continued  nine  days.  At  the  end  of  six 
it  seemed  arrested  ;  but  it  was  rekindled  with  augmented 
fury,  and  raged  three  days  more. 

Besides  the  destruction  of  innumerable  common  dwellings, 
"  all  the  noble  monuments  of  antiquity,  all  the  palaces,  temples, 
porticoes,  with  the  goods,  riches,  furniture,  and  merchandize, 
were  consumed.  The  shrieks  of  the  women,  the  various 
efforts  of  some  endeavouring  to  save  the  young  and  tender,  of 
others  attempting  to  assist  the  aged  and  infirm,  and  the  hurry 
of  such  as  strove  only  to  provide  for  themselves,  occasioned  a 
mutual  interruption,  and  universal  confusion.  Many,  while 
they  chiefly  regarded  the  danger  that  pursued  them  behind, 
found  themselves  suddenly  involved  in  the  flame  before  and 
on  every  side.  If  they  escaped  into  the  quarters  adjoining,  or 
into  the  parts  quite  remote,  there  too  they  met  with  the  de- 
vouring flames.  At  last,  not  knowing  whither  to  fly,  nor 
where  to  seek  sanctuary,  they  abandoned  the  city,  and  re- 
paired to  the  open  fields.  Some,  out  of  despair  for  the  loss  of 
their  whole  substance,  others,  through  tenderness  for  their 
children  and  relations,  whom  they  had  not  been  able  to  snatch 
from  the  flames,  suffered  themselves  to  perish  in  them,  though 
they  had  easy  means  to  escape.  No  man  dared  to  stop  the 
progress  of  the  fire,  there  being  many  who  had  no  other 
business  but  to  prevent  with  repeated  menaces  all  attempts  of 
that  nature ;  nay,  some  were  in  the  face  of  the  public,  seen  to 
throw  lighted  fire-brands  into  the  houses,  loudly  declaring, 
that  they  were  authorized  so  to  do ;  but  whether  this  was  only 
a  device  to  plunder  more  freely,  or  in  reality  they  had  such 


148  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

orders,  was  never  certainly  known.  Nero,  who  was  then  at 
Anti'jm.  did  not  offer  to  return  to  the  city,  till  he  heard  that 
the  flame  was  advancing  to  nis  palace,  which,  after  his  arrival, 
was,  in  spite  of  all  opposition  burnt  down  to  the  ground,  with 
all  the  houses  adjoining  to  it.  However,  Nero,  affecting 
compassion  for  the  multitude,  thus  vagabond  and  bereft  of 
their  dwellings,  laid  open  the  field  of  Mars,  and  all  the  great 
edifices  erected  there  by  Agrippa,  and  even  his  own  gardens. 
He  hkewise  caused  tabernacles  to  be  reared  in  haste  for  the 
reception  of  the  forlorn  populace;  from'  Ostia  too,  and  the 
neighboring  cities,  were  brought,  by  his  orders,  all  sorts  of 
furniture  and  necessaries,  and  the  price  of  corn  considerably 
lessened.  But  these  bounties,  however  generous  and  popu- 
lar, were  bestowed  in  vain,  because  a  report  was  spread 
abroad,  that,  during  the  time  of  this  general  conflagration,  he 
mounted  his  domestic  stage,  and  sung  the  destruction  of  Troy, 
comparing  the  present  desolation  to  the  celebrated  calamities 
of  iniquity.  Of  the  fourteen  districts  into  which  Rome  was 
divided,  four  remained  entire,  three  were  laid  in  ashes,  and, 
in.  the  seven  others,  there  remained  only  here  and  there  a 
few  houses,  miserably  shattered,  and  half  consumed.  Among 
the  many  ancient  and  stately  edifices,  which  the  rage  of  the 
flames  utterly  consumed,  Tacitus  reckons  the  temple  dedi- 
cated by  Servius  Tullius  to  the  Moon  ;  the  temple  and  great 
altar  consecrated  by  Evander  to  Hercules  ;  the  chapel  vowed 
by  Romulus  to  Jupiter  Stator ;  the  court  of  Numa,  with  the  tem- 
ple of  Vesta,  and  in  it  the  tutelar  gods  peculiar  to  the  Romans. 
In  the  same  fate  were  involved  the  inestimable  treasures 
acquired  by  so  many  victories,  the  wonderful  works  of  the 
best  painters  and  sculptors  of  Greece,  and,  what  is  still  more 
to  be  lamented,  the  ancient  writings  of  celebrated  authors,  till 
then  preserved  perfectly  entire." 

The  burning  of  Rome  brought  Christians,  as  a  distinct  so- 
ciety, at  least  for  the  first  time  recorded  in  history,  before  the 
civil  tribunals  of  the  city,  where  they  were  accused  of  being 
the  authors  of  this  great  calamity,  and  their  accuser  was  no 
less  important  a  personage  than  the  lawless  emperor.  Not 
the  least  evidence  of  their  guilt  is  alluded  to  in  history.  Nor 
did  the  accusation  against  them  weaken  the  universal  suspi- 
cion or  belief  that  Nero  alone  had  caused  the  city  to  be  set  on 
fire.  He  knew  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  and,  doubtless, 
ireaded  that  its  consequence  might  be  fatal  to  him.  But  it 
naay  seem  strange  what  could  suggest  to  him  to  charge  the 
Christians,  without  a  shadow  of  proof,  with  a  crime  which 


9 


m  '!# 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  149 

tney  had  equal  reason  with  their  fellow  citizens  to  detest  and 
lament.  He  could  not  be  ignorant  that  no  class  of  society  were 
more  disposed  to  promote  the  temporal  peace  and  comfOii  of 
all  ranks  ;  for  Paul,  their  ablest  advocate,  had  more  than 
on  :e  appeared  before  the  imperial  court,  vindicated  his  own 
character,  and  we  may  be  certain,  the  Christian,  with  such 
success  as  to  have  obtained  his  libeity  in  the  preceding  year. 
But  Nero,  it  is  said,  knew  that  they  were  generally  hated,  and 
thnt  to  subject  them  to  suffering  would  recommend  him  to 
the  public,  should  he  even  fail  to  fix  on  them  the  guih  of 
burning  the  city.  That  he,  however,  might  have  accused 
others  with  more  hope  of  being  credited,  no  one  can  doubt, 
who  reflects  on  the  vast  number  of  the  most  depraved  of  man- 
kind, resident  in  Rome.  We  conceive,  therefore,  that  we 
may  ascribe  his  selection  of  the  Christians  to  suffer  innocently, 
to  the  counsels  of  his  infamous  wife  Poppaea,  rather  than  to 
his  own  sagacity  or  malice.  Such  depraved  persons  as  Nero 
are  not  those  who  are  usually  the  persecutors  of  holy  men 
Their  most  violent  and  implacable  enemies  are  those  proud 
of  real  or  imaginary  intellectual,  moral,  or  religious  supe 
riority,  and  not  the  lovers  of  pleasure  and  frivolous  pursuits 
That  Nero  was,  at  this  time,  completely  enslaved  by  Poppoea 
is  well  known,  and  that  Christians  were  more  obnoxious  to 
her  displeasure  than  any  other  class  of  societj^  will  scarcely 
be  questioned  by  those  who  advert  to  her  religion.  We  have 
already  remarked  that  it  is  probable,  from  Josephus  denomi- 
nating her  "  religious/'  that  she  was  a  Jewish  proselyte  of  the 
sect  of  the  Pharisees.  He  notices  more  incidents  t^-an  one 
which  appear  to  confirm  this  opinion,  and  clearly  show  her 
attachment  to  the  Jewish  people,  and  esteem  of  their  religious 
teachers.  Thus  he  informs  us,  that  in  his  twenty-sixth  year, 
certain  of  his  friends  distinguished  by  piety,  having  offended 
Felix  the  governor  of  Judea,  were  put  in  chains  and  sent 
prisoners  to  Rome,  to  be  tried  before  the  emperor.  In 
the  hope  of  aiding  in  their  deliverance,  he  accompanied 
them  to  Rome.  The  ship  in  which  they  sailed,  with 
about  six  hundred  persons,  was  lost  in  the  Adriatic,  and  all 
perished,  except  about  eighty,  who,  after  swimming  all  night, 
were  saved  by  a  ship  of  Cyrene.  On  reaching  Rome,  he 
procured  the  friendship  of  Aliturius,  a  Jew,  who  was  an 
actor  on  the  stage,  and  much  beloved  by  Nero.  He  adds, 
that  "  through  the  interest  of  this  man,  he  was  introduced  to 
PoppeoBa,  Cesar's  wife,  was  favourably  received,  and  suc- 
ceeded   in  obtaining  the    liberty  of  the  priests  his  friends 

13* 


^  ^) 


150  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

Besides  this  favour  he  received  many  presents  from  the  em- 
press." Josephus  owns  that  this  religious  empress  was  as 
wicked  as  Festus,  who  owed  to  her  his  appointment  to  the 
government  of  Judea.  Now  she  wcs  precisely  such  a  person 
as  was  most  likely  to  hate  and  seek  the  destruction  of  Chris- 
tians. This  was  strikingly  seen  in  the  first  age  of  Christian- 
ity ;  some  of  the  female  proselytes  in  the  empire,  were  most 
active  opponents  of  the  first  ministers  of  the  word.  Thus, 
when  the  gospel  had  been  published  throughout  all  the  region 
of  Pisidia,  "  the  Jews"  in  Antioch,  the  capital,  "  stirred  up  the 
devout  and  honorable  women,  and  the  chief  men  of  the  city, 
and  raised  persecuftion  against  Paul  and  Barnabas,  and  ex- 
pelled them  out  of  their  coasts."  / 

While  it  may  be  disputed  whether  the  accusation  against 
the  Christians  in  Rome  originated  in  the  unrighteous  policy 
of  Nero,  or  the  pharisaical  zeal  of  his  wife,  it  is  most  proba- 
ble that  the  majority  of  all  ranks  were  not  displeased  to  see 
them  persecuted  to  death.  Their  real  character  was  not  un- 
derstood by  the  most  intelligent  unbelievers.  This  is  plain 
from  the  brief  description  given  of  them  by  the  most  eminent 
Roman  writers  in  the  first  and  second  centuries.  These 
learned  men  appear  to  have  treated  Christianity  as  a  subject 
unworthy  of  investigation.  Such  conduct  indicates  their  ut- 
ter indifference  to  whatever  involved  the  interests  of  man  in 
relation  to  God  and  the  future  and  invisible  state.  And  what 
conduct  could  more  decidedly  prove  that  their  wisdom  was 
foolishness?  It  is  not  uncommon  to  apologise  for  their  most 
unrca-onable  conduct,  by  saying  that  they  had  not  an  op- 
portunity of  knowing  the  truth  respecting  Christians.  How 
unfounded  is  such  an  opinion!  Could  any  one,  sincerely 
and  earnestly  desirous  to  know  eternal  truth,  remain  igno- 
rant of  the  gospel  in  any  of  the  great  cities  of  the  empire, 
after  the  first  thirty  years  of  Paul's  ministry?  Christians 
were  numerous,  and  zealously  announced  what  they  be- 
lieved. Rome  was  full  of  them.  They  might  be,  and  doubt- 
less were,  known  to  all  who  loved  the  light  and  hated  dark- 
ness. But  the  fact  is,  that  their  principles  and  practices  in 
religion  were  opposed  to  all  that  the  learned  unbelievers,  and 
the  superstitious  and  licentious  multitude,  believed  or  valued. 
The  former  deemed  all  forms  of  religion  as  equally  useless, 
or  of  equal  value ;  and  the  latter  imagined  that  every  one 
who  renounced  the  worship  of  the  gods  of  the  empire  were 
the  enemies  of  all  good,  and  to  be  regarded  as  atheists  "  All 
were  provoked,"  as  Mosheim  remarks,  "  by  the  simplicity  of 


# 


m.=^  ■  ^.=^^-=^ 


•         THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  151 

their  worship,  which  resembled  in  nothing  the  sacred  ritei 
of  any  other  people.  The  Christians  had  neither  sacrifices, 
nor  temples,  nor  images,  nor  oracles,  nor  sacerdotal  orders  ; 
and  this  was  sufficient  to  bring  upon  them  the  reproaches  of 
an  ignorant  multitude,  who  imagined  that  there  could  be  no 
religion  without  these.  Thus  they  were  looked  upon  as  a 
sort  of  atheists;  and,  by  the  Roman  laws,  those  who  were 
chargeable  with  atheism  were  declared  the  pests  of  human  so- 
ciety. But  this  was  not  all :  the  sordid  interests  of  a  muhitude 
of  lazy  and  selfish  priests  were  immediately  connected  with  the 
ruin  and  oppression  of  the  Christian  cause.  The  public 
worship  of  such  an  immense  number  of  deities  was  a  source 
of  subsistence,  and  even  of  riches,  to  the  whole  rabble  of 
priests  and  augurs,  and  also  to  a  multitude  of  merchants  and 
artists  ;  and  as  the  progress  of  the  gospel  threatened  the  ruin 
of  this  religious  traffic,  and  the  profits  it  produced,  this  raised 
up  new  enemies  to  the  Christians,  and  armed  the  rage  of 
mercenary  superstition  against  their  lives  and  their  cause." 

No  pagan  author,  perhaps,  before  the  time  of  Pliny,  looked 
on  the  Christians  as  a  society  completely  distinct  from  the 
Jews,  and  the  national  prejudices  and  vices  of  the  latter  were 
generally  ascribed  to  the  former  ;  and  the  extraordinary  sue 
cess  of  both  parties,  in  converting  to  their  respective  religions, 
which  seemed  one,  because  in  common  they  denounced  all 
idols,  roused  the  jealousy  or  wrath  of  all  the  Romans  and 
Greeks  who  admired  their  own  religion,  either  on  account  ol 
its  antiquity,  utility,  or  popularity.  These  uneasy  and  indig- 
nant feelings  were  evidently  strong  in  Seneca  and  Tacitus, 
who  were  greatly  distinguished  in  the  first  century.  The 
former,  apparently  referring  to  the  Jews,  including  the  fol- 
lowers of  Christ,  laments — "So  universally  do  the  customs 
of  that  most  flagitious  people  prevail,  that  now  they  are  re- 
ceived all  over  the  world.  The  conquered  have  given  laws 
to  the  conquerors.''  The  latter  remarks  that  "the  Jews  in- 
stituted the  rite  of  circumcision,  in  order  to  distinguish  them- 
selves from  the  rest  of  mankind.  They  who  have  revolted 
to  the  customs  of  the  Jews  do  the  same,  and  the  first  that  they 
are  taught  is,  to  despise  the  gods,  and  to  divest  themselves  of 
patriotism.  The  worst  of  men  every  where,  despising  the  re- 
ligious rites  of  their  own  country,  were  wont  to  pile  up  their 
contributions  and  alms  at  Jerusalem." 

Taking  advantage  of  the  universal  hatred  of  Christianity, 
and  of  the  popular  calumnies  and  clamour  against  its  advo- 
Gates  and  confessors,  Nero  succeeded  in  turning  the  eyes  of 


r 


152  THE  ROWAN   EWPrRE  TRTOMPHANT. 

the  public  from  him  for  a  time,  by  publishing  an  edict  denoun- 
cing death  on  Christians,  under  the  pretence  that  they  had 
icindled  the  fire  which  had  consumed  the  city ;  and  he  pre- 
scribed that  they  should  suffer  death  under  forms  which 
should  represent  to  all  their  crime  in  their  punishment.  The 
only  narrative  deserving  credit  of  this  first  great  persecution 
of  Christians  by  the  Roman  state,  is  the  imperfect  one  left  by 
Tacitus.  "JNero,"  he  observes,  "to  suppress  the  prevailing 
rumour  that  he  was  the  author  of  the  conflagration,  transfer- 
red the  guilt  upon  supposed  criminals,  subjecting  to  most 
exquisite  torments  those  people  who,  for  their  enormous 
crimes,  were  universally  abhorred,  and  known  to  the  vulgar 
by  the  name  of  Christians.  The  author  of  this  name  was 
Christ,  who  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius  was  executed  under 
Pontius  Pilate,  procurator  of  Judea.  The  pestilent  supersti- 
tion was  for  a  while  suppressed,  but  it  revived  again,  and 
spread  not  only  over  Judea,  where  the  evil  was  broached,  but 
reached  Rome  ;  whither  from  every  quarter  of  the  earth  is 
constantly  flowing  whatever  is  hideous  and  abominable 
amongst  men,  and  is  there  readily  embraced  and  practised. 
First,  therefore,  were  apprehended  such  as  owned  themselves 
to  be  of  that  sect ;  then  by  them  was  diicovered  an  immense 
multitude,  and  all  were  convicted,  not  of  the  crime  of  burn- 
ing of  Rome,  but  of  their  hatred  and  enmity  to  mankind. 
Their  death  and  tortures  were  aggravated  with  cruel  derision 
and  sport ;  for  they  were  either  covered  with  the  skins  of 
wild  beasts,  and  torn  in  pieces  by  devouring  dogs,  or  fastened 
to  crosses,  or  wrapt  up  in  combustible  garments,  that,  when 
the  day-light  failed,  they  might,  like  torches,  serve  to  dispel 
the  darkness  of  the  night.  For  this  tragical  spectacle  Nero 
lent  his  own  gardens,  and  exhibited  at  the  same  time  the  pub- 
lic diversion  of  the  circus,  sometimes  driving  a  chariot  in  per- 
son, and  sometimes  standing  as  a  spectator  among  the  popu- 
lace in  the  habit  of  a  charioteer.  Hence  towards  the  miser- 
able sufferers,  however  guilty  and  deserving  the  most  exem- 
plary punishment,  compassion  arose,  seeing  they  were  doomed 
to  perish,  not  with  a  view  to  the  public  good,  but  to  gratify  the 
cruelty  of  one  man." 

This  sanguinary  and  barbarous  attack  on  the  church  of 
God  began  in  the  latter  end  of  a.  d.  64,  and  it  is  uncertain  if 
it  terminated  before  the  death  of  Nero,  a.  d.  68.  Nor  have  we 
more  certain  information  as  to  the  extent  of  this  calamity ;  for 
many  imagine  that  the  imperial  edict  was  designed  for  the 
whole  empire,  while  others  would  limit  it  to  Italy  or  even  to 


#=  m 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  153 

Rome.  If  tradition  may  be  relied  on,  both  the  apostles  Paul 
and  Peter  had  visited  the  capital  during  the  violence  of  this 
persecution,  and  fell  victims  to  the  rage  of  their  enemies.  It 
is  probable  that  the  sufferings  of  the  Christians  were  of  tem- 
porary duration  ;  for  Nero  soon  found  himself  in  circum- 
stances which,  doubtless,  withdrew  his  attention  from  them  ; 
and  their  enemies  were  subjected  by  him  to  such  great  and 
complicated  distress,  that  they  would  feel  little  disposition  to 
interfere  in  the  affairs  of  a  class  of  persons  who  not  only  did 
them  no  injury,  but  were  ever  zealous  to  do  them  good  by 
every  means  which  they  could  employ. 

In  the  opinion  of  some,  Nero  destroyed  Rome  that  he 
might  acquire  celebrity  by  raising  the  city  in  greater  beauty 
and  magnificence.  This  is  not  improbable,  for  it  is  said  of 
him  that  he  was  always  ready  to  undertake  enterprises  in 
proportion  to  their  difficulty  or  even  seeming  impossibility  to 
accomplish  them.  Nor  was  this  conjecture  inconsistent  with 
his  conduct  after  the  fire  ;  for  he  employed  all  his  authority 
and  resources  to  confer  on  the  renovated  city  all  that  was 
calculated  to  render  it  worthy  of  its  dignity  as  the  metropolis 
of  the  world.  He  "  founded  a  palace,  which  he  called  his 
Golden  House ;  though  it  was  not  so  much  admired  on  ac- 
count of  an  immense  profusion  of  gold,  precious  stones,  and 
other  inestimable  ornaments,  as  for  its  vast  extent,  containing 
spacious  fields,  large  wildernesses,  artificial  lakes,  thick  woods, 
gardens,  orchards,  vineyards,  hills,  and  groves.  The  entrance 
of  this  stately  edifice  was  wide  enough  to  receive  a  colossus, 
representing  Nero,  a  hundred  and  twenty  feet  high :  the  gal- 
leries consisted  of  three  rows  of  tall  pillars,  each  of  them  a 
full  mile  in  length :  the  lakes  were  encompassed  with  mag- 
nificent buildings,  in  the  manner  of  cities,  and  the  woods 
stocked  with  all  manner  of  wild  beasts.  The  house  itself 
was  tiled  with  gold,  the  walls  were  covered  with  the  same 
metal,  and  richly  adorned  with  precious  stones  and  mother- 
of-pearl,  which  in  those  days  was  valued  above  gold :  the 
timber-work  and  ceilings  of  the  rooms  were  inlaid  with  gold 
and  ivory :  the  roof  of  one  of  the  banqueting-rooms  resembled 
the  firmament,  both  in  its  figure  and  motion,  turning  inces- 
santly about  night  and  day,  and  showering  all  sorts  of  sweet 
waters.  When  this  magnificent  structure  was  finished,  Nero 
slightingly  said,  that  at  length  he  began  to  lodge  like  a  man. 
Pliny  tells  us,  that  this  palace  extended  quite  round  the  city. 
Nero,  it  seems,  did  not  finish  it;  for  the  first  order  Otho 
signed  was,  as  we  read  in  Suetonius,  for  fifty  millions  of  ses- 


# 


154  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

terces.  to  be  employed  in  perfecting  the  Golden  Palace  which 
Nero  had  begun.  The  projectors  of  this  plan  were  Severus 
and  Celer,  two  bold  and  enterprising  men,  who  soon  after 
put  the  emperor  upon  a  still  more  expensive  and  arduous 
undertaking,  namely,  that  of  cutting  a  canal  through  hard 
rocks  and  steep  mountains,  from  the  lake  Avernus  to  the 
mouth  of  the  Tiber,  a  hundred  and  sixty  miles  in  length,  and 
of  such  breadth  that  two  gallies  of  five  ranks  of  oars  might 
easily  pass  abreast.  His  view  in  this  was  to  open  a  commu- 
nication between  Rome  and  Campania,  free  from  the  troubles 
and  dangers  of  the  sea ;  for,  in  the  course  of  this  year,  a 
great  number  of  vessels,  laden  with  corn,  were  shipwrecked 
at  Cape  Misenum,  the  pilots  choosing  rather  to  venture  out  in 
a  violent  storm,  than  not  to  arrive  at  the  time  they  were  ex- 
pected by  Nero.  For  the  execution  of  this  prodigious  under- 
taking, the  emperor  ordered  the  prisoners  from  all  parts  to  be 
transported  into  Italy  ;  and  such  as  were  convicted,  whatever 
their  crimes,  were  to  be  condemned  only  to  his  works.  Nero, 
who  undertook  nothing  with  more  ardour  ai»d  readiness 
than  what  was  deemed  impossible,  expended  incredible  sums 
in  this  rash  undertaking,  and  exerted  all  his  power  to  cut 
through  the  mountains  adjoining  to  the  lake  Avernus  ;  but  not 
being  able  to  remove  by  art  the  obstacles  of  nature,  he  was 
obliged  to  drop  the  enterprise.  The  ground  not  occupied  by 
the  foundations  of  Nero's  own  palace,  he  assigned  for  houses, 
which  Avere  not  placed,  as  after  the  burning  of  the  city  by  the 
Gauls,  at  random  and  without  order,  but  the  streets  were  laid 
out  regularly,  spacious  and  straight,  the  edifices  restrained  to 
a  certain  height,  perhaps  of  seventy  feet,  according  to  the  plan 
of  Augustus;  the  courts  were  widened,  and  to  all  the  great 
houses  which  stood  by  themselves,  and  were  called  isles, 
large  porticoes  were  added,  which  Nero  engaged  to  raise  at 
his  own  expense,  and  to  deliver  to  each  proprietor  the  squares 
about  them  clear  from  all  rubbish.  He  likewise  promised 
rewards  according  to  every  man's  rank  and  substance,  ap- 
pointing a  day  for  the  discharge  of  his  promise,  on  condition 
that  against  that  day  their  several  houses  and  palaces  were 
finished.  He,  moreover,  made  the  following  wise  regula- 
tions, to  obviate  such  a  dreadful  calamity  for  the  future: 
that  the  new  buildings  should  be  raised  to  a  certain  height 
without  timber  ;  that  they  should  be  arched  with  stone  from 
the  quarries  of  Gabii  and  Alba,  which  were  proof  against 
fire.;  that  over  the  common  springs  which  were  diverted  by 
private  n\en   for  their  own  uses,  overseers  should   be  placed 


0-- 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  155 

to  prevent  that  abuse ;  that  every  citizen  should  have  ready 
in  his  house  a  machine  proper  to  extinguish  fire ;  and  that 
no  wall  shall  be  common  to  two  houses,  but  every  house 
be  inclosed  within  its  own  peculiar  walls.  Thus  the  city 
in  a  short  time  rose  out  of  its  ashes  with  new  lustic,  and 
more  beautiful  than  ever." 

The  popularity  which,  perhaps,  Nero  acquired  by  his 
fierce  zeal  against  Christianity,  and  by  the  apparent  wisdom, 
greatness  of  mind,  generosity,  and  liberality  which  he  dis- 
played in  the  erection  of  his  golden  palace  and  the  embellish- 
ment of  the  city,  was  transient.  In  the  gratification  of  his 
vanity  or  ambition  and  desire  of  public  favour,  he  exhausted 
all  the  treasures  of  the  state ;  and  to  procure  wealth  to  satisfy 
his  boundless  desires,  and  to  enable  him  to  execute  his  vast, 
and,  in  many  instances,  his  foolish  and  impracticable  schemes, 
he  resorted  to  measures  at  once  most  unjust  and  oppressive,  so 
that  to  all  ranks,  except  the  dregs  of  society,  his  name  and  gov- 
ernment became  hateful  and  detestable.  He  commissioned 
persons  capable  of  committing  every  species  of  wickedness  to 
proceed  through  Italy,  Greece,  and  Asia,  and  seize  the  riches 
of  every  province,  including  the  wealth  of  the  temples,  the 
ornaments,  and  the  statues  and  images  of  the  gods,  which 
were  made  of  the  precious  metals.  The  whole  were  con- 
veyed to  Rome ;  and  the  metallic  gods  were  melted  down  and 
turned  into  money.  His  tyranny  produced  universal  discon- 
tent, and  astrologers  and  diviners  alone  were  enriched  by 
pretending  to  observe  many  prodigies  which  they  declared 
forerunners  of  some  dreadful  calamity;  multitudes  in  conse- 
quence resorted  to  them  to  have  those  superstitious  fears  al- 
layed which  their  lies  had  awakened.  Nero  was  alarmed 
by  these  reported  omens,  and  consulted  Babylus,  a  celebrated 
astrologer.  Informed  by  him  that  great  monarchs  could  avert 
these  omens  by  some  extraordinary  massacre, and, crediting  the 
impostor,  it  is  said  that  he  determined  to  exterminate  th«  whole 
Senatorial  order,  and  commit  all  the  offices  of  the  empire  to 
the  knights  and  his  freedmen.  Though  the  execution  of 
this  resolution  was  beyond  his  power,  yet  he  seemed  to  fol- 
low it  in  his  future  conduct.  To  the  utmost  extent  of  his 
power  he  put  to  death,  or  by  threatenings  compelled  to  com- 
mit suicide,  every  one  venerable  by  the  highest  rank,  or  re- 
spected for  wisdom,  learning,  genius,  or  exemplary  conduct 

He  probably  considered  his  murderous  deeds  justifiable, 
on  discovering  a  conspiracy  formed  to  dethrone  him  by  the 
first  men  in  Rome,  and  into  which  history  testifies  that  the 


#= 


^•<» 


166  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRroMPHANT. 

whole  nobility,  senators,  knights,  soldiers,  and  even  women, 
eagerly  entered  The  leader  was  Caius  Pios,  a  noble  of  dig- 
nified aspect,  and  generous  conduct,  and  still  more  illustrious 
by  his  high  rank  and  powerful  eloquence,  which  he  employed 
for  the  defence  of  his  fellow-citizens.  He  was,  nevertheless, 
a  man  of  pleasure,  and  exceedingly  licentious ;  but  the  Ro- 
mans had  not,  on  this  account,  any  objection  to  raise  him  to 
the  empire,  for  correct  morals  were  not  deemed  by  them  ne- 
cessary in  their  rulers.  Lucan,  the  celebrated  poet,  was 
among  the  first  who  joined  this  conspiracy,  instigated,  it  is 
said,  by  revenge  for  the  insults  which  he  had  suffered  from 
Nero,  who,  being  himself  a  poet,  and  apprehensive  lest  his 
poetical  fame  should  be  eclipsed  by  Lucan,  permitted  not  the 
publication  of  his  poems.  Epicharis,  an  infamous  female, 
was  among  the  most  active,  determined,  and  persevering  of 
the  conspirators.  Her  conduct  seemed  inexplicable,  for  it 
could  be  traced  to  no  motive.  She  exerted  herself  to  the  ut- 
most to  hasten  the  execution  of  the  purpose,  which  all  ap- 
proved, to  assassinate  the  emperor,  while  he  was  singing  on 
the  stage,  or  traversing  the  streets  in  his  nightly  revels. 
"  When  she  found  that  all  her  reproaches  and  exhortations 
had  no  effect  on  her  accomplices,  impatient  of  their  slowness, 
she  left  Rome,  and  hastened  to  Campania,  where  she  employ- 
ed all  her  industry  and  skill  to  estrange  from  Nero  the  hearts 
of  the  chief  officers  of  the  fleet  lying  at  Misenum,  and  to  en- 
gage them  in  the  design,  which  they  had  frequent  opportuni- 
ties of  executing,  as  the  emperor  took  great  delight  in  sailing 
often  along  the  coast  of  Misenum  and  Puteoli.  In  that  fleet, 
Volusius  Proculus,  who  had  been  employed  by  Nero  to  despatch 
his  mother,  had  the  command  of  a  thousand  marines.  But 
as  he  did  not  think  himself  thereby  sufficiently  rewarded  for 
so  meritorious  a  murder,  either  from  an  old  acquaintance  with 
Epicharis,  or  a  friendship  newly  contracted,  he  related  to  her 
his  signal  services  to  Nero,  adding  bitter  complaints  that  he 
had  not  been  distinguished  with  promotion  equal  to  his  de- 
serts. In  answer  to  him,  Epicharis  urged  all  the  crying 
cruelties,  all  the  barbarous  outrages  committed  by  the  tyrant, 
and  at  the  same  time  acquainted  him  with  the  conspiracy; 
but  had  the  precaution  to  conceal  from  him  the  names  of  the 
conspirators.  The  traitor  was  no  sooner  let  into  the  secret, 
than  he  flew  to  Rome,  and  betrayed  the  whole  to  Nero.  But 
his  discovery  availed  nothing;  for  when  Epicharis  was  sum- 
moned, and  confronted  with  the  informer,  as  his  charge  against 
her  was  supported  by  no  witnesses,  she  denied  it,  pretending 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  157 

to  be  greatly  amazed  at  the  impudent  boldness  of  the  accuser. 
However,  she  was  detained  in  prison,  Nero  suspecting  that 
the  charge  was  not  false,  though  not  proved  to  be  true." 

This  circumstance  determined  the  conspirators  to  delaj'^  no 
longer  the  acomplishment  of  their  treacherous  design.  After 
much  discussion,  they  agreed  that  it  would  be  most  hon- 
ourable and  e.xpedient  publicly  to  kill  Nero  during  the  festi- 
val of  Ceres,  at  the  time  of  the  Circensian  games,  from  which 
he  was  never  absent.  Scevinus,  having  procured  a  dagger 
from  a  temple,  claimed  the  right  to  strike  the  first  blow,  being 
con^dent  that  the  sacredness  of  the  instrument  insured  him 
success.  On  the  evening  preceding  that  on  which  the  daring 
and  atrocius  act  was  to  be  performed,  Scevinus  sealed  his 
will ;  then  unsheathing  the  above-mentioned  dagger,  he  com- 
plained it  was  blunt  and  rusty,  charging  Milichus,  one  of  his 
freedmen,  to  have  it  ground  and  sharpened  at  the  point :  next 
he  ordered  a  repast  more  sumptuous  and  profuse  than  ordi- 
nary to  be  got  ready ;  after  which  he  presented  his  favourite 
slaves  with  their  liberty,  and  others  with  sums  of  money. 
His  countenance,  in  the  midst  of  an  affected  cheerfulness,  ap- 
peared clouded :  in  his  discourse  he  was  continually  running 
from  one  subject  to  another,  without  attending  to  any  ;  whence 
all,  who  were  present,  concluded  that  his  mind  was  fraught 
with  some  great  design :  at  last  he  ordered  the  same  Mili- 
chus to  prepare  bandages  for  wounds,  and  applications  for 
stopping  blood.  The  freedman,  reflecting  on  these  orders, 
and  concluding  with  himself,  that  a  conspiracy  was  undoubt- 
edly carrying  on,  and  his  patron  concerned  in  it,  hastened 
next  morning  by  break  of  day  to  the  gardens  of  Servilius, 
where  Nero  then  was  ;  and,  being  refused  admittance,  declared 
that  he  came  to  discover  matters  of  the  utmost  importance." 
Epaphroditus,  one  of  the  emperor's  freedmen,  at  last  reluc- 
tantly admitted  him  into  his  presence.  On  relating  all  the 
circumstances,  and  showing  the  dagger,  his  testimony  was 
believed,  and  Scevinus  was  instantly  brought  by  a  band  of 
soldiers  to  answer  for  the  crime  of  which  he  was  accused. 
Through  the  agency  of  his  wife  and  the  treacherous  slave, 
the  conspiracy  was  now  fully  discovered ;  and  a  number  of 
the  conspirators  who  were  seized,  by  the  promise  of  pardon, 
betrayed  many  of  their  dearest  friends.  Thus  Lucan  accused 
his  own  mother.  Epicharis  appears  to  have  been  remarkably 
distinguished  for  fidelity  and  honour,  in  this  unlawful  enter- 
prise ;  for  the  application  of  every  species  of  to'ture  drew  not 

VOL.  in.  14    '  '' 


T 


158  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

a  word  from  her  which  could  be  construed  to  implicate  any 
one  of  her  numerous  accomplices. 

Nero  was  so  dreadfully  alarmed  on  perceiving  his  danger, 
that  he  not  only  doubled  his  guards,  but  posted  bands  of  sol- 
diers upon  the  walls,  and  all  round  the  city,  lined  the  sea  coast 
and  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  with  numerous  detachments,  or- 
dered parties  of  foot  and  horse  to  scour  the  fields  night  and 
day,  to  range  in  the  public  squares  in  the  neighbouring  muni- 
cipal towns,  to  enter  the  private  houses.  With  the  picetorian 
guards  Germans  were  intermixed ;  for  in  them,  as  they  were 
foreigner^,  Nero  cheifly  confided." 

Muhitudes  were  now  dragged  to  the  imperial  tribunal, 
which  was  erected  in  the  royal  gardens,  and  every  one  was 
sentenced  to  perish  who  had  been  ever  seen  to  associate,  or 
even  smile  with  the  chief  conspirators.  Many  great  men  suf- 
fered, and  it  is  reported  that  of  these,  the  death  of  no  one  gave 
Nero  more  joy  than  that  of  his  most  eminent  tutor  and  minis- 
ter, Seneca,  whose  ruin  he  had  long  desired.  The  philoso- 
pher was  condemned  to  kill  himself  He  died  as  a  hero  and 
a  fool,  for  while  he  composedly  consoled  his  wife  and  friends, 
with  the  water  of  the  hot  bath  in  which  he  bled  to  death,  he 
sprinkled  the  slaves  who  v^^aited  on  him,  and  said,  "  With  this 
water  I  make  a  libation  to  Jupiter  the  Deliverer." 

The  conspiracy  being  u-tterly  suppressed,  Nero  assembled 
the  army,  "  distributed  among  them  a  largess  of  two  thousand 
nummi  a  man,  and  ordered  them  to  be  thenceforth  supplied 
with  corn  at  the  public  expense.  Upon  Petronius  Turpili- 
anus,  Cocceius  Nerva,  and  Tigelinus,  he  bestowed  triumphal 
ornaments,  as  a  reward  for  their  zeal  in  prosecuting  the  con- 
spirators ;  nay,  he  caused  triumphal  statues  to  be  erected  in 
the  forum  to  the  two  latter,  and  their  images  to  be  placed  in 
the  palace,  a  distinction  seldom  granted,  and  only  to  persons 
of  the  greatest  merit,  Nymphidius  was  distinguished  with 
the  consular  ornaments.  The  emperor,  having  thus  reward- 
ed the  instruments  of  his  tyranny,  assembled  the  fathers,  and 
acquainted  them  with  the  late  transactions.  To  the  people  he 
addressed  an  edict  upon  the  same  subject,  and  published  the 
several  evidences  against  the  conspirators,  with  their  own 
confessions,  in  order  to  confute  a  rumour  current  among  the 
populace,  that  the  plot  was  forged,  and  that  Nero,  merely  to 
satiate  his  cruelty,  and  out  of  base  fear,  had  sacrificed  so  many 
illustrious  citizens.  In  the  senate,  where  the  most  abject  flat- 
tery prevailed,  every  senator,  the  more  sensibly  he  was  af- 
fected with  inward  grief  for  the  loss  of  his  friends  or  relations 


I 


^ 


i 


THE   ROHAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  159 

the  more  outward  joy  and  congratulations  he  expressed.  Ii 
was  by  the  whole  body  decreed,  that  public  thanksgivings 
and  oblations  should  be  paid  to  all  the  deities,  and  particular 
honours  to  the  Sun,  who  having  a  chapel  in  ihe  circus,  where 
the  parricide  was  to  be  perpetrated,  had  brought  to  light  the 
dark  contrivances  of  the  conspirators ;  that  the  Circensian 
games  should  be  solemnized  with  extraordinary  pomp ;  that 
the  month  of  April,  in  which  the  conspiracy  was  detected, 
should  thenceforth  bear  the  name  of  Nero ;'  that  a  temple 
should  be  erected  to  the  goddess  Salus  or  Safety,  in  the  place 
whence  Scevinus  had  taken  the  dagger.  The  dagger  itself 
was  by  Nero  dedicated  in  the  capitol,  with  this  inscription, 
To  Jupiter  the  Avenger.  Such  was  the  issue  of  this  conspi- 
racy, which  to  the  same  moment  owed,  as  Tacitus  observes, 
its  beginning,  progress,  and  perfection,  and  was  with  faithful 
silence  and  secrecy  concealed  in  a  combination  so  numerous, 
so  variously  framed,  amongst  those  of  every  condition,  sex, 
and  age,  till  it  was  accidentally  discovered  in  the  manner  we 
have  related. 

"  Nero,  now  delivered  from  ail  fear,  betook  himself  again 
to  his  harp.  As  the  time  approached  for  disputing  the  prizes 
in  the  quinquennial  games,  the  senate,  to>  prevent  Nero  from 
appearing  there  as  a  competitor,  offered  him  the  prize  of  mu- 
sic, and  also  the  crown  of  eloquence.  But  the  emperor  an- 
swered. That  he  needed  not  their  partiality ;  since  he  himself" 
was  a  match  for  all  his  competitors,  and  would  only,  by  the 
just  determination  of  the  judges,  purchase  the  praise  and  re- 
compense of  his  skill.  He  appeared  publicly  upon  the  stage, 
and  there  rehearsed  a  poem  of  his  own  composing;  but  the 
populace  applauding  him,  and  begging  he  would  display  all 
his  studies,  for  these  were  their  words,  he  entered  the  great 
tlieatre,  and  there  appearing  amongst  the  common  harpers 
and  minstrels,  contended  with  them  for  the  prize  with  such 
eagerness  and  anxiety,  that  he  never  ventured  to  sit  down, 
however  fatigued,  that  being  contrary  to  the  established  laws 
of  the  harp,  nor  to  spit,  nor  to  wipe  the  sweat  from  his  face, 
save  only  with  his  arm.  In  the  end,  adoring  the  multitude 
with  his  knee  bent,  and  his  hands  lifted  up,  according  to  the 
custpm  of  the  common  players,  he  waited  with  awe  and  trem- 
bling the  determination  of  the  judges.  The  common  people  of 
Rome  applauded  him  with  loud  shouts  and  clapping  of  hands, 
from  an  utter  insensibility,  says  our  historian,  of  the  crying 
reproach  which  disgraced  the  Roman  empire.  But  the  inhab 
itants  of  the  municipal  cities  of  Italy,  who  still  retained  the 


•^ 


i 


160  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   IRItmPHANT. 

severe  manners  of  the  ancients,  and  such  as  came  from  remote 
provinces,  and  attended  then  at  Rome  upon  embassies  or  their 
own  private  affairs,  could  not  behold,  without  indignation,  the 
sovereign  of  Rome  thus  debasing  himself  upon  the  stage,  and 
much  less  join  those  who  applauded  this  his  shameful  debase- 
ment. They  were  therefore  frequently  beaten  by  the  soldiers, 
who  stood  in  several  clusters  among  the  crowd  to  observe  the 
faces  of  the  spectators." 

This  was  a  'period  of  fearful  sufferings  to  the  Romans  of 
all  ranks.  The  tyranny  of  their  ruler  perhaps  was  most  se- 
verely felt  by  the  higher  orders ;  but  the  judgments  of  the  sov- 
ereign of  all  fell  indiscriminately  on  all  ranks.  Campania 
was  laid  waste  by  dreadful  tempests  and  violent  whirlvvindsj 
the  fruits  of  the  land  were  scattered,  plantations  were  torn  up, 
and  whole  villages  were  destroyed.  A  terrible  pestilence  pre- 
vailed in  Rome,  and  quickly  carried  off  about  thirty^thousand 
of  her  citizens.  Lyons,  in  Gaul,  suffered  much  from  an  ac- 
cidental fire,  which  seemed  to  excite  the  compassion  of  Nero, 
for  he  sent  a  large  sum  to  restore  the  city.  Compassion,  how- 
ever, rarely  moved  him.  His  fascinating  Poppsea,  having 
provoked  him  by  reproaching  him  for  his  nightly  dissipations, 
or  by  ridiculing  him  for  his  mean  actions,  received  a  kick 
from  him  on  the  belly,  when  pregnant,  which  occasioned  her 
death.  In  this  event  the  Romans  secretly  rejoiced,  ahhough 
they  were  compelled  to  assume  the  appearance  of  mourners. 
They  had,  however,  no  great  reason  for  joy ;  Nero  now 
needed  no  tempter  to  commit  either  folly  or  wickedness;  he 
was  irrecoverably  lost  to  all  sense  of  propriety,  justice,  or 
mercy.  He  soon  married  Statilia  Messalina,  the  widow  of  a 
Roman  noble,  and  honoured  her  with  the  title  of  Augusta ; 
but  whatever  was  her  character,  as  it  was  scarcely  possible, 
if  bad,  to  augment  his  depravity,  so,  if  good,  it  had  no  influ- 
ence to  improve  his  mind  or  reform  his  conduct.  He  con- 
tinued to  shed  the  blood  of  every  Roman  Avhose  virtue  he  en- 
vied or  whose  power  he  feared. 

To  amuse  the  Romans,  and  turn  their  thoughts  from  their 
many  calamities,  he  exhibited  Fridates,  brother  of  Valogeses 
king  of  Parthia,  in  all  the  pomp  of  majesty  and  grandeur, 
and,  in  one  of  the  public  squares,  crowned  him  king  of*  Ar- 
menia. "  This  was  the  most  magnificent  and  pompous  cere- 
mony ever  witnessed  in  Rome."  Fridates  received  from  the 
emperor  eighty  thousand  nummi  a  day,  while  he  rc^mained 
m  Italy,. and  at  his  departure  presents  of  immense  value. 
Nero  therefore  had  no  doubt  that  the  Parthian  king,  on  lean> 


THE    ROMAN    EMPniE    TRIUMPHANT.  16i 

ing  his  generosity  to  his  brother,  would  gratify  him  bj'  ac- 
cepting his  invitation  to  come  to  Rome;  and  his  refusal  so 
provoked  him,  that  he  resolved,  and  made  great  preparations 
to  reduce  Parlhia ;  but  on  ascertaining  that  Valogeses  was 
prepared  to  defend  his  dominions,  he  resumed  employments 
more  suited  to  his  vain  mind  than  war. 

The  Greeks,  who  surpassed  all  other  nations  in  the  art  of 
flattery,  knowing  Nero's  love  of  applause  for  his  skill  in  the 
use  of  the  harp,  sent  him  an  embassy  with  all  the  crowns  given 
by  the  Grecian  cities  to  those  most  celebrated  for  such  skill. 
This  honour  was  so  acceptable  to  him,  that  he  invited  the 
ambassadors  to  a  grand  entertainment.  Many  of  his  friends 
were  present.  One  of  the  Greeks  humbly  entreated  the  em- 
peror to  favour  his  guests  with  a  song.  He  complied,  and 
was  loudly  applauded  by  the  Greeks.  This  flattery  elated 
him  so,  that  he  exclaimed,  "the  Greeks  alone  have  a  good 
ear  ;  none  but  they  understand  music."  That  he  might  pro- 
cure their  admiration,  he  proposed  to  proceed  immediately  to 
Greece,  that  he  might  have  an  opportunity  to  contend  at  the 
Olympic  games  which  were  soon  to  be  held.  He  was  ac- 
companied, Dion  Cassius  says,  with  such  a  multitude  as  might 
have  easily  reduced  all  the  nations  of  the  East,  "  had  they 
not,  like  their  general,  been  destitute  of  all  courage,  and 
armed  only  with  harps,  fiddles,  masks,  buskins,  and  other 
theatrical  implements.  With  this  army  he  embarked,  and, 
landing  at  Cassiope,  immediately  began  to  sing  before  the  al- 
tar of  .Tupitcr  C^Sc".ac=.  Theiice  he  advanced  into  the  heart 
of  Greece,  playing,  singing,  and  acting  in  all  the  cities 
through  which  he  passed.  But  in  the  following  year,  Capito 
and  Rusus  being  consuls,  he  chiefly  exerted  his  skill  at  the 
Olympic  games,  where  to  the  eternal  ignominy  of  the  Roman 
name,  the  head  of  the  empire  was  not  ashamed  to  appear  as 
a  competitor  among  the  common  harpers,  players,  and  chari- 
oteers. He  won  the  prize  of  music,  by  corrupting,  as  was 
commonly  believed,  either  the  judges  or  his  competitors.  The 
prize  of  chariot-driving  he  evidently  forfeited  ;  for  having  at- 
tempted to  drive  with  ten  horses,  he  was  thrown  ofl^,  and  so 
hurt,  that  though  he  remounted,  yet  he  was  constrained  to  de- 
sist before  he  had  finished  the  career.  However,  as  he  insisted 
upon  the  judges  excluding  all  casual  events  and  misfortunes, 
they  decreed  him  the  prize,  to  his  inexpressible  satisfaction." 

From  the  field  of  the  Olympic  games,  he  visited  all  the 
cities  of  Greece,  and  everywhere  challenged  the  best  perfor- 
mers in  music,  and,  of  course,  never  failed  to  be  ''  declared 
14* 


# 


%  — ' -# 


162  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

vittor ;  insomuch  that  he  is  said  to  have  gained,  in  this  pro- 
gress, above  eighteen  hundred  prizes.  He  transmitted  a  par- 
ticular account  of  each  victory  to  the  senate,  enjoining  them 
to  acknowledge  the  favours  of  the  gods  towards  him  with 
victims,  oblations,  and  public  processions,  and  to  take  care  that 
the  same  devotions  were  practised  throughout  the  whole  em- 
pire. That  there  might  remain  no  monuments  of  other  vic- 
tors, he  commanded  all  their  statues  to  be  pulled  down,  to  be 
dragged  through  the  streets,  and  to  be  either  dashed  to  pieces, 
or  thrown  into  the  common  sewers."  Having  attained  the 
pinnacle  of  the  glory  of  which  his  base  mind  was  ambitious, 
he  consulted  the  oracle  of  Delphi,  and  was  warned  by  the 
politic  priestess,  "to  beware  of  seventy -three,  which,  not 
reflecting  on  Galba's  age,  he  imagined  to  be  the  term  of  his 
life,  and  conceived  so  great  assurance  of  his  living,  and  en- 
joying an  uninterrupted  happiness  till  that  age,  that,  having 
soon  after  lost  many  things  of  great  value  by  shipwreck,  he 
confidently  told  his  friends,  that  the  very  fish  would  bring 
them  again ;  nay,  he  was  so  possessed  with  this  notion,  that 
two  years  after,  when  the  first  tidings  were  brought  him  of 
the  insurrections  in  several  provinces,  he  was  so  far  from  be- 
ing alarmed,  that  he  seemed  rather  to  rejoice  at  those  distur- 
bances, since  they  furnished  him  with  a  plausible  pretence  of 
seizing  the  estates  of  the  inhabitants.  The  pythoness  he  pre- 
sented with  a  large  sum."  This  money,  as  well  as  that 
which  the  judges  of  the  games  received  from  Nero,  was  re- 
covered by  Galba,  at  the  time  that  he  revoked  all  the  privileges 
which  the  AchaBans  had  received.  Before  he  left  Greece,  he 
commenced  a  canal  through  the  isthmus  of  Corinth,  by 
which  he  proposed  to  open  a  communication  between  the 
Ionian  and  iEgean  seas,  for  the  safety  of  the  numerous  ves 
sels  on  these  coasts,  where  many  were  usually  lost.  The 
work  was,  however,  not  finished ;  but  that  and  other  enor- 
mous expenses  left  Nero  in  penury.  To  procure  means  to 
support  his  profligacy,  he,  under  various  pretences,  put  to 
death  the  richest  Greeks,  and  sold  their  estates.  The  Ro- 
mans suflfered  not  less  on  this  occasion.  He  had  forcibly  car- 
ried with  him  to  Greece  such  of  the  senatorial  and  equestrian 
order  as  were  any  way  considerable  for  their  birth,  virtue,  or 
fortunes,  with  a  design  to  despatch  them  at  a  distance  from 
Rome,  and  consequently  with  more  safety  and  less  noise ;  so 
that  tidings  were  daily  brought  to  the  city  of  the  death  of  some 
of  her  most  illustrious  citizens,  and  orders  to  Helius,  a  freedman 


'# 


n--  =-^=^9 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  163 

of  the  emperor  Claudius,  whom  he  had  left  governor  of  Rome, 
to  seize  their  estates." 

Nero,  on  leaving  Rome  had  invested  Helius  with  absolute 
power  over  the  persons,  lives,  and  fortunes  of  all  ranks. 
Assisted  by  Polycletus,  another  freedman,this  unjust  and  sav- 
age ruler  made  no  less -dreadful  havock  of  the  nobility  of 
Rome  than  his  master  committed  in  Greece.  "  Virtue,  rank, 
or  weakh,  were  unpardonable  crimes,  and  punished  with 
death."  Whole  families  were  cut  off;  no  pity  was  shown  for 
children.  The  citizens  were  in  a  state  of  the  greatest  excite- 
ment; and  a  general  insurrection  was  every  hour  appre- 
hended. The  tyrannical  governor  sent  successive  messengers 
to  Nero,  urging  him  to  return.  He  could  not  deprive  him- 
self of  the  glory  which  he  said  all  must  envy ;  and  he  only 
returned  to  Italy  in  consequence  of  the  alarming  tidings 
which  he  received  from  Helius  on  his  arrival  in  Greece, 
whither  he  had  proceeded  on  finding  all  his  reports  ineffectual 
to  excite  the  fears  of  his  master. 

Nero  unexpectedly  escaped  being  droAATied  during  a  vio- 
lent storm,  which  dispersed  and  destroyed  his  fleet,  and  the 
weakh  of  Greece  which  he  had  forcibly  carried  off  On 
reaching  Naples,  "  he  entered  it  through  a  breach  in  the  wall, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  victors  in  the  Olympic  games, 
and  in  the  same  manner  Antium,  Albanum,  and  Rome. 
He  made  his  entry  into  the  latter  city  in  the  triumphal  chariot 
of  Augustus,  pompously  attired,  having  with  him  in  the 
same  chariot,  another  player  upon  the  harp,  by  name 
Diodorus,  wearing  an  Olympic  crown  on  his  head,  and  car- 
rying a  Pythic  crown  in  his  hand.  Before  him  marched  in 
great  pomp,  and  richly  dressed,  eighteen  hundred  persons, 
each  of  them  with  a  crown  in  his  hand,  and  under  it  an  in- 
scription, signifying  where  it  had  been  won,  the  name  ot  the 
person  whom  the  emperor  had  overcome,  the  subject  and 
title  of  the  song,  and  such  like  important  circumstances.  His 
chariot  was  followed  by  the  whole  rabble  of  the  city,  crying 
out,  by  way  of  derision,  that  they  were  the  soldiers  of  Au- 
gustus, and  claimed  a  share  in  the  glory  of  the  triumphant 
victor.  From  the  sacred-way  the  procession  turned  to  the 
circus,  which  Nero  entered  through  a  breach,  having  caused 
one  of  the  arches  to  be  thrown  down.  Thence  they  pro- 
ceeded through  the  Velabrum  and  the  forum  to  the  palace, 
and  from  the  palace  to  the  temple  of  Apollo,  where  he  dis- 
played all  his  crowns,  and  ordered  them  to  be  carried  from 
then'  e  to  his  golden  house,  and  there  hung  up  round  his  bed, 


-<S& 


164  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

upon  the  many  statues  which  he  had  erected  to  himself  in 
the  habit  and  attire  of  an  harper." 

Nero  had  the  good  fortune  about  this  time  to  detect  and 
suppress  another  conspiracy,  of  which  no  satisfactory  account 
remains.  Nevertheless,  his  end  hastened  on.  All  the  pro- 
vinces were  prepared  to  devour  the  all-devourmg-  monster. 
The  Gauls  had  the  honour  of  first  defying  his  power.  Their 
noble  governor,  Julius  Vindex,  was  a  descendant  of  the  an 
cient  kings  of  Aquitain,  a  true  patriot  and  a  brave  soldier. 
He  aspired  not  to  the  supreme  government  of  the  empire,  nor 
to  render  himself  independent.  For,  after  raising  an  army 
of  one  hundred  thousand  men",  he  invited  Galba,  one  of  the 
governors  in  Spain,  to  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  army, 
and  deliver  the  empire  from  the  tyrant.  Galba  deliberated, 
and  encouraged  by  his  officers,  and  the  fabulous  prediction 
that  Spain  would  one  day  give  a  prince  to  Rome,  he  publicly 
announced  to  the  army  at  New  Carthage,  his  design  to  re- 
nounce the  authority  of  the  emperor.  He  was  immediately, 
with  joyful  acclamations,  saluted  Imperator  and  Augustus. 
He,  however,  was  too  wise  to  accept  these  titles  in  his  cir- 
cumstances, and  avowed  that  he  desired  only  to  be  regarded 
the  lieutenant  of  the  senate,  and  people  of  Rome,  devoted  to 
the  service  of  his  country.  He  instantly  "  ordered  levies  to 
be  made  throughout  the  whole  provinces  ;  selected  a  certain 
number  of  persons  of  known  prudence  and  experience,  and 
with  them  formed  a  kind  of  senate ;  appointed  a  band  of 
young  knights,  whom  he  called  evocali,  to  be  as  a  guard  at 
the  door  of  his  chamber ;  and  caused  edicts  to  be  fixed  up  in 
every  city  of  the  province,  inviting  all  to  join  him,  and  lend 
what  assistance  they  could  towards  the  recovery  of  their  lib- 
erty, and  the  success  of  an  enterprise  which  so  nearly  con- 
cerned them.  Otho,  who  still  governed  Lusitania,  was  the 
first  of  all  the  governors  of  provinces  who  declared  for  Galba, 
sending  him  all  his  gold  and  silver  plate  to  turn  it  into  money  ; 
and  likewise  his  domestics,  who  were  more  accustomed  to  a 
court,  and  knew  better  than  Galba's  how  to  serve  an  em- 
peror. 

The  power  of  Galba  rapidly  increased ;  all  the  govern- 
ors declaring  for  him,  except  Clodius  Macer,  who  com- 
manded in  Africa,  and  L.  Rufus  Verginius  or  Virginius, 
governor  of  Upper  Germany,  where  he  had  under  his  com- 
mand some  of  the  best  legions  in  the  whole  empire.  The 
latter  even  marched  against  Vindex  with  all  his  forces,  and 
oeing  joined  by  the  inhabitants  of  Treves,  the  capital  of  Bel- 


#-— '  — ---j^ 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  165 

gic  Gaul,  and  powerfully  assisted  in  Celtic  Gaul  itself  by  the 
cities  of  Langres  and  Lyons,  he  advanced  as  far  as  the  city 
of  Besancon,  which  he  besieged.  Upon  this  intelligence, 
Vindex  hastened  to  the  relief  of  the  place  ;  but  upon  his  ar- 
rival, Virginius  desiring  an  interview  with  him,  the  two  gen- 
erals had  a  private  conference,  in  which  they  agreed,  as  was 
commonly  believed,  to  act  against  Nero  ;  but  Virginius  could 
not  by  any  means  be  prevailed  upon  to  declare  for  Galba. 
After  they  had  long  conferred  together,  Vindex  returned  to 
his  troops,  and  with  them  advanced  to  Besancon,  in  order  to 
take  possession  of  the  place,  pursuant  to  the  private  agree- 
ment of  the  two  chiefs.  But  Virginius'  men,  believing  that 
Vindex  designed  to  attack  them,  marched  out  without  their 
general's  orders,  fell  upon  the  Gauls,  who  suspecting  nothing, 
were  quite  unprepared  for  an  engagement,  and  with  great 
slaughter  put  them  to  flight.  Vindex  after  the  battle  laid  vio- 
lent hands  on  himself,  and  after  his  death  the  victorious  le- 
gions tore  the  images  of  Nero,  and  importuned  Virginius  to 
accept  the  empire.  He  not  only  rejected  their  offer,  but  reso- 
lutely declared,  that  he  would  neither  take  upon  himself  the 
sovereign  power,  nor  suffer  any  one  else  to  assume  it,  who 
was  not  named  to  it  by  the  senate,  to  whom  alone  the  dispo- 
sal of  the  empire  belonged 

New  and  heavy  impositions  had  incensed  the  people  so 
highly  that  they  openly  opposed  the  collectors,  telling  them, 
that  the  best  and  most  ready  means  of  supplying  Nero  with 
money  was  to  oblige  the  informers  to  refund  the  immense 
sums  they  had  earned  by  their  infamous  practices.  As  a 
II  famine  began  to  be  felt  in  the  city,  the  fury  of  the  populace 

J!  was  heightened  by  the  arrival  of  a  ship  from  Egypt,  at  that 

i  time  the  granary  of  Rome,  not  laden  with  corn  as  was  ex- 

I  pected,  but  with  sand  for  the  gladiators  and  wrestlers.    Upon 

i  this  occasion,  the  people  rose  in  a  tumultuous  manner,  over- 

■  turned  in  the  night  most  of  the  emperor's  statues,  broke  his 

'  images,  plundered  the  houses  of  his  friends  and  favourites, 

j;  and  committed  innumerable  disorders,  no  one  offering  to  ap- 

Ij  pease  or  restrain  them.     At  the  same  time,  news  arrived  of 

|i  the  revolt  of  the  legions  under  Galba  in  Germany,  which  so 

t|  aflfected  Nero  that  he  inclosed  poison  in  a  golden  box,  and  went 

!'  immediately  into  the  Servilian  gardens,  whence  he  despatched 

|;  the  freedmen,  in  whom  he  chiefly  confided,  to  Ostia,  to  as- 

]|  semble  his  fleet,  being  resolved  to  sail  to  Egypt,  whither  he 

had  already  sent  some  German  troops.-  However,  before  ha 
left  the  palace,  he  sounded  the  tribunes  and  centurions  of  his 


^^- 


-# 


166  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

guards,  asking  them  whether  they  were  disposed  to  accom- 
pany him  in  his  flight  1  Some  evaded,  others  positively  re- 
fused to  attend  him,  and  one  crying  out  "  Is  it  so  dreadful  a 
thing  to  die?"  he  was  quite  distracted  and  confounded  in  his 
thoughts;  resolving  at  one  time  to  fly  to  the  Parthians,  at 
another  to  address  Galba  as  a  suppliant,  to  appear  in  public 
clad  in  deep  mourning,  and  with  all  possible  humility  and 
dejection  implore  the  forgiveness  of  the  people  for  his  former 
conduct;  and,  if  he  found  them  inflexible,  to  beg  the  govern- 
ment of  Egypt.  He,  however,  put  off'  the  taking  of  any  re- 
solution till  the  next  day.  The  emperor  awoke  about  mid- 
night, and  understanding,  to  his  unspeakable  surprise,  that 
his  guards  were  retired,  he  leaped  out  of  bed,  sent  in  great 
haste  for  his  friends,  and  none  of  them  obeying  the  summons 
went  at  last  in  person,  attended  by  a  few  domestics,  to  their 
several  houses ;  but  finding  the  doors  Everywhere  shut,  and 
no  one  deigning  even  to  return  an  answer  to  his  prayers  and 
entreaties,  he  hastily  returned  to  his  chamber,  which  he 
found  rifled  and  stripped  of  all  the  furniture. 

The  golden  box,  in  which  he  kept  the  poison  prepared  by 
the  infamous  Locusta,  being  likewise  carried  off*,  he  sent  for 
Spicillus,  a  celebrated  gladiator,  to  dispatch  him;  but  neither 
he  nor  any  other  being  found  to  undertake  that  task,  he  ex- 
claimed, in  a  fit  of  despair,  "  What !  have  I  in  this  forlorn  con- 
dition neither  friends  nor  enemies?"  which  words  he  had 
scarce  uttered,  when  he  hurried  out  with  a  design  to  throw 
himself  into  the  Tiber ;  but  he  suddenly  stopped,  and  wished 
for  some  private  place  to  recollect  himself,  and  resume  his 
courage.  Phaon,  one  of  his  freedmen,  offered  him  his  coun- 
try-house, about  four  miles  from  the  city.  He  accepted  the 
oner,  and,  without  further  delay,  attended  only  by  four  per- 
sons, of  whom  Sporus  was  one,  left  Rome,  meanly  apparelled 
and  worse  mounted,  concealing  his  face  through  fear  of  being 
discovered.  Upon  his  setting  out,  he  was  terrified  and  dis- 
mayed by  dreadful  flashes  of  lightning  and  a  violent  earth- 
quake, as  if  the  ghosts  of  the  many  persons  he  had  murdered 
were  rising  up,  says  Dion,  against  the  unmerciful  tyrant. 
As  he  passed  the  camp  of  the  praetorian  guards,  he  heard 
them  cursing  him,  and  wishing  prosperity  and  success  to  Galba. 
A  pissenger  whom  he  met  on  the  road,  perceiving  him  and  his 
attendants, "  These  (said  he)  are  no  doubt  in  pursuit  of  Nero:" 
another  asked  him,  "  What  news  of  Nero  in  the  city?"  His 
horse  starting  at  the  sight  of  a  carcase  that  lay  in' the  way, 
the  covering  of  his  face  was  shaken  oflf,  and  he  was  known 


^-. ......  — # 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 


167 


by  a  soldier  of  the  praetorian  guards,  named  Missicius,  who 
sa-Uted  him  with  the  title  of  emperor.  This  salutation  so 
alarmed  Nero  and  his  attendants  that  at  the  first  turning  they 
quitted  their  horses,  and  betaking  themselves  to  a  narrow  path, 
crept  with  much  difficulty  through  bushes  and  briers  to  the 
wall  which  inclosed  Phaon's  grounds,  who  entreated  the  em- 
peror to  conceal  himself  in  a  sandpit,  till  he  should  find  means 
to  introduce  him  with  more  secrecy ;  but  Nero  answered,  that 
he  would  not  be  buried  till  he«was  dead ;  and  lay  concealed 
among  the  briers,  while  Phaon  examined  the  wall  to  see  if  he 
could  be  admitted  undiscovered.  In  order  to  procure  a  more  pri- 
vate access  to  the  house,  a  hole  was  opened  in  the  wall,  through 
which  he  was  dragged,  and  conveyed  into  a  room  very  indif- 
ferently furnished,  where  he  passed  the  remainder  of  the  night 
and  part  of  the  following  day,  in  such  aeonies  as  can  hardly 
be  expressed,  alarmed  at  the  least  noise  he  heard,  apprehen- 
sive that  assassins  were  come  to  murder  him,  and  not  daring 
to  speak  through  fear  of  being  discovered.  He  now  repented 
of  the  many  crimes  he  had  committed,  wished  he  had  pursued 
a  virtuous  conduct,  was  sensible  that  those  who  had  advised 
the  measures  he  had  followed  were  his  greatest  enemies, 
and  had  constantly  in  his  mouth  the  following  words,  from 
the  tragedy  in  which  he  had  last  acted,  "  My  father,  mother, 
and  wife,  doom  me  to  destruction."  As  those  who  attended 
him  were  constantly  soliciting  and  importuning  him  to  pre- 
vent, by  a  voluntary  death,  the  dangers  that  threatened  him. 
he  at  last  ordered  his  grave  to  be  dug,  and  wood  and  water 
to  be  provided  for  washing  and  burning  his  body,  lamenting 
while  he  gave  these  orders  in  a  manner  altogether  unmanly, 
and  often  repeating,  with  many  sighs  and  tears,  "  What  an 
artist  will  the  world  lose." 

The  news  of  Nero's  flight  filled  the  city  with  joy ;  the  senate 
assembled  early  in  the  morning,  and  proclaimed  Galba  em- 
peror; and,  having  taken  the  usual  oaths  to  him,  declared  Nero 
an  enemy  to  the  state,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  stript  naked,  his 
head  to  be  fastened  in  a  pillory,  and  he  in  that  posture  to  be 
whipt  to  death.  One  of  Phaon's  friends  immediately  dispatched 
a  messenger  to  him  with  a  letter,  acquainting  him  with  the 
transactions  of  the  senate.  With  tears  in  his  eyes,  he  desired 
that  some  of  his  attendants  would  by  their  example  encourage 
him  to  die  with  resolution  and  intrepidity.  But  none  of 
them  showed  the  least  inclination  to  animate  him  at  the  ex- 
pense of  their  own  lives.  At  last,  drawing  one  of  his  dag- 
gers, he  put  it  to  his  throat ;  but  his  heart  failing  him,  he  beg- 


i 


# 


I 


168  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

ged  Epaphroditus,  his  freedmaa  and  secretary,  to  lend  him 
his  assistance  ;  which  he  did  with  great  reluctance.  Before 
he  was  quite  dead,  the  centurion  sent  by  the  senate  to  appre- 
hend him,  entered  the  room ;  and  pretending  he  was  come  to 
his  relief,  endeavoured  to  stop  the  blood.  Nero  gave  him  no 
other  answer,  but  "  It  is  too  late ;  Is  this  your  fidelity  and  al- 
legiance?" with  which  words  he  expired,  his  eyes  staring  in 
a  frightful  manner,  and  ready  to  start  out  of  his  head,  to  the 
great  terror  and  amazement  of  all  who  were  present.  His 
death  being  certain,  the  joy  oithe  Roman  people  was  so  great 
and  universal,  that  they  ran  up  and  down  the  streets  with  such 
caps  on  their  heads  as  were  worn  by  the  manumitted  slaves, 
congratulating  one  another  upon  their  deliverance  from  so  hard 
a  bondage  ;  overturned  and  dashed  in  pieces  most  of  Nero's 
statues,  and  put  to  death  as  many  of  his  friends  as  fell  into 
their  hands.  The  only  things  which  Nero,  on  dying,  ear- 
nestly requested  of  his  attendants,  was,  that  his  head  might 
not  be  cut  off,  and  that  his  body  might  be  burnt  entire.  This 
last  favour  was  granted  by  Icelus,  one  of  Gaiba's  freedmen  ; 
but  his  ashes  were  left  to  be  gathered  and  deposited  in  the 
monument  of  his  family  by  his  concubine  Aste,  and  two  fe- 
males who  had  taken  care  of  him  in  his  early  days.  Such 
was  the  end  of  "  the  enemy  and  fury  of  mankind,"  as  Pliny 
calls  Nero.  He  perished  a.  d.  68,  in  the  thirty-first  year  of 
his  af  e,  after  a  dishonoured  reign  of  nearly  fourteen  years ; 
and  in  him  was  verified  the  maxim,  "  When  the  wicked  die, 
there  is  shouting." 

In  no  part  of  the  empire,  during  the  latter  most  hateful  and 
wretched  period  of  Nero's  reign,  was  the  Roman  power,  it 
would  appear,  remarkably  opposed,  except  in  Britain  and 
Judea  ;  in  the  former  the  resistance  waamost  powerful,  in  the 
latter,  most  obstinate. 

The  Roman  governor  Aulus  Didius,  the  successor  of  Os' 
torius,  in  vain  attempted  to  support  the  infamous  female  chief 
Cartismandua,  who  had  betrayed  her  people,  and  occasioned 
the  destruction  of  their  admired  leader  Caractacus.  His  fall  was 
revenged  by  Venusius,  the  Briton,  who  was  his  worthy  suc- 
cessor in  leading  the  army  against  the  troops  of  Cartisman- 
dua and  the  Romans.  The  Britons  were  victorious,  and  ex 
pelled  the  treacherous  queen  from  her  kingdom ;  and  the  Ro- 
mans, for  several  years,  were  scarcely  able  to  maintain  their 
conquests  in  Britain.  But  a.  d.  61  was  rendered  memorable 
by  at  once  a  terrible  proof  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  worthless 


m- 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  169 

ness  of  their  religion,  and  of  the  tremendous  strength  of  the 
Roman  arms.  The  island  of  Mona  or  Anglesey  was  the  re- 
sidence of  the  arch-druid,  and  the  asylum  of  all  the  principal 
enemies  of  the  Romans.  It  was  invaded  by  Paulinus  Sueto- 
nius. He  found  the  native  army  prepared  to  receive  him  ; 
and  its  dreadful  aspect  confounded  his  soldiers,  who,  for  a 
short  space,  stood  powerless,  as  marks  to  the  arrows  of  their 
opponents.  Among  the  latter,  the  Romans  were  astonished 
to  see  the  women,  in  funeral  apparel,  running  like  furies 
along  the  ranks  with  lighted  torches,  while  woods  deemed  sa- 
cred, altars  burning,  and  multitudes  of  druids  standing  with 
uplifted  hands  denouncing  the  vengeance  of  Heaven  on  the 
invaders  of  their  mysteries,  exceedingly  augmented  the  hor- 
rors of  the  scene.  The  Roman  soldiers  resumed  their  cour- 
age, rushed  on  the  enemy,  put  to  the  sword  or  dispersed  the 
terrific  muhitude,  demolished  the  groves  and  altars,  and  burnt 
to  death  the  druids  in  their  own  hallowed  fires. 

While  Suetonius  remained  with  his  troops  in  Mona,  the 
chiefs  of  the  kingdoms  of  Britain  cast  of  the  Roman  yoke, 
which  had  long  dreadfully  oppressed  them.  The  various 
tribes  were  led  by  the  celebrated  Boadicea,  widow  of  Prasu- 
tsegus,  late  king  of  the  Iconi,  who  had  left  the  emperor  joint- 
heir  with  his  daughters  of  his  kingdom.  The  Roman  offi- 
cers, instead  of  protecting  his  family  insulted  them,  and  plun- 
dered their  dominions.  They  answered  the  widow's  re- 
monstrances by  beating  her  with  rods,  and  violating  her 
daughters  in  her  presence.  She  sought  revenge  by  attacking 
the  Roman  colony  of  Camolodum,  the  modern  Maiden,  a 
town  in  Essex.  Her  army  laid  in  ashes  and  destroyed  all 
the  infantry  of  the  ninth  legion.  "  Suetonius  flew  to  the  as- 
sistance of  his  countrymen,  and  soon  succeeded  in  bringing 
the  Britons  to  a  general  action  on  open  ground,  where  their 
superiority  in  point  of  numbers  was  of  little  avail  against  dis- 
cipline and  science.  They  were  defeated  with  prodigious 
slaughter,  whilst  the  victors,  by  their  own  account,  lost  only 
five  hundred  men.  The  disproportion  was  doubtless  great ; 
but  this  is  probably  an  exaggeration  in  both  directions.  The 
Britons  seem  to  have  fought  gallantly,  though  not  success- 
fully ;  and  hence  the  historian  says,  that '  the  glory  won  on 
that  day  was  equal  to  that  of  the  most  renowned  victories  of 
the  ancient  Romans,'  a  statement  inconsistent  with  the  notion 
that  it  had  been  either  easily  or  cheaply  purchased.  Boa- 
dicea ended  her  miseries  by  taking  poison."     Suetonius  thus 

VOL.  m.  15 


170  THE  ROMAN  EMPmE  TRIUMPHANT. 

re-established  the  power  of  the  Romans  in  Britain.  He  was 
soon  after  recalled,  and  his  successors  for  several  years  per- 
mitted the  native  princes  to  reign  in  peace.  The  Romans 
had  to  endure  and  overcome  a  much  fiercer  contest  in 
Judea  than  even  in  Britain. 


CHAPTER   IV.  ^ 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT— CONTINUED. 


DESTRUCTION    OP   THE   JEWISH   NATION   BY   THE    ROMANS. 

The  Jews  were  now  a  race  of  beasts  of  prey  rather  than 
the  humble  worshippers  of  the  God  of  heaven.  They  had 
shed  the  blood  of  their  Messiah,  and  everywhere  thirsted  for 
the  blood  of  his  followers ;  and  under  the  Satanic  influence, 
which  they  preferred  to  the  wisdom  of  God  announced  by 
the  Apostles,  they  hurried  on  to  ruin,  dreadful  beyond  what 
was  ever  endured  by  an  intelligent  and  reflecting,  or  indeed 
by  any  organised  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth.  They  had 
been  for  thirty  years  the  most  violent,  resolute,  and  persevering 
opponents  of  the  army  appointed  by  Christ  to  establish  and  ex- 
tend the  kingdom  of  righteousness,  peace  and  joy,  which  they 
and  their  fathers  had  long  expected,  and  had  been  chosen  by 
God  to  receive  and  protect.  Truly  it  was  just  that  inexpres- 
sible wrath  came  on  them,  that  all  nations  might  know  that 
Jehovah  had  exahed  his  Son  Lord  of  all,  and  would  put  all 
his  enemies  uncier  his  feet. 

The  Jews  had  been  long  going  on  to  a  state  of  anarchy  before 
Albinus  was  sent  to  govern  them.  The  law  respecting  the 
ofiice  of  high  priest  was  disregarded.  King  Agrippa,  to 
whom  the  Romans  committed  the  care  of  the  temple,  ap- 
pointed to  the  office  any  unqualified  person  whom  he  con- 
ceived would  pursue  measures  acceptable  to  him,  and  the 
Roman  governor  of  Syria,  and  the  procurator  of  Judea.  De- 
positions were  frequent ;  and  as  every  one  who  had  once  been 
high  priest  always  retained  the  title,  the  number  was  now 
considerable.  These  were  rivals  for  power  and  weahh,  and 
divided  the  people  into  parties,  and  all  of  them  devoured  the 
tithes  appropriate  to  the  whole  race  of  priests,  who  conse- 
quently were  oppressed  by  poverty,  and  rendered  contempti- 
ble in  the  eyes  of  the  people.  Of  the  high-priests,  Ananias 
was  by  far  the  richest,  and  at  the  same  time  the  most  avari- 


«' 


«« 


172  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

cious.  He  by  presents  secured  the  favor  of  Albinus  and 
Jesus,  who  recently  had  been  made  high-priest,  so  that  he 
was  permitted  to  rob  the  priesthood  without  dread  of  punish- 
ment. Many  of  the  basest  of  the  people  were  employed  by 
him  to  carry  away  from  even  the  threshing-floors  of  the  priests 
the  tithes  which  they  had  collected,  and  not  unfrequently  to 
assault  and  maltreat  the  servants  who  opposed  them.  Other 
high-priests  imitated  him.  The  consequence  was  that  the 
families  of  the  priests  were  left  destitute,  and  some  of  them  died 
from  want  of  food.  Thus  the  natural  protectors  of  the  people 
lost  all  civil  and  moral  influence,  and  the  law  ceased  to  be 
respected.  The  Sicarii  and  other  murderers  and  robbers 
multiplied,  became  more  daring  in  deeds  of  wickedness  and 
blood,  and  spread  terror  and  desolation  over  the  whole  coun- 
try. Albinus  endeavoured  to  restore  order  and  peace,  by 
sending  his  soldiers  against  the  Sicarii  and  other  depredators, 
and  a  number  of  their  leaders  were  made  prisoners.  This 
roused  them  to  direct  all  their  efforts  to  spoil  those  whom  he 
protected  in  their  wickedness.  Thus  they  entered  the  city  by 
night  just  before  one  of  the  great  festivals,  when  it  was  filled 
with  strangers.  They  took  Eleazar,the  son  of  Ananias,  who 
was  scribe  to  the  governor  of  the  temple,  prisoner  ;  and  only 
released  him  when  his  father  had  prevailed  on  Albinus  to 
liberate  ten  of  their  number,  whom  his  soldiers  had  taken  cap- 
tive. They  persevered  to  seize  successively  the  servants  of 
Ananias,  and  retain  them  till  they  procured  in  exchange  some 
of  their  own  number  who  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
Romans.  While  this  profligate  race  were  united  to  prey  on 
the  rich,  the  chief  men,  particularly  the  hip^h-priests,  were 
completely  divided,  calumniated  by  one  another,  and  some- 
times gathered  their  respective  dependants,  and  raised  tumults 
in  the  city,  stoning  one  another.  The  Levites,  or  inferior 
ministers  of  the  temple,  on  observing  the  degradation  of  the 
priests,  imagined  that  they  were  at  least  their  equals.  Ambi- 
tious of  honour,  they  petitioned  king  Aggrippa  to  assemble  the 
sanhedrim,  and  grant  them  liberty  to  wear  the  dress  of  the 
priests.  He  complied  with  their  wishes,  utterly  contemning 
the  law  of  Moses,  which,  as  Josephus  observes,  was  never 
transgressed  by  his  people  without  punishment  being  inflicted 
on  the  nation. 

Agrippa,  who  had  always  been  the  friend  of  the  Jews,  and 
highly  esteemed  by  them,  unhappily  subverted  his  authority, 
by  publicly  showing  his  eager  desire  to  please  the  Romans. 
He  enlarged  and  adorned  Cesarea  Philippi,  and,  in  honoul 


I 


#= 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  173 

of  Nero,  named  it  Neronias.  He  erected  a  magnificent  thea- 
tre at  Berytus,  raised  statues  and  images,  and  introduced  the 
various  forms  of  Roman  games  and  amusements  which  he 
proposed  should  be  renewed  every  year. 

Thus  all  those  whom  the  people  had  been  accustomed  to 
respect  made  themselves  odious  in  their  eyes,  and  they  were 
as  sheep  without  a  shepherd,  while  they  cherished  the  deep- 
est seated  hatred  of  the  Romans  who  tyrannised  over  them. 
What,  therefore,  but  revoU,  insurrection,  civil  war  or  utter 
ruin,  could,  in  their  circumstances,  be  looked  for  by  the  Jew- 
ish nation  ?  These  calamities,  in  their  most  Tearful  aspect, 
had  been  predicted  by  the  Lord  Jesus,  to  transpire  during  the 
very  generation  who  had  unjustly  put  him  to  the  most  igno- 
minous  and  agonising  death,  and  whom  he  also  foretold 
should  persecute  to  death  the  faithful  ambassadors,  prophets, 
teachers,  and  disciples,  who  were  about  to  appear  among 
them. 

When  Albinus,  after  two  years,  was  recalled  from  the  gov- 
ernment, before  leaving  Judea,  he  put  to  death  all  prisoners 
whom  he  deemed  to  merit  this  punishment ;  and  dismissed 
the  rest,  on  receiving  from  them  more  or  less  money.  This 
conduct  of  the  governor,  doubtless,  increased  the  number  of 
the  lawless.  Another  event  had  the  same  wretched  result. 
The  building  of  the  courts  of  the  temple  was  now  finished, 
according  to  the  plan  of  Herod  the  Great,  and  about  eighteen 
thousand  men  were  thrown  idle.  The  treasures  laid  up  for 
these  workmen,  however,  were  not  exhausted.  Those  who 
were  solicitous  for  the  peace  of  the  land  implored  Agrippa  to 
expend  these  treasures  on  the  workmen,  and  employ  them  in 
rebuilding  the  eastern  cloisters,  which,  in  Solomon's  temple 
rose  from  a  deep  valley.  The  king  declined  their  request,  for 
he  said,  that  there  seemed  no  necessity  for  such  a  work  ;  but 
they  might,  if  they  pleased,  pave  the  streets  of  the  city  with 
white  stone.  Of  the  great  number  of  men  thus  left  without 
labour  and  means  of  subsistence  for  themselves  and  family, 
many  joined  the  banditti  that  covered  the  country,  and  con- 
tributed to  dissolve  the  bonds  of  society.  Nor  was  Gessius 
Florus,  the  successor  of  Albinus,  the  man  either  qualified  or 
disposed  to  rescue  the  nation  from  impending  evils,  or  even 
to  mitigate  those  already  felt,  and  by  every  benevolent  heart 
deplored.  The  government  of  Albinus  had  been  most  ini- 
quitous ;  he  countenanced,  according  to  Josephus,  every  kind 
0^  wickedness  to  the  extent  that  he  could  make  it  subservient 
to  procure  wealth.    But  his  most  unjust  and  cruel  deeds  were 

15* 


#= 


174  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

conducted  secretly  or  under  the  specious  form  of  Roman  law. 
He  was  not  destitute  of  moral  principle  and  feeling,  but  these 
were  suppressed  by  his  evil  propensities  and  habits.  He 
might,  however,  be  pronounced  a  good  ruler  compared  with 
Florus,  who  gloried  in  wickedness,  and  exulted  in  human 
misery.  Florus  neither  regarded  popular  applause  nor  popu- 
lar disapprobation.  He  feasted  on  the  calamities  of  the  com- 
munity, and  seemed  studious  to  discover  and  adopt  every  plan 
by  which  he  might  produce  or  increase  them.  He  was  the 
chief  author  of  the  complete  destruction  of  the  Jewish  na- 
tion, whose  unparalleled  wickedness  deprived  them  of  the 
protection  of  the  God  of  their  fathers,  and  provoked  him  to 
inflict  on  them  his  just  vengeance,  and  deliver  them  up  to  the 
will  and  power  of  all  who  sought  to  promote  their  own  ima- 
ginary interest  by  their  accumulated  miseries.  Florus,  like 
Albinus,  was  an  adept  in  the  arts  of  deceit  and  dissimulation ; 
but  he  practised  these,  not  to  conceal,  but  to  accomplish  his 
mischievous  purposes  and  devices,  when  these  could  not  be 
easily  effected  by  policy  or  power.  To  procure  wealth  was 
obviously  the  entire  object  of  his  government.  The  spoiling 
individuals  of  their  goods  was  a  trivial  matter  in  his  eyes  ; 
he  employed  every  possible  device  or  means  to  obtain  posses- 
sion of  the  whole  treasures  of  the  nation  ;  no  society,  no  city, 
village,  house,  or  the  temple  itself,  was  secure  from  his  ra- 
pacity. To  escape  absolute  poverty  or  death,  no  akernative 
remained  but  voluntary  exile  ;  and  accordingly  "  many  fled 
into  foreign  lands."  No  one  had  courage  to  express  the  least 
dissatisfaction  with  his  government.  The  chief  men  would 
not  risk  his  displeasure  by  appealing  to  his  superior,  Gallus 
Cestius,  governor  of  Syria,  till  that  noble  Roman  arrived  in 
Jerusalem  about  the  time  of  the  festival  of  the  Passover.  Mil- 
lions from  all  countries  were  assembled  in  the  city,  and  joined 
the  citizens  in  petitioning  Cestius  to  compassionate  the  nation, 
and  investigate  the  government  of  Florus.  The  latter  jested 
and  laughed  on  hearing  the  accusation  brought  against  him ; 
and  the  former  merely  assured  them  that  he  would  not  fail  to 
see  that  their  governor  should  rule  more  gently.  From  this 
time  Florus,  it  is  said,  resolved  to  provoke  the  Jews  to  revolt, 
that  he  might  prevent  them  from  appealing  to  the  emperor ; 
and  the  infatuated  people  soon  gave  him  opportunity  to  exe- 
cute his  malignant  design.  The  immediate  occasion  of  the 
final  war  of  his  nation,  the  Jewish  historian  justly  remarks, 
"  was  by  no  means  proportionate  to  the  calamities  which  it 
brought  upon  us." 


^ 


9-- 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT  175 

Poppaea,  the  empress,  and  the  friend  of  the  Jews,  was  proba- 
bly dead  before  Nero  finally  decided  the  cause  laid  before 
him  by  the  citizens  of  Cesarea.  The  Greeks  and  Syrians 
claimed  the  exclusive  privilege  of  governing  the  city,  because 
It  belonged  not  originally  to  the  Jews.  On  their  claims  being 
allowed,  they,  by  various  ways,  insuhed  and  abused  their  op- 
ponents. The  property  of  a  Greek  closely  adjoined  the  syna- 
gogue of  the  Jews ;  they  had  frequently  offered  to  purchase 
it  at  a  price  much  more  than  its  real  value  ;  he  not  only  de- 
clined to  sell  it,  but,  in  order  to  expose  tjiem  to  reproach,  or 
treat  their  religion  with  contempt,  raised  additional  buildings, 
so  that  they  had  scarcely  an  entrance  left  into  their  sacred 
edifice.  To  irritate  them  the  more,  the  Greek  turned  his 
new  buildings  into  working  shops.  The  Jews  applied  to 
Florus,  and  gave  him  eight  talents,  on  receiving  his  promise 
to  cause  to  be  removed  what  they  deemed  a  nuisance,  and  by 
which  they  were  constantly  in  danger  of  being  polluted.  He. 
however,  left  the  city  without  interfering  farther  in  the  af- 
fair. On  the  next  sabbath,  while  the  Jews  were  assembling 
for  public  worship,  an  idolater  placed  an  earthern  vessel  at  the 
gate  of  the  synagogue,  and  offered  on  it  a  sacrifice  of  birds, 
the  kind  of  offering  prescribed  for  a  leper.  This  he  most 
probably  did  to  denote  that  they  were  what  pagan,  historians 
said  their  fathers  in  Egypt  were, — a  nation  of  lepers.  The 
Jews  were  enraged  above  measure,  for  they  were  at  once  ex- 
posed to  universal  ridicule  and  contempt,  and  their  holy  place 
was  defiled.  The  reflecting  Jews  entreated  their  brethren  to 
restrain  their  anger,  and  refer  their  cause  to  the  governor ; 
but  the  young  despised  all  council,  and  many  Greeks  being 
spectators,  an  alarming  tumult  ensued,  which  was  with  diffi- 
culty quelled  by  Jocundus,  the  ma.ster  of  the  horse.  The 
principal  Jews  immediately  carried  the  sacred  books  to  Nar- 
bata,  a  place  distant  from  Cesarea  about  sixty  furlongs. 
Twelve  of  their  number,  with  John  the  publican,  applied  to 
Florus  for  redress,  and  mildly  reminded  him  of  the  eight  tal- 
ents. He  instantly  ordered  them  to  be  imprisoned,  that  they 
might  answer  for  the  crime  of  removing  the  sacred  books 
from  Cesarea.  Instead  of  adopting  means  to  re.store  the 
peace  o(  that  city,  this  unjust  ruler  sent  some  of  his  servants 
to  demand  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  to  send  him  seventeen 
talents  out  of  the  sacred  treasury.  This  demand  immediately 
following  the  report  of  the  sufferings  of  their  brethren  in  Ce- 
sarea, roused  the  indignation  of  the  whole  community.  All 
ranks  rushed  to  the  temple,  and  called  on  Cesar  by  name  to 


m-- 


176  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

remove  from  them  the  tyrant  Florus.  Some  of  the  most  vio- 
lent and  turbulent  of  the  people,  loudly  reviling  the  governor, 
took  baskets,  and  begged  the  multitude  to  give  the  smallest 
sum  to  relieve  him  from  the  abject  poverty  which  he  was  en- 
during. He  no  sooner  learned  the  state  of  Jerusalem,  than 
he  proceeded  thither  with  an  army.  Desirous  of  putting  him 
to  shame,  or  of  conciliating  his  favour,  the  Jews  left  the  city, 
and  welcomed  the  soldiers  with  acclamations.  He  repelled 
them,  and  declared  that  nothing  could  avert  his  anger  till  they 
delivered  up  those  who  dared  to  revile  him.  The  next  day, 
he  summoned  to  his  tribunal  the  high-priests  and  chief  men, 
and  renewed  the  demand.  They  replied  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  distinguish  the  guilty  from  the  innocent,  from  the 
greatness  of  the  multitude,  and  their  tumultuous  conduct ; 
vand  that  they  hoped  he  would  forgive  the  few  unknown, 
who  had  been  guilty,  for  the  sake  of  the  many  who  were 
innocent.  Provoked  by  their  boldness,  he,  with  a  loud  voice 
ordered  his  soldiers  to  plunder  the  upper  market-place, 
and  slay  every  one  whom  they  met.  Some  citizens  es- 
caped by  the  narrow  lanes,  but  many  were  slain,  and  not  a 
few  innocent  and  peaceable  persons,  men,  women,  children, 
and  even  infants,  were  made  prisoners,  and,  being  brought 
before  Florus,  were  whipped  and  crucified.  This  mode  of 
punishment,  contrary  to  the  Roman  law,  was  inflicted  on 
Jews  who  held  the  rank  of  Roman  knights.  On  this  day 
about  three  thousand  six  hundred  were  put  to  death  without 
form  of  law. 

This  dreadful  scene  excited  the  sympathy  of  Bernice,  the 
sister  of  Agrippa ;  and  in  his  absence  she  sent  his  principal 
officers  to  entreat  Florus  to  make  the  soldiers  desist  from 
slaughtering  the  poor  and  helpless  people.  He  disregarded 
her  intercession ;  and  she  only  escaped  the  sword  of  the 
murderers  by  hastily  taking  refuge  in  her  palace.  Josephus 
informs  us  that  Bernice  was  at  this  time  performing  a  vow 
at  Jerusalem,  and  that  she  in  vain  stood  barefoot  before  the 
procurator's  tribunal  imploring  him  to  spare  the  Jews.  On 
the  morning  after  the  massacre,  the  mukitude,  agonized  in 
spirit,  hurried  on  with  one  consent  to  the  place  where  their 
friends  had  fallen  victims  to  the  infuriated  and  brutish  soldiers, 
and  filled  the  atmosphere  with  their  lamentations.  The 
greater  number,  forgetful  of  their  situation,  loudly  execrated 
the  name  of  their  sanguinary  governor.  The  high-priests 
and  others  of  influence  were  exceedingly  alarmed.  Rend- 
ing their  garments,  they  prostrated  themselves  before  thepeo- 


m 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  17? 

pie,  and  entreated  them  to  restrain  their  grief  and  resentment, 
for  their  conduct  would  assuredly  provoke  the  g-overnor  to 
punish  them  with  still  greater  severity.  Their  counsels  re- 
stored apparent  tranquillity.  This,  however,  if  we  credit  the 
Jewish  historian,  suited  not  the  policy  of  FlorusGessius,  who 
seemed  determined  to  force  the  nation  to  war,  or  reduce  them 
to  bear  silently  his  most  unjust  and  oppressive  measures. 
He  ordered  the  high-priests  and  chief  men  to  receive  his  in- 
structions. Never  did  a  governor  discover  more  diabolical 
intentions.  He  could  not  possibly  adopt  a  plan  more  fitted 
to  infkrae  the  indignation  of  the  community  than  that  which 
he  pursued.  He  declared  that  he  would  receive  no  pledge 
for  the  submission  of  the  people  till  they  should  proceed  from 
the  city,  and  joyfully  welcome  two-  cohorts  of  soldiers,  who 
were  expected  iiom  Cesarea.  The  party,  already  strongly- 
inclined  to  cast  off  the  Roman  yoke,  most  reluctantly  submit-' 
ted  to  their  chief  men,  who  strongly  urged  the  multitude  to 
comply  with  this  extraordinary  demand.  No  argument 
would  have  prevailed  on  them  to  humble  themselves  before 
those  whom  they  hated,  had  not  the  whole  company  of  priests 
and  levites  carried  out  of  the  temple  the  sacred  vessels,  dresses, 
and  instruments  of  music,  and,  throwing  themselves  on  the 
ground,  earnestly  besought  the  assembled  multitude  to  obey, 
as  the  only  means  left  them  to  prevent  the  Romans  from  seiz- 
ing these  holy  treasures.  Iti  the  meantime,  Florus  sent  or- 
ders to  the  officers  of  the  bands  to  pay  no  attention  to  the  salu-"* 
tation  of  the  Jows.  and  if  they  at  all  spoke  disrespectful  of 
him,  immediately  to  fall  upon  them  and  destroy  them.  The 
Jews  met  the  soldiers,  and  courteously  addressed  them ;  but 
when  their  salutations  were  not  returned,  the  most  violent  and 
seditious  of  the  people  bitterly  reproached  Florus.  The  sol-' 
diers,  obedient  to  their  superiors,  instantly  struck  the  people' 
indiscriminately  with  their  cb^as,  and,  when  they  fled,  pur- 
sued them,  and  made  their  huises  trample  on  them.  Both 
parties  now  hastened  to  enter  the  city  and  reach  the  temple. 
All  the  inhabitants  were  in  motion  ;  many,  from  the  house- 
tops, threw  darts  at  the  Romans:  and  the  soldiers  were  re- 
pt^lled  The  .Tews  secured  the  temple,  and,  lest  their  oppo- 
nents should  attack  it  from  Anton ia,  by  getting  on  the  cloisH* 
ters,  which  connected  that  fortress  with  the  holy  edifice,  they 
quickly  cast  down  the  cloisters.  Having  failed  to  obtain  pos- 
session of  the  temple,  which  was  most  probably  the  chief  ob^ 
ject  of  his  unreasonable  and  barbarous  conduct,  Florus  per- 
haps considered  that  he  was  not  safe  in  the  city.     He  sent  for 


W" 


I 


^.  —  -  — f 


178  THE    ROMAN    liMPIRE    TRIiniPHANT. 

the  chief  men,  and  proposed  to  leave  a  large  garrison  to  pro- 
tect them,  on  condition  that  they  would  preserve  the  people 
in  obedience  to  the  laws.  They  promised  obedience,  if  he 
removed  from  the  city  those  soldiers  who  had  shed  the  blood 
of  the  citizens. 

When  the  Jewish  rulers  understood  that  Florus  had  report- 
ed to  Cestius  that  the  nation  was  in  a  state  of  revolt,  they  de- 
layed not  to  undeceive  the  Syrian  governor ;  for  they  could  not 
otherwise  hope  to  avoid  civil  war,  and  almost  certain  destruc- 
tion. They  represented  the  conduct  of  Florus,  and  some  of 
them  expressed  to  Cestius  their  wish  that  he  should  send  an 
army  to  destroy  wholly  the  party  in  the  nation  who  abhorred 
the  Romans,  and  longed  for  the  national  independence.  Ces- 
tius commissioned  Neopolitanus,  a  tribune,  and  one  of  his 
friends,  to  ascertain  the  real  state  of  Judea.  The  tribune 
first  consulted  with  Agrippa,  who  had  just  returned  from 
Egypt,  where  he  had  sojourned  a  short  time.  They  met  at 
Jamnia,  where  the  principal  Jews  visited  Agrippa,  and  per- 
suaded him  to  request  Neopolitanus  to  pass  through  Jerusa- 
lem secretly,  accompanied  with  only  one  servant ;  for  by  this 
means  he  would,  they  said,  learn  that  the  Jews  were  not  op- 
posed to  the  Romans,  but  to  Florus  Galus.  The  tribune  fol- 
lowed the  counsel  of  Agrippa,  and  being  satisfied  that  the 
nation  were  not  rebellious,  he  ascended  the  temple,  joined  its 
worship,  and  addressed  the  multitude,  praised  them  for  their 
fidelity  to  the  Romans^  and  exhorted  them  to  live  in  peace. 

The  Jews  applied  to  Agrippa  for  liberty  to  send  an  em- 
bassy to  Nero  t^  accuse  their  cruel  governor.  He  disap- 
proved of  this  proposal,  and,  knowing  that  many  were  dis- 
posed for  war,  he  called  the  multitude  to  meet  him  in  a  large 
gallery  over  the  palace  of  the  Asmoneans,  and  delivered  a 
long  address,  designed  to  convince  them  of  the  utter  folly  and 
hopelessness  of  any  attempt  to  deliver  themselves  from  the 
Roman  yoke.  This  discourse,  as  related  by  Josephus,  is  re- 
plete with  important  information  of  the  vast  power  and  extent 
of  the  Roman  empire,  and  amply  attests  at  once  that  few  prin- 
ces could  excel  him  in  knowledge  and  political  wisdom,  or 
sincere  regard  for  the  nation  of  the  Jews.  His  powerful  elo- 
quence for  the  time  produced  the  most  happy  effect.  Under 
the  direction  of  king  Agrippa  and  his  sister  Bernice,  the  peo- 
ple commenced  the  re-building  of  the  cloisters,  and  the  Jews 
collected  forty  talents  to  pay  the  tribute  due  to  the  Romans. 

Agrippa's  popularity,  however,  speedily  vanished.  "When 
he  ventured  to  urge  the  people  to  obey  Florus,  and  patiently 


^ 


THE    ROMAN    EMRB-E   TRIUMPHANT.  179 

wait  for  the  governor  who  was  expected  to  succeed  him,  they 
not  only  reproached  their  counsellor  as  a  servile  instrument 
of  their  oppressors,  but  the  most  turbulent  put  his  hfe  in  haz- 
ard by  casting  stones  at  him,  and  compelled  him  to  depart 
from  the  city.  In  these  circumstances,  Agrippa  requested 
Florus  to  appoint  an  officer  to  receive  the  tribute,  and  pro- 
ceeded to  his  own  kmgdom.  Now  all  attempts  of  inferior 
rulers  were  ineffectual  to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  insurgents. 
Few  places  escaped  their  ravages.  Their  power  quickly 
spread  every  where,  like  the  inundation  of  the  Euphrates  or 
the  Nile.  The  citizens  were  completely  divided  into  parties ; 
one,  much  the  smallest,  but  the  richest,  were  disposed,  at 
great  sacrifices,  to  preserve  the  peace ;  the  others  were  re- 
solved to  encounter  the  power  of  Rome. 

Eleazar,  son  of  Ananias  the  high-priest,  was  at  this  time 
governor  of  the  temple.  He  was  a  young  man  of  impetuous 
passions,  and  belonged  to  the  party  whose  conduct  justified 
the  accusation  frequently  brought  against  the  Jews,  that  they 
were  the  enemies  of  mankind.  By  his  advice,  the  ministers 
of  the  temple  passed  a  law  that  they  should  receive  no  gift  or 
sacrifice  from  any  foreigner  ;  and,  acting  on  this  law,  they 
refused  to  offer  the  sacrifices  presented  by  the  Romans.  This 
regulation  may  be  viewed  as  a  public  declaration  of  war 
against  the  empire  ;  it  was,  Josephus  remarks,  "  the  true  be- 
ginning of  our  war  with  the  Romans."  This,  said  the  men 
of  peace,  was  contrary  to  the  practice  of  our  forefathers  in 
all  past  ages,  but  their  voice  was  not  heard  ;  and  for  them  no 
hope  remained,  unless  they  could  reduce  the  innovators  by 
force.  They  accordingly  sent  messengers  to  Agrippa  and 
Florus,  earnestly  beseeching  them  to  bring  an  army  into  the 
city,  and  destroy  the  insurgents  before  they  had  urged  the 
whole  nation  to  revolt.  Their  message  was  treated  with  con- 
tempt by  the  Roman  procurator  :  and  Agrippa  sent  only 
about  three  thousand  horsemen,  commanded  by  Darius,  the 
master. of  his  horse,  and  Philip,  the  general  of  his  army. 
Aided  by  this  force,  the  high-priests  and  chief  men  seized 
the  upper  city,  and  endeavoured  to  expel  their  opponents  from 
the  lower  city  and  temple.  Each  party  maintained  its  place 
for  several  days,  and  not  few  citizens  and  soldiers  were  slain. 
On  the  eighth,  which  was  a  festival  day,  the  Reman  party 
were  not  permitted  to  join  in  the  religious  service  ;  und  their 
opponents,  being  joined  by  many  of  the  Sicarii,  attacked 
them  with  such  violence  and  fury  that  they  were  driven  out 
of  the  upper  city.     The  insurgents  then  set  on  fire  the  pala 


^'  ■     '   —  '  ■  ■ ' — —-==•■  ^  - 


180  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

ces  of  the  high-priest,'  Agrippa,  and  Bern  ice,  and  the  depos- 
itory of  the  archives  of  the  city,  in  order  that  creditors  should 
have  no  means  of  enforcing  payment  from  their  debtors. 
Many  saved  their  Hves  by  escaping  under  the  protection  of 
the  soldiers  who  took  refuge  in  the  palace  of  the  governor, 
and  others  by  concealing  themselves  in  vaults  or  unknown 
places  in  the  city.  After  two  days,  the  garrison  of  Antonia 
were  overpowered,  and  the  citadel  burnt.  The  palace  was 
next  assaulted,  but  the  soldiers  repelled  their  enemies  and 
slew  many  of  them. 

Massada,  a  very  strong  fortress,  seated  on  a  mountain  not 
far  from  the  western  shore  of  the  Dead  Sea,  had,  by  treach- 
ery, fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  insurgents.  It  contained 
the  armoury  of  Herod,  and  from  this  Manahem  procured 
arms  for  a  number  of  persons,  whom  he  had  prevailed  on  to 
support  his  presumptuous  pretensions  to  royal  powef.  He 
was  the  son  of  Judas  named  the  Galilean,  who  raised  the  in- 
surrection against  the  government  of  the  procurator  Cyren- 
nius.  Manahem,  whose  followers  became  his  guard,  returned 
from  Massada  to  Jerusalem,  with  all  the  show  and  magnifi- 
cence of  a  king,  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  the  enemies  of 
the  Romans,  and  gave  orders  to  continue  the  siege  of  the 
royal  palace.  It  seems  to  have  been  defended  by  three  tow- 
ers, Hippicus,  Phasaelus,  and  Mariamne.  The  soldiers,  on 
finding  themselves  incapable  of  long  resistance,  requested  of 
the  besiegers  liberty  to  withdraw  with  their  arms  from  the 
contest.  Their  request  was  granted :  but  Manahem  and  his 
guards  basely  killed  a  number  of  them.  The  usual  keepers 
of  the  palace,  now  in  despair,  took  refuge  in  the  towers. 

Manahem,  supposing  himself  already  conqueror,  assumed 
the  power  of  a  tyrant,  and  exceedingly  irritated  the  multi- 
tude. These,  roused  to  indignation  by  Eleazar,  a  kinsman 
of  the  mock  king,  and  his  rival  for  power,  violently  assaulted 
him  as  he  ascended  to  the  temple  to  worship,  arrayed  in 
royal  garments  and  accompanied  by  an  armed  guard.  He 
fled,  but  was  soon  taken,  and  after  being  barbarously  tortured, 
was  put  to  death.  The  Romans  shut  up  in  the  towers,  de- 
sired to  capitulate,  and  terms  were  agreed  on,  and  confirmed 
by  the  oath  of  the  besiegers.  They  had,  however,  no  sooner 
left  the  palace  and  laid  down  their  shields,  than  Eleazar  or- 
dered his  most  zealous  adherents  to  surround  them  ;  they 
were  all  slain  except  the  captain,  who  saved  his  life  by  prom- 
ising to  become  a  proselyte  and  submit  to  circumcision. 

Tb^se  most  treacherous  and  sanguinary  deeds  were  per- 


^# 


=» 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  181 

formed  on  the  Sabhath,  and  were  regarded  with  horror  and 
grief  by  all  the  citizens  who  were  not  utterly  destitute  of  re- 
ligious or  moral  principle  and  feeling.  And  it  is  remarkable, 
and  appeared  the  just  retribution  of  Heaven,  that  on  this  very 
Sabbath,  Cesarea  exhibited  one  of  the  most  horrid  scenes  of 
civil  contentions  and  suflferings  ever  inflicted  on  the  Jews. 
The  years  of  strife  between  them  and  the  idolaters  'in  that 
city  came  to  an  end.  In  one  hour  about  twenty  thou^iind 
Jews  were  killed,  and  many  were  made  prisoners  by  the  Ro- 
mans, and  sent  by  Florus  in  chains  to  the  galleys.  No  Jew 
was  permitted  to  remain  in  Cesarea.  This  event  produced 
despair  over  the  whole  nation,  the  people  everywhere  rose 
against  the  Romans,  divided  themselves  into  bands,  and  de- 
stroyed or  laid  waste  every  city  inhabited  by  Greeks,  Syrians, 
or  Romans.  Great  and  dreadful  was  the  slaughter  of  the 
inhabitants  ;  nor  were  the  number  of  Jews  few  who  fell 
in  this  frightful  contest.  It  was  common  to  see  cities  filled 
with  dead  bodies,  the  aged,  females,  children,  and  infants,  ly- 
ing unburied,  exposed  for  a  prey  to  the  fowls  of  heaven.  In 
all  places  where  the  Jews  were  the  feeblest  party,  many  thou- 
sands of  them  were  indiscriminately  put  to  death ;  nor  were 
those  of  them  who  joined  their  pagan  fellow  citizens  in  defend- 
ing them  against  the  revenge  and  rage  of  the  insurgents, 
always  spared.  Thus  when  Scythopolis  was  besieged,  the 
Jews  who  united  with  the  other  citizens  were  suspected  of 
treachery,  and  forced  to  withdraw  from  the  city  to  an  adja- 
cent grove.  These,  after  some  days,  when  many  of  them 
were  asleep,  and  all  of  them  in  no  apprehension  of  danger, 
were  suddenly  attacked  by  their  fellow-citizens,  who  slew 
about  thirteen  thousand,  and  took  possession  of  all  their  pro- 
perty. Gerassa,  near  the  lake  Tiberias,  Antioch  the  capitol 
of  Syria,  Apamea,  and  Sidon,  were  apparently  the  only  cities 
in  which  the  Jews  were  allowed  to  live  in  peace,  because 
they  were  not  so  numerous  as  to  excite  the  fears  of  the  idola- 
ters. Conspiracies  were  also  formed  to  destroy  all  the  Jews 
in  the  kingdom  of  Agrippa,  in  Syria,  and  Egypt.  They 
were  the  enemies  of  all  men,  and  it  is  not,  therefore,  surpri- 
sing that  throughout  the  empire  they  were  threatened  with 
entire  and  universal  destruction. 

The  Jews  being  everywhere  in  arms,  Cestius,  the  Roman 
governor  of  Syria,  delayed  no  longer  to  invade  Judea.  He 
was  joined  by  Agrippa  and  his  army.  The  Roman  forces 
were  first  employed  in  the  conquest  of  Galilee.  On  approach- 
ing Zebulon.  a  strong,  beautiful,  and  rich  city,  the  inhabitants 

VOL.  III.  16 


9 


182  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

fled  to  the  mountains.  The  soldiers  plundered  and  burnt  it 
and  then  traversed  the  province,  set  on  fire  the  villages,  and 
desolated  the  country,  and  proceeded  through  Ptolemais  to 
Cesarea.  Sepphoris,  the  strongest  city  of  Galilee,  had  hith- 
erto escaped  the  sword  of  the  Romans.  Gallus,  commander 
of  the  twelfth  legion,  was  sent  against  it  with  a  force  believed 
sufficient  to  reduce  it  and  all  Galilee.  The  citizens,  in  gen- 
eral, received  him  with  joyful  acclamations,  and  the  disaffected 
fled  to  the  mountain  Asamon,  in  the  vicinity.  The  Romans 
pursued  them,  slew  several  thousands,  and  dispersed  the  rest. 
Cestius  sent  another  division  of  his  army  to  capture  Joppa. 
They  easily  succeeded,  for  the  citizens  were  unprepared,  and 
had  no  dread  of  an  attack.  It  was  plundered  and  burnt,  and 
more  than  eight  thousand  citizens  were  slain.  A  third  band 
were  sent  to  spoil  and  lay  waste  Nabatene,  the  name  of  the 
district  which  bordered  on  Cesarea.  The  villages  were 
burnt,  and  multitudes  of  the  people  were  put  to  death. 

Cestius,  probably  by  the  severity  of  his  measures,  at  the 
opening  of  his  campaign,  designed  to  terrify  the  Jews  into  a 
speedy  submission.  The  future  brief  history  of  his  proceed- 
ings, nowever,  seem  to  show  that  he  was  as  destitute  of  mili- 
tary skill  and  daring  courage  as  he  was  of  generosity  and 
compassion.  Josephus,  indeed,  questions  neither  his  wisdom 
nor  fortitude,  notwithstanding  his  neglect  to  improve  the  op- 
portunity afforded  him  to  acquire  possession  of  Jerusalem, 
and  put  an  end  to  the  war  ;  but  ascribes  it  wholly  to  the  aver- 
sion of  God  to  his  own  city  and  temple,  which  he  had  irrevo- 
cably purposed  to  destroy,  on  account  of  the  wickedness  of 
the  chosen  people.  It  must,  nevertheless,  not  be  forgotten 
that  He  accomplishes  his  counsels  by  appropriate  instruments 
and  means ;  and  he  makes  the  feebleness  and  even  wicked- 
ness of  intelligent  agents,  as  well  as  their  superior  talents 
and  most  deserving  deeds,  subservient  to  perform  his  plea- 
sure, when  they  neither  know  nor  respect  his  secret  designs. 

When  Florus  considered  Galilee  secure  to  the  Romans,  he 
returned  with  his  troops  to  Cesarea.  Cestius  immediately 
called  in  his  other  troops,  and  led  his  whole  army  to  Jerusa- 
lem. On  reaching  Antipatris,  he  sent  a  band  to  reduce 
Aphek,  an  adjacent  tower,  in  which  a  great  body  of  Jews 
had  taken  refuge.  These  quickly  fled,  and  the  soldiers  set 
fire  to  the  tower  and  some  villages.  Marching  on  to  Lydda, 
he  found  it  almost  empty,  the  citizens  having  gone  to  the  capi- 
tal to  observe  the  festival  of  tabernacles.  Of  those  who  re- 
mained, he  put  fifty  to  death,  and  destroyed  the  city  by  fire. 


.==.^=^55 


THE   ROMAN    EATPIRB    TRIUMPHANT.  183 

Thence  he  advanced  to  Bethhoron,  said  to  have  stood  about 
twelve  miles  north  of  Jerusalem,  about  fifty  furlongs  from 
which  he  encamped  his  army,  according  tj  the  Jewish  histo- 
rian, in  a  place  named  Gabao.  The  report  of  his  progress 
alarmed  the  immense  multitude  assembled  in  the  capital.  The 
approach  of  this  army  was  among  the  many  awful  signs  that 
God  had  forsaken  them.  For  he  had  predicted  and  promised 
that  their  land  would  never  be  invaded  or  spoiled  by  an  ene- 
my during  their  observance  of  the  national  festivals,  while 
they  faithfully  served  him.  And  their  fathers  had  experi- 
enced  the  truth  of  his  word.  Their  land  had,  however, 
been  long  a  prey,  at  all  seasons,  to  internal  and  foreign  ene- 
mies ;  for  they  had,  as  a  nation,  wholly  departed  from  the 
True  God.  Though  the  news  reached  them  on  the  Sabbath, 
they,  regardless  of  its  sacredness,  tumultuously  gathered  to- 
gether, and  rushed  out  of  the  city  to  meet  the  enemy.  They 
suddenly  fell  on  the  Romans,  breaking  through  their  ranks, 
and  slaying  many  ;  but  the  front  of  the  Jewish  army  were 
cut  off  The  Romans,  notwithstanding,  retired,  and  wer^- 
pursued  by  a  band  of  the  insurgents,  led  by  Simon,  son  of 
Giora.  These  harassed  the  troops  as  they  ascended  to  Beth- 
horon, spoiled  the  army  of  many  weapons  of  war  and  catii*-, 
and  boldly  took  possession  of  the  heights  of  the  city,  aii.l 
watched  the  Romans,  determined  to  attack  them  if  they  ven- 
tured, tq  renew  their  march. 

Simon's  band  appeared  to  have  received  great  accessions. 
Agrippa^  observing  the  multitude,  sent  Borceus  and  Phebus, 
persons  best  known  to  them,  to  prevail  on  them  to  submit  to 
Cestius,  who  was  disposed  to  forgive  them  if  they  laid  down 
their  arms.  The  most  violent  were  indignant,  and,  lest  the 
ambassadors  should  be  hear.d  by  the  multitude,  they  killed 
Phebus,  and  compelled  Borceus  to  flee  for  his  life.  Their 
lawless  conduct  provoked  the  people,  and  by  clubs  and  stones 
forced  the  murderers  to  seek  an  asylum  in  the  city.  The 
confusion  and  disorder  of  the  Jews  encouraged  Cestius  to  lead 
his  army  against  them.  They  were  scattered,  and  pursued 
to  the  metropolis ;  and,  on  arriving  within  seven  furlongs  of 
it,  ho  pitched  his  camp  at  Scopus,  a  name  signifying  a  watch* 
tower.  Three  suceeding  days  many  of  his  soldiers  were  em- 
ployed in  collecting  provisions,  from  the  surrounding  country, 
and  on  the  fourth  he  conducted  his  army  into  the  city.  Their 
good  order  was  agreeable  to  the  greater  numbers  of  the  peo- 
ple, who  longed  for  peace,  but  were  restrained  from  express- 
ing th-sir  wishes  by  the  leaders  of  the  revolt,  whose  fierce  will 


«= 


184  THE   EOMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

was  law.  These  were  terrified  by  the  presence  of  the  well- 
disciplined  troops,  and  withdrew  to  the  suburbs,  the  inner-parts 
of  the  city,  and  the  temple.  Cestius  ordered  the  new  division 
of  the  city,  called  Bezetha  or  Cenopolis,  and  the  wooden 
market,  to  be  set  on  fire,  and  then  advanced  to  the  upper  city, 
and  encamped  opposite  the  royal  palace.  Had  he  instanily 
scaled  the  inner-wails,  nothing  seemed  to  prevent  him  from 
capturing  the  whole,  and  finishing  the  war  ;  but  from  this  he 
is  said  to  have  been  dissuaded  by  Tyrannius,  master  of  the 
horse,  and  other  officers,  who  were  believed  to  have  sold 
themselves  to  Florus  Gessius.  He  even  declined  to  enter 
the  city,  although  invited  by  Ananias  and  others  of  the  chief 
men,  who  proposed  to  open  the  gates  to  admit  him,  for  he  sus- 
pected their  fidelity.  Their  plan  was  soon  known  to  the  se- 
ditious or  war  party,  who,  in  revenge,  cast  Ananias  and  some 
others  over  the  walls,  and  forced  the  restof  his  party  to  return 
to  their  houses.  The  walls  were  now  defended  for  five  days ; 
but,  on  the  sixth,  the  Romans,  protected  by  besieging  engines, 
proceeded  to  undermine  the  wall,  and  prepared  to  burn  the 
gates  of  the  temple.  The  seditious  seemed  panic-struck,  and 
many  of  them  hastily  fled  from  the  city.  On  this  occasion 
the  peaceably  disposed  summoned  courage,  and  assembled  to 
throw  the  gates  of  the  city  open ;  but  Cestius-  appeared  to 
have  had  already  resolved,  without  any  known  cause,  to  raise 
the  siege;  "it  was,  I  suppose,"  remarks  Josephus,  "  oyving  to 
God's  hatred  of  the  city  and  sanctuary,  that  he  hindered  the 
war  from  being  concluded  that  day." 

Cestius,  perhaps,  despaired  of  being  able  to  conquer  the 
city,  or  he  was  ignorant  of  the  power  and  designs  of  those 
who  desired  peace.  But,  whatever  was  his  motive,  he  led  his 
army  out  of  the  city,  and  lost  many  horsemen  and  infantry, 
for  they  were  pursued  on  their  retreat  by  the  boldest  and 
must  cruel  of  the  insurgents,  till  they  reached  Scopus.  On 
the  following  day,  he  continued  the  retreat,  and  sustained  a 
still  greater  loss,  for  the  number  who  hung  on  the  rear  of  the 
army  increased  in  proportion  as  the  Romans  displayed  a  com- 
paratively feeble  resistance.  In  obedience  to  their  general, 
they  killed  the  mules  and  cattle,  and  cast  away  every  thing 
that  retarded  their  retreat,  except  their  arms  and  instruments 
of  war.  In  the  narrow  passages  they  suffered  dreadfully ; 
the  whole  army  were  covered  with  the  darts  of  the  pursuers  ; 
and  would  have  been  made  prisoners  had  not  night  come  on 
and  safety  been  found  in  entering  Bethhoron.  Cestius,  by 
leaving  four  hundred  to  defend  this  city,  succeeded  in  deceiv 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  185 

ing  the  insurgents,  who  watched  on  the  heights.  With  the 
whole  army,  he  advanced,  during  night,  to  Antipatris.  His 
troops,  astonished  and  terrified,  left  on  the  road  the  most  ne- 
cessary engines  and  weapons  of  war.  These  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  who,  on  learning  next  day  their  flight, 
pursued  them  to  Antipatris  ;  then  they  returned  in  triumph  to 
Jerusalem,  loaded  with  spoil,  having  slain  nearly  six  thousand 
Roman  soldiers. 

By  this  great  and  unexpected  victory,  the  seditious,  or  des- 
perate war  party,  acquired  the  entire  ascendancy  in  the  nation, 
and  all  ranks  seemed  to  unite  in  renouncing  the  Roman  au- 
thority. The  principal  men  agreed  to  divide  among  them- 
selves the  government  of  the  country,  and  prepare  for  defend- 
ing it  against  all  foreign  power.  Joseph,  son  of  Gorion,  and 
Ananias,  the  high-priest,  were  appointed  over  Jerusalem ;  Jo- 
sephus,  the  historian,  who  was  one  of  the  most  patriotic  of  the 
priests,  was  set  over  Upper  and  Lower  Galilee ;  and  Eleazar, 
the  chief  of  those  who  had  defeated  Cestius,  was  made  gover- 
nor of  Idumea.  This  arrangement  appearing  to  expel  all 
hope  of  peace,  those  who  disapproved  of  the  revolt  deserted 
Jerusalem,  "  as  mariners  escape  from  their  sinking  vessel." 
Many  of  the  most  eminent  Jews  passed  over  to  the  Romans 
and  joined  Cestius,  who  probably  had  gone  to  Antioch,  but* 
of  whose  future  life  we  know  nothing,  except  that  he  retired 
from  the  contest,  either  from  being  disgusted  with  the  treach- 
ery of  Florus,  or  from  despair  of  reducing  the  Jews,  whose 
conduct  sufficiently  showed  at  once  implacable  enmity  to  the 
Romans  and  utter  recklessness  of  their  own  lives.  The  last 
notice  of  Cestius  is,  that  he  sent  several  of  the  Jewish  chiefs 
to  Nero,  while  he  was  in  Greece,  to  report  the  state  of  Judea, 
and  to  account  for  his  own  defeat  by  ascribing  it  to  the  perni- 
cious counsels  of  Florus,  who  had  seduced  his  officers,  and 
roused  the  fiercest  wrath  and  indignation  of  the  Jews  by  his 
injustice  and  cruelty. 

It  was  at  this  time  also  that,  according  to  tradition,  the 
Christians  removed  from  Jerusalem  to  Pella,  a  small  city  on 
the  east  of  the  Jordan.  From  the  numerous  signs  predicted 
by  the  Lord  in  Matt.  xxiv.  of  the  approaching  destruction  of 
the  holy  city,  probably  few  of  them  were  in  it  when  Cestius 
itationed  his  troops  within  the  walls.  And  as  their  standards 
3xhibited  images  of  idols,  named  in  sacred  writ  abomination^ 
if  any  Christian  actually  witnessed  the  scene,  he,  doubtless, 
would  no  longer  remain,  remembering  the  solemn  admoni- 
tion of  their  Master,  "  When  ye  shall  see  the  abomination  d 

16* 


196  THE   S.OMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

desolation,  spoken  of  by  Daniel  the  prophet,  stand  in  the  holy 
place,  (whoso  readeth,  let  him   understand,)  then  let  them 
which  be  in  Judea  flee  into  the  mountains ;  let  him  which  is 
i  on  the  house-top  not  come  down  to  take  any  thing  out  of  his 

j  house ;  neither  let  him  which  is  in  the  field  return  back  to 

!  take  his  clothes.     And  woe  unto  them  that  are  with  child, 

!  and  to  them  that  give  suck,  in  those  days !"  A  Christian  con- 

i  gregation  continued  ia  Pella  for  a  considerable  time,  and  were 

safe,  for  the  war  extended  not  to  that  district. 

The  Jewish  people  were  now  not  less  resolved  and  zealous 
to  emancipate  themselves  from  Rome  than  their  most  patriotic 
I  leaders.     This  is  plain  from  Josephus's  narrative  of  his  admin- 

i  istration  of  Galilee,  of  which  he  has  given  a  minute  state- 

i  ment  in  the  Second  Book  of  the  Jewish  War.     He   very 

!  quickly  strengthened  all  the  fortifications,  and  built  new  ones, 

I  and  raised  an  army  of  more  than  sixty  thousand  men,  besides 

i  a  number  of  horsemen.     And  it  is  most  probable  that  he 

I  might  have  easily  increased  his  forces,  for  one  half  of  the 

j  male  inhabitants  fit  for  battle,  of  every  city,  by  mutual  con- 

sent, became  soldiers,  and  the  others  continued  to  cultivate  the 
I  country.     In  Jerusalem,  the  rulers  most  diligently  laboured 

I  in  repairing  the  walls  and  fortified  places,  and  in  making 

warlike  instruments.     The  situation  and  circumstance  were 
i  sufficient  to  stimulate  their  warlike  zeal ;  for  they  not  only 

'  knew  that  the  Romans  would  not  long  leave  them  in  peace, 

I  but  that  their  temporary  triumph  had  roused  the  envy  and  re- 

I  venge  of  the  Syrians.     The  natives  of  Damascus  were  espe- 

'  ^ially  enraged  on  learning  the  defeat  of  Cestius.     The  men 

j  had  long  cherished  aversion  to  their  Jewish  fellow-citizens, 

I  on  account  of  their  success  in  proselytising  their  wives  to  their 

;  religion  ;  almost  all  of  them  had  renounced  idol- worship.    By 

1  some  manoeuvre  of  the  men  of  Damascus,  they  shut  up  the 

Jews  unarmed  in  a  narrow  and  concealed  place,  and,  without 
1  the  knowledge  of  their  wives  or  daughters,  in  one  hour,  cut 

\  the  throats  of  ten  thousand,  as  so  many  sheep  killed   for  the 

';  market.     Critical,  however,  as  was  the  position  of  the  Jews, 

•  they  were  so  elated  by  their  recent  victory  that  they  imagined 

themselves  qualified  for  the  most  heroic  exploits.  Accordingly, 
a  considerable  number  of  their  bravest  warriors  marched  to 
Askelon,  one  of  the  strongest  cities  of  Palestine.  They  had 
no  doubt  that  the  gates  would  be  opened  to  them ;  for  i»s  gar- 
rison consisted  only  of  one  cohort  of  foot,  and  one  troop  of 
horse.  But  their  captain,  Antonius,  was  an  accomplished 
soldier;  he  boldly  met  them,  and,  after  an  obstinate  contest o*" 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  187 

many  hours, completely  overthrew  them,  slaying  ten  thousand, 
among  whom  were  two  commanders,  John  and  Silas.     The 
only  other  general,  Niger,  was  among  the  great  number  who 
j  were  wounded  ;  but  he  and  a  few  of  his  men  were  enabled  to 

I  flee  to  Sallis,  an  Idumean  city. 

I  A  still  greater  calamity  fell  on  the  Jews  even  before  the 

I  Romans  renewed  the  war  under   Vespasian,   whom  Nero 

I  commissioned  to  succeed  Florus  Gessius  in  the  government 

I  of  Judea.     The  seeming  union  of  the  Jews  was  early  dis- 

j  solved,  and  the  whole  nation  was  torn  in  pieces  by  fierce  con- 

!  tending   factions.      Josephus    was  opposed   in   every   useful 

;  measure  by  John,  a  poor  native  of  the  city  of  Gischala,  whom 

I  he  had  raised  to  power  in  consequence  of  the  superior  talents 

J  which  he  appeared  to  possess.     This  demagogue  acquired 

j  great  influence,  which  he  displayed  entirely  for  personal  ag- 

grandisement, the  defamation  of  every  person  of  worth,  and 
I  the  destruction  of  all  lawful  authority  and  power.     Simon, 

!  son  of  Gorion,  despising  the  authorities  of  Jerusalem  and 

Idumea,  lived  by  plunder,  and  took  possession  of  many 
strong  places  and  villages ;  and  survived  Ananius  and  all 
other  chiefs  who  attemped  to  capture  him  and  destroy  his 
army  of  plunderers  and  murderers.  » 

Vespasian  was  one  of  the  most  eminent  generals  of  the 
age,  renowned  for  great  and  successful  military  enterprises  in 
Germany  and  Britain.  On  arriving  in  Antioch,  the  metropo- 
lis of  Syria,  he  was  joined  by  Agrippa,  and  was  gratified 
by  receiving  an  embassy  from  Sepphoris,  the  strongest  city 
of  Galilee,  the  possession  of  which  was,  next  to  Jerusalem 
itself,  a  security  for  the  fidelity  of  the  Jewish  nation.  The 
messengers  gave  in  their  adhesion  to  the  Romans,  and 
claimed,  of  course,  their  protection.  Josephus  attempted  its 
reduction,  but  was  repulsed.  A  powerful  army  had  accom- 
panied Vespasian  from  Greece,  and  he  had  sent  his  son 
Titus  to  Egypt,  to  bring  from  that  country  to  Ptolemais  two 
additional  legions.  On  receiving  this  augmentation  to  his 
forces,  in  the  beginning  of  a.  d.  68,  he  marched  into  Galilee, 
and  soon  captured  the  fine  city  of  Gadara,  the  capital  of  Pe- 
ra3a,  seated  near  the  Lake  of  Tiberias.  He  next  besieged 
Jotapa,  a  city  of  Lower  Galilee,  which  was  strong  by  nature 
and  well  fortified.  Josephus  ably  defended  it,  and  it  was  with 
difficulty  captured.  Dreadfully  did  the  conqueror  resent  the 
opposition  which  he  had  met  with  ;  for  he  either  massacred 
or  sold  into  captivity  almost  all  its  inhabiants,  forty  thousand 
of  whom  are  said  to  have  been  killed  or  massacred,  and  only 


«= 


»  -^ 


188  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

twelve  hundred  made  prisoners.  Among  these  was  the  com- 
mander Josephus,  who  says  that  he  owed  his  life  to  his  pre- 
diction that  Vespasian  would  be  speedily  emperor.  He  was 
evidently  a  man  of  politcal  sagacity,  and  might,  from  his 
knowledge' of  the  state  of  the  empire  and  the  popularity  of 
the  conqueror  in  the  army,  believe  it  so  probable  that  he 
should  attain  the  supreme  power,  that  he  might  endeavour  to 
save  his  life  by  the  only  means  in  his  power,  which  was  to 
strengthen  the  ambition  of  him  on  whose  will  his  life  depend- 
ed, by  the  most  flattering  prospects.  The  capture  of  Japha, 
after  an  obstinate  siege,  followed  that  of  Jotapa,  and  all  the 
men  were  put  to  death,  and  the  women  and  children  carried 
into  captivity.  This  city,  which  lay  near  Jotapa,  was  chiefly 
reduced  by  Trajan,  celebrated  afterwards  as  a  mighty  con- 
queror and  able  sovereign  of  the  empire.  A  week  later, 
the  Samaritans  assembled  on  mount  Gerizim,  with  a  design, 
as  it  was  believed,  to  oppose  the  Romans ;  but  they  were  all 
put  to  the  sword.  Joppa  fell  the  next  victim  ;  then  Tarichea 
and  Tiberias.  After  the  reduction  of  these  two  places,  all 
the  other  cities  of  Galilee  submitted  to  the  Romans,  except 
those  of  Gischala  and  Gamala. 

Vespasian  at  length  led  his  troops  from  Cesarea,  and  em- 
ployed them  in  laying  waste  the  districts  around  Jerusalem, 
putting  to  death  thousands  of  the  inhabitants.  On  returning 
to  Cesarea,  the  information  received  of  the  commotions  and 
disorders  which  prevailed  in  Italy,  Germany,  and  other 
countries  in  Europe,  to  which  we  shall  avert  in  the  next 
chapter,  led  his  officers  and  army  to  proclaim  him  emperor, 
and  their  example  was  followed  by  the  Romans  in  Egypt. 
He  was  also  early  acknowledged  emperor  by  the  Syrians,  and 
Mutianus,  their  governor,  accepted  a  commission  from  Ves- 
pasian to  proceed,  at  the  head  of  an  army,  to  Italy,  to  enforce 
his  claims  to  the  sovereignty  of  Rome.  He  sent  other  offi- 
cers to  take  possession  of  the  provinces  in  the  East,  and  in  a 
very  short  time,  his  affairs  were  so  prosperous  that  he  has- 
tened to  follow  Mutianus,  leaving  the  subjugation  of  Judea 
to  his  noble  son  Titus,  whom  he  ordered  to  lay  siege  to  Jeru- 
salem. Titus  encamped  before  its  walls  a.  d.  73,  and,  being 
more  disposed  to  mercy  than  vengeance,  he  immediately  sent 
offers  of  peace  ;  but  these  were  rejected.  Upon  which,  Titus, 
resolving  to  give  the  assault,  without  delay  ordered  his  men 
to  raze  the  suberbs,  cut  down  all  the  trees,  and  use  the  mate 
rials  to  raise  platforms  against  the  walls.  Every  thing  was 
now  carried  on  with  invincible  ardour;  the  Romans  began 


t 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  189 

to  play  their  engines  against  the  city  with  all  their  might ; 
and  it  was  by  one  of  those  that  Jesus,  the  son  of  Ananus, 
who  had  so  long  foretold  the  destruction  of  the  Jewish  na- 
tion, was  killed.  Several  years  before  the  siege,  Jesus  had 
come  up  to  Jerusalem  from  the  country,  to  attend  the  festival 
of  tabernacles,  and  became,  as  the  people  conceiv^ed,  sud- 
denly deranged.  In  tones  most  doleful,  he  ran  through  all 
the  streets  of  the  city,  night  and  day,  proclaiming,  "  woe  to 
the  city  !  woe  to  the  temple !  a  voice  from  the  corners,  a  voice 
against  Jerusalem,  a  voice  against  the  nations  ?"  For  years  he 
continued  to  traverse  the  city  daily,  and  on  Sabbath  and  other 
festivals,  his  voice  was  louder  and  its  sound  more  dismal,  with- 
out becoming  weakened  or  hoarse.  What  was  still  more  sur- 
prising, neither  threatenings  nor  even  severe  punishment  could 
make  him  desist,  or  utter  a  groan  or  complaint,  or  any  other 
words  besides  his  awful  woes,  till  he  beheld  the  city  ac- 
tually besieged,  when  he  cried  out  more  loudly  and  fearfully 
than  usual,  "Woe  also  to  myself!"  In  that  instant  he  was 
killed  by  a  stone  thrown  by  the  engine  of  the  besiegers  into 
the  city.  Other  marvellous  signs,  which  were  predicted  by 
our  Lord,  and  distinctly  admonished  the  Jews  of  their  ap- 
proaching ruin,  were  witnessed.  In  reference  to  these,  the 
reader  will  find  sufficient  information  given  by  Bishop  New- 
ton in  Dissertation  xviii.  of  his  important  work  on  the  Divine 
Prophecies. 

The  Jews  had  likewise  their  machines  upon  the  walls, 
which  they  plied  with  uncommon  fury  :  these  they  had  taken 
lately  from  Cestius,  when  he  retired  so  shamefully  from 
them ;  but  they  were  so  ignorant  of  their  use  that  they  made 
little  execution  with  them  till  they  were  better  instructed  by 
some  Roman  deserters:  before  this,  their  chief  success  was 
rather  owing  to  their  frequent  sallies  ;  but  the  Roman  legions, 
who  had  all  their  towers  and  machines  before  them,  made 
terrible  havoc.  The  least  stones  they  threw  were  near  an 
hundred  weight ;  and  these  they  could  throw  the  length  of 
two  stades,  or  two  hundred  and  fifty  paces,  and  with  such  a 
force,  that  they  could  still  do  mischief  on  those  that  stood  at 
some  distance  behind  them.  Titus  had  reared  three  towers 
fifty  cubits  high  on  the  terrace  above  mentioned  ;  one  of 
which  happening  to  fall  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  greatly 
alarmed  the  Roman  camp,  who  immediately  ran  to  arms  at 
the  noise  of  it ;  but  Titus,  upon  knowing  the  cause,  dismissed 
them,  and  caused  it  to  be  set  up  again.  These  towers  being 
plated  with  iron,  the  Jews  tried  in  vain  to  set  fire  to  them,  but 


oe  ■  m 


'■'^ 


» 


190  XHB   ROftlAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

were  at  length  forced  to  retire  out  of  the  reach  of  their  shot ; 
by  which  the  battering-rams  were  now  at  full  liberty  to  play 
against  the  wall.  A  breach  was  soon  made  in  it,  at  which 
the  Romans  entered  ;  and  the  Jews  abandoning  this  last  in- 
closure,  retired  behind  the  next.  Titus  marched  close  to  the 
second  wall,  and  plied  his  battering-rams  against  it  so  furi- 
ously, that  one  of  the  towers,  which  looked  towards  the  north, 
gave  a.prodigious  shake.  The  men  who  were  in  it  made  a 
signal  to  the  Romans  as  if  they  would  surrender^  and,  at  the 
same  time,  sent  Simon  notice  to  be  ready  to  give  them  a  warm 
reception.  Titus,  having  discovered  their  stratagem,  plied 
his  work  more  furiously,  whilst  the  Jews  that  were  in  the 
tower  set  it  on  fire  and  flung  themselves  into  the  flames.  The 
tower  being  fallen,  gave  them  an  entrance  into  the  second  in- 
closure,  five  days  after  the  gaining  the  first ;  and  Titus,  who 
was  bent  on  saving  the  city,  would  not  suffer  any  part  of  the 
wall  or  streets  to  be  demolished,  which  left  the  breach  and 
lanes  so  narrow,  that  when  his  men  were  furiously  re- 
pulsed by  Simon,  they  had  not  room  enough  to  make  a  quick 
retreat,  so  that  there  was  a  number  of  them  killed  in  it.  This 
oversight  was  quickly  rectified,  and  the  attack  renewed  with 
such  vigour  that  the  place  was  carried  four  days  after  their 
first  repulse.  The  famine,  raging  in  a  terrible  manner  in  the 
city,  was  soon  followed  by  a  pestilence  ;  and  as  these  two 
dreadful  judgments  increased,  so  did  the  rage  of  the  factious, 
who,  by  their  intestine  feuds,  had  destroyed  such  quantities 
of  provision,  that  they  were  forced  to  prey  upon  the  people 
with  the  most  unheard  of  cruelty  They  forced  their  houses, 
and,  if  they  found  any  victuals  in  them,  they  butchered  them 
for  not  apprising  them  of  it ;  and,  if  they  found  nothing  but 
bare  walls,  which  was  almost  everywhere  the  case,  they  put 
them  to  the  most  severe  tortures,  under  pretence  that  they  had 
some  provision  concealed,  "  I  should,"  says  Josephus,  "  un- 
dertake an  impossible  task  were  I  to  enter  into  a  detail  of  all 
the  cruelties  of  those  impious  wretches :  it  will  be  sufficient 
to  say,  that  I  do  not  think,  that  since  the  creation  any  city 
ever  suffered  such  dreadful  calamities,  or  abounded  with  men 
so  fertile,  in  all  kinds  of  wickedness."  Titus,  who  knew 
their  miserable  condition,  and  was  still  willing  to  spare  them, 
gave  them  four  days  to  cool ;  during  which  he  caused  his 
army  to  be  mustered,  and  provisions  to  be  distributed  to  them 
in  sight  of  the  Jews,  who  flocked  upon  the  walls  to  see  it  j 
and  it  is  thought,  that  even  the  most  flagitious  among  the 
zealots  were  so  frightened  at  the  sight  of  it,  that  they  would 


1 


THE   B.OMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  191 

have  agreed  to  surrender,  could  they  have  depended  upon 
that  pardon  which  their  black  and  horrid  deeds  made  them 
quite  despair  of.  Josephus  was  sent  to  them  a  third  time,  but 
the  stubborn  people,  after  much  abuse,  began  to  dart  their  sl*- 
rows  at  him,  and  all  the  effect  it  wrought  on  them,  was  only 
that  it  prevailed  on  great  numbers  to  steal  away  privately  to 
the  Romans,  whilst  the  rest  became  only  the  more  desperate, 
and  resolute  to  hold  out  to  the  last,  in  spite  of  Titus's  merer 
ful  offers.  To  hasten,  therefore,  their  destined  ruin,  he 
caused  the  city  to  be  surrounded  with  a  strong  wall,  to  pre- 
vent either  their  receiving  any  succours  or  provision  from 
abroad,  or  their  escaping  his  resentment  by  flight.  There 
was  now  nothing  to  be  seen  through  the  streets  of  Jerusalem, 
but  heaps  of  dead  bodies  rotting  above  ground,  walking  skel- 
etons, and  dying  wretches.  As  many  as  were  caught  by  the 
Romans  in  their  sallies,  Titus  caused  to  be  crucified  in  sight 
of  the  town,  to  strike  a  terror  among  the  rest ;  but  the  zealots 
gave  it  out,  that  they  were  those  who  fled  to  hhn  for  protec- 
tion ;  which,  when  Titus  understood,  he  sent  a  prisoner  with 
his  hands  cut  off  to  undeceive  and  assure  them,  that  he  spared 
all  that  voluntarily  came  over  to  him  ;  which  encouraged 
great  numbers  to  accept  his  offers,  though  the  avenues  were 
closely  guarded  by  the  factious,  who  put  all  to  death  who 
were  caught  going  on  that  errand.  A  greater  mischief  than 
that  was,  that  even  those  who  escaped  safe  to  the  Roman 
camp  were  miserably  butchered  by  the  soldiers,  from  a  no- 
tion which  these  had  taken  that  they  had  swallowed  great 
quantities  of  gold  ;  insomuch  that  two  thousand  of  them  were 
ripped  up  in  one  night,  to  come  at  their  supposed  treasure. 
We  shall  not  so  far  disgust  our  readers  as  to  mention  what 
miserable  shifts  these  poor  wretches  made  use  of  to  prolong 
the  sad  remains  of  a  life  which  ought  to  have  been  more 
loathsome  under  such  circumstances  than  the  filthy  and  un- 
natural aliments  they  picked  up  to  support  it.  It  was  upon* 
this  sad  and  pinching  juncture,  that  an  unhappy  mother  was 
reduced  to  the  extremity  of  butchering  and  eating  her  own 
child.  When  Titus  heard  of  this  inhuman  deed,  he  swore 
that  he  would  extirpate  both  city  and  people. 

The  Romans  having  made  themselves  masters  of  the  for- 
tress Antonio  ;  a  circumstance  which  obliged  the  Jews  to  set 
fire  to  those  stately  galleries  which  joined  it  to  the  temple,  lest 
they  should  afford  an  easy  passage  to  the  besiegers.  About 
the  same  time  Titus,  with  much  difficulty,  procured  materials 
for  raising  new  mounds  and  terraces,  in  order  to  forward  the 


192  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

siege,  and  save,  if  possible,  the  sad  remains  of  that  structure, 
but  his  pity  served  only  to  render  those  obstinate  wretches 
more  and  more  desperate.  Titus  at  length  caused  fire  to  be 
«et  to  the  gates,  after  having  had  a  very  bloody  encounter,  in 
which  his  men  were  repulsed  with  loss.  The  Jews  were 
so  terrified  by  this  conflagration  that  they  suffered  themselves 
to  be  devoured  by  the  flames  without  lending  a  helping  hand 
either  to  extinguish  them  or  to  save  their  own  lives.  About  the 
same  time,  Matthias  the  high-priest,  who  had  encouraged  the 
people  to  introduce  Simon  into  the  city,  met  with  a  suitiible 
requital  from  that  monster  of  cruelty,  being  first  tortured  and 
then  condemned  to  death,  together  with  three  of  his  sons,  the 
fourth  having  happily  conveyed  himself  out  of  reach.  An- 
anias with  about  seventeen  persons  more  of  rank  and  merit, 
was  put  to  death  after  them  ;  besides  many  more  for  hav- 
ing been  caught  weeping  for  their  deceased  friends.  On 
the  seventeenth  of  July,  the  daily  sacrifice  ceased  for  the 
first  time  since  its  restoration  by  the  brave  Maccabean  chief, 
there  being  no  proper  person  left  in  the  temple  to  make  the 
offering. 

Titus  having  set  fire  to  the  north  gallery  which  enclosed 
the  outer  court  of  the  temple,  from  fort  Antonia  to  the  valley 
of  Cedron,  gained  an  easy  admittance  into  it,  and  forced  the 
besieged  into  that  of  the  priests.  He  tried  in  vain  for  six  days 
to  batter  down  one  of  the  galleries  of  the  precinct  with  an 
helepolis :  he  was  forced  to  mount  his  battering-rams  on  the 
terrace,  which  was  raised  by  this  time ;  and  yet  the  strength 
of  this  wall  was  such  that  it  eluded  the  force  of  these  also. 
When  they  found  that  neither  rams  nor  sapping  could  suc- 
ceed, they  attempted  scaling,  but  were  vigorously  repulsed 
in  the  loss  of  some  standards,  and  a  number  of  men.  At 
length  Titus  set  fire  to  the  gates,  which,  being  plated  with 
silver,  burnt  all  that  night,  whilst  the  metal  dropt  down  as  it 
melted.  The  flame  soon  communicated  itself  to  the  porticoes 
and  galleries,  which  the  besieged  beheld  without  ofTenng  to 
stop  it ;  but  contented  themselves  with  sending  volleys  of  im- 
potent curses  against  the  Romans. ,  It  was  determined  to  give 
a  general  assault  on  the  tenth  day  of  August ;  but  on  the  pre- 
ceding night,  the  Jews  made  two  desperate  sallies  on  the 
Romans,  in  the  last  of  which,  being  timely  succoured  by 
Titus,  the  Romans  drove  them  back  into  their  inclosure: 
vvhether  this  exasperated  the  besiegers,  or,  which  is  more 
likely,  as  Josephus  thinks,  pushed  by  the  hand  of  Providence, 
one  of  the   Roman  soldiers,  of  his  own  accord,  took  up  a 


#= 


f 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHAWT  198 

blaziniT  firebrand,  and  mounting  on  his  comrade's  shoulders, 
threw  it  into  one  of  the  apartments  that  surrounded  the  sanc- 
tuary, through  a  window,  and  immediately  the  whole  north 
side  was  in  a  flime  up  to  the  third  story.  Titus,  who  had 
gone  to  repose  himself  in  his  pavilion,  was  awakened  at  the 
noise, and  ran  immediately  to  give  orders  that  the  fire  should  be 
extmguished.  He  called,  prayed,  threatened,  and  even  struck 
his  men,  but  in  vain  ;  the  confusion  was  so  great,  and  the 
soldiers  were  so  obstinately  bent  upon  destroying  all  that  was 
left,  that  he  was  neither  minded  nor  heard.  Those  that 
flocked  thither  from  the  camp,  instead  of  obeying  his  orders, 
were  busy,  either  in  killing  the  Jews  or  increasing  the  flames, 
When  Titus  observed,  that  all  his  endeavors  were  in  vain,  he 
entered  the  sanctuary,  and  the  most  holy  place,  in  which  he 
found  still  such  rich  and  sumptuous  utensils  as  even  exceeded 
all  that  he  had  heard  of  Out  of  the  former  he  saved  the 
golden  candlestick,  the  table  of  shew-bread,  the  altar  of  per- 
fumes, all  of  pure  gold,  and  the  book  or  volume  of  the  law, 
wrapped  up  in  a  rich  gold  tissue  ;  but  in  the  latter  he  found 
no  utensils,  because,  in  all  probability,  they  had  not  made  a 
fresh  ark,  since  that  of  Solomon  had  been  lost.  Upon  his 
coming  out  of  that  sacred  place,  some  other  soldiers  set  fire  to 
it,  and  obliged  those  who  had  staid  behind  to  come  out ;  then 
they  began  to  plunder,  tearing  even  the  gold  plating  off*  the 
gates  and  timber-work,  and  carried  oflf  all  the  costly  utensils 
and  robes,  insomuch  as  there  was  not  one  of  them  that  did  not 
enrich  himself  by  the  pillage.  A  horrid  massacre  ensued,  in 
which  many  thousands  perished  ;  some  by  the  flames,  others 
by  the  fall  from  the  battlements,  and  a  greater  number  by  the 
enemy's  sword,  which  destroyed  all,  without  distinction  of  age, 
sex,  or  quality. 

Titus,  historians  say,  was  a  most  merciful  prince.  This 
cannot  be  reconciled  with  his  treatment  of  the  conquered 
Jews,  unless  he  judged  that  the  interests  of  the  empire  could 
only  be  secured  by  inflicting  on  them  the  most  awful  punish- 
ment. Certain  it  is,  that  the  iron  rod  of  Rome  fell  on  them, 
with  tremendous,  and  indeed,  unparalleled  severity.  After 
the  ruin  of  the  temple,  Titus  went  to  Cesarea  Philippi,  and 
celebrated  games,  in  which  many  of  the  captive  Jews  were 
thrown  to  the  wild  beasts,  and  others  were  compelled,  like 
glad'ators,  to  fight  and  kill  one  another.  At  Cesarea,  the 
chief  Roman  ciFy  in  Palestine,  the  conqueror  kept  the  birth- 
day of  his  brother,  and  at  Berytus  the  birth-day  of  his  father  ; 
and  in  these  olaces,  similar  inflictions  on  the  Jews  were  exhib- 

VOL.  III.  17 


'-W 


^1  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

ited  for  the  entertainment  of  the  brutish  multitude.  When 
Judea  was  completely  reduced,  Vespasian  reserved  it  to  him- 
self, and  ordered  the  land  to  be  sold,  and,  as  its  superior,  he 
demanded  all  the  Jews  of  the  empire  to  remit  to  him  the  half- 
shekel  or  didrachm,  which  they  had  formerly  paid  annually 
for  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  He  planted  several  colonies  in 
the  conquered  country,  one  at  Emmaus,  which  he  named 
Nicopolis,  the  city  of  victory,  and  another  at  Cesarea,  called 
Eluviana  Prima,  to  denote  that  it  was  the  first  in  dignity  of 
the  cities  of  Palestine,  the  Roman  name  for  the  whole  country 
of  the  Jews.  Samaria  was  also  probably  colonised,  for  it  was 
named  Neapolis.  Agrippa  retired  from  his  kingdom  with 
Titus,  and  resided  at  Rome  with  his  sister  Bernice. 

It  has  been  calculated  that  the  total  number  of  individuals 
who  perished  from  first  to  last  in  this  war  with  the  Romans, 
amounted  to  the  awful  sum  of  about  one  million  and  a  half 

The  spirit  of  revolt  was  not  subdued  in  the  Jews  by  their 
loss  of  country  and  power.  They  still  continued  to  expect 
the  promised  conqueror,  spoken  of  by  their  prophets,  and 
were  ever  prepared  to  listen  to  the  flattering  and  delusive 
hopes  which  any  dexterous  and  bold  impostor  held  out  to 
them.  But  everywhere  they  were  hated,  crushed,  despised, 
and  contemptuously  used.  Nor  have  we  any  reason  to  con- 
clude that  they  shall  ever  rise,  as  a  people,  to  dignity  and 
honour,  till  they  return  to  Jehovah,  the  God  of  their  fathers, 
and  acknowledge  the  just  claims  of  Jesus,  the  Son,  heir,  and 
Lord  of  David,  their  most  exalted  king.  How  truly  and  ac- 
curately have  the  predictions  of  Moses  been  accomplished  in 
past  ages !  The  Jews  have  been  dispersed  over  the  whole 
earth,  and  are  witnesses  of  the  truth  of  the  terrible  prediction, 
"Thou  shalt  become,"  as  the  Spirit  testified,  "an  astonish- 
ment, a  proverb,  and  a  byword,  among  all  nations  whither 
the  Lord  shall  lead  thee.  And  among  these  nations  shak 
thou  find  no  ease,  neither  shall  the  sole  of  thy  foot  have  rest : 
but  the  Lord  shall  give  thee  there  a  trembling  heart,  and 
failing  of  eyes,  and  sorrow  of  mind :  and  thy  life  shall  hang 
in  doubt  before  thee  :  and  thou  shak  fear  day  and  night,  and 
shalt  have  none  assurance  of  thy  life ;  in  the  morning  thou 
shak  say,  Would^to  God  it  were  even !  and  at  even  thou  shak 
say.  Would  to  God  it  were  morning !  for  the  fear  of  thine 
heart  wherewith  thou  shak  fear,  and  for  the  sight  of  thine 
«yes  which  thou  shak  see." 

The  melancholy  conclusion  of  the  Jewish  revolu  and  war 
was,  douVtless,  an  auspicious  event  in  its  relation  to  the  Fifth 


^% 


«= 


THE  ROHAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.   .        196 

Empire.  That  it  was  a  strong  confirmation  of  the  truth  of 
Christianity  has  been  ably  proved  by  its  most  enlightened  ad- 
vocates, in  as  much  as  it  was  indisputably  the  fulfilment  of 
the  most  remarkable  predictions  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
of  the  ancient  prophets,  from  Moses  to  Malachi,  respecting  the 
unbelieving  and  impenitent  part  of  that  people.  From  that 
time  the  covenant  made  with  the  Jews  at  Sinai  was  manifestly 
abolished  ;  their  forfeiture  of  its  peculiar  privileges  every  in- 
telligent and  candid  inquirer  after  truth  may  easily  perceive. 
Instead  of  the  Jews,  their  temple  and  land  being  the  special 
objects  of  the  Divine  favour,  they  were  wholly  given  up  to 
the  scorn  and  contempt  of  all  nations.  The  observance  of 
the  most  important  and  characteristic  institutes  and  rites  of 
Moses  was  no  more  practicable  ;  and  those  who  unhappily 
continued  to  believe  that  adherence  to  these  was  still  neces- 
sary in  order  to  obtain  the  approbation  of  God,  have  to  this 
day  been  without  "a  prince,  and  without  a  sacrifice,  and 
without  an  ephod,  and  without  an  image,  and  without  tera- 
phim."  They  have  been  every  where  despised  and  contu- 
meliously  treated  ;  the  divine  vengeance  has  pursued  them 
into  all  lands.  Truly  they  have  experienced  the  truth  of  the 
denunciation,  "  Therefore  will  I  number  you  to  the  slaughter  ; 
because  when  I  called,  ye  did  not  answer  ;  when  I  spake  ye 
did  not  hear ;  but  did  evil  before  mine  eyes,  and  did  choose 
that  wherein  I  delighted  not.  Therefore  thus  saith  the  Lord 
God,  Behold,  my  servants  shall  eat,  but  ye  shall  be  hungry  : 
behold,  my  servants  shall  drink,  but  ye  shall  be  thirsty:  be- 
hold, my  servants  shall  rejoice,  but  ye  shall  be  ashamed  :  be- 
hold, my  servants  shall  sing  for  joy  of  heart,  but  ye  shall  cry 
for  sorrow  of  heart,  and  shall  howl  for  vexation  of  spirit 
And  ye  shall  leave  your  name  for  a  curse  unto  my  chosen : 
for  the  Lord  God  shall  slay  thee,  and  call  his  servants  by 
another  name." 

If  one  reflects  on  the  circumstances  of  Christians  when 
Jerusalem  was  destroyed,  in  comparison  to  their  previous  his- 
tory, the  path  of  conquest  may  be  said  to  have  been  laid  open 
before  them.  Their  most  implacable  enemies  were  laid  pros- 
trate, and  their  most  mighty  opponents  had  disappeared,  Pop- 
paea  and  Nero  were  numbered  with  the  most  dishonoured  of 
the  dead  ;  and  the  word  of  survivors  was  no.  more  heard. 
That  the  faithful  followers  of  Christ  have  been,  and  always 
will  be  persecuted  in  various  ways,  the  scriptures  testify  ;  but 
while  the  Jews  were  respected  in  the  empire,  they  were  the 
principal  and  most  active  opposers  of  the  confession  of  Christ 


m 


196  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

an(kof  the  extension  of  his  dominion.  Their  hatred  of  the 
apostles  and  first  ministers  of  Christ  were  aknost  incredibly 
intense,  burning  like  a  furnace.  The  announcement  that  the 
blessings  of  Messiah's  kingdom  were  common  to  every  one, 
of  any  nation,  who  submitted  to  his  government,  roused  the 
fieri'o  and  malignant  passion  of  every  Jew  who  believed  not 
that  Jesus  was  the  Messiah,  more,  perhaps,  than  any  other 
principle  or  fact  has  ever  awakened  the  evil  propensities  of 
any  individual  or  race  of  mankind.  Had  preference  been 
given  them  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  and  all  others  been  ad- 
mitted to  an  inferior  place,  they  would  have  hailed  the  apos- 
tles as  ambassadors' from  heaven  ;  but  when  all  men  were  in- 
discriminately invited  to  receive  deliverance  and  eternal  life, 
through  belief  in  Christ,  they  strained  every  nerve  to  move 
heaven,  earth,  and  hell,  to  subvert  the  dominion  of  the  anoint- 
ed Saviour  of  man.  Of  this  proud,  insolent,  and  wicked 
conduct  of  theirs,  Paul  thus  speaks  in  his  letter  to  the  Thessa- 
lonians  ;  "  For  ye,  brethren,  became  followers  of  the  churches 
of  God,  which  in  Judea  are  in  Christ  Jesus:  for  ye  also  have 
suffered  like  things  of  your  own  countrj^men,  even  as  they 
have  of  the  Jews  ;  who  both  killed  the  Lord  Jesus  and  their 
own  prophets,  and  have  persecuted  us;  and  they  please 
not  God,  and  are  contrary  to  all  men  ;  forbidding  us  to  speak 
to  the  Gentiles,  that  they  might  be  saved,  to  fill  up  their 
sins  al way ;  for  the  wrath  is  come  upon  them  to  the  utter- 
most." 

Was  not  the  tremendous  judgment  of  Heaven  on  the  un- 
believing most  seasonably  inflicted?  The  Divine  forbear- 
ance and  riches  of  goodness  had  been  amply  shown  towards 
them.  Moral  principle  had  almost  ceased  to  operate  in  them ; 
they  were  past  feeling  the  evidence  of  truth,  and  even  the 
guik  of  immorality.  Their  national  prejudices  and  religious 
pride  seared  their  consciences,  and  they  rioted  in  evil  passions 
and  wicked  deeds.  The  Hply  Land  was  the  most  polluted 
of  all  lands,  and  fit  to  be  delivered  over  to  desolation,  to  be 
trodden  down  by  the  disobedient  nations.  On  the  other  hand, 
Christians  were  now  deprived  of  their  most  heroic  leaders,  if 
we  except  John  the  Apostle.  They  were  also  better  known, 
and,  by  consequence,  about  to  be  opposed  by  all  classes  of  un- 
believers and  false  professors  with  hitherto  unexampled  vio- 
lence. It  was,  therefore,  a  merciful  interposition  of  Heaven 
in  behalf  of  the  rising  empire  of  Christ  to  remove  their  Jew- 
ish enemies,  so  that  their  trials  might  not  be  greater  than  they 


# 


m- 


t 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  197 

might  be  able  to  endure  and  overcome.  The  state  of  the  em- 
pire too,  as  we  shall  see,  tended  to  lessen  the  number  and  se- 
verity of  their  trials,  and  allow  them  to  prosecute  their  labours 
and  to  advance  the  interests  of  truth  and  righteousness  with 
comparative  safety  fcT  many  year& 


ItLV.i!* 


« 


CHAPTER   V. 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT— CONTINUED 

The  exultation  of  the  Romans  over  the  grave  of  Nero  was 
transitory.  They  beheld  the  throne  occupied,  during  the 
short  period  of  about  eighteen  months,  by  three  successive 
emperors,  each  of  whom  perished  tragically,  after  being  the 
instruments  or  causes  of  extreme  sufferings  to  their  wretched 
subjects,  especially  to  the  citizens  of  Rome  and  inhabitants 
of  Italy,  for  the  provinces  were  comparatively  unaffected  by 
the  few  events  which  then  transpired.  The  army  and  the 
citizens  of  Rome  entertained  high  hopes  from  the  accession 
of  Galba ;  and  when  they  were  disappointed,  they  became 
incontrollable,  and  wreaked  their  vengeance  on  one  idol  that 
they  might  erect  another  far  more  worthless.  Galba  was  of 
illustrious  rank,  familiar  with  the  sciences  and  literature  of 
his  age  and  had  long  distinguished  himself  as  a  military 
leader  and  a  civil  governor.  By  the  patronage  of  Livia,  he 
was  raised  before  the  legal  age  to  the  first  office  of  the  state. 
He  refused  the  hand  of  Agrippina,  who  solicited  him  to  ac- 
cept it,  after  the  death  of  her  husband  Domitius,  the  father 
of  Nero.  Caligula  appointed  him  to  command  the  legions 
in  Germany,  where  he  gained  great  fame  by  restoring  the 
ancient  discipline  in  the  army,  and  compelling  the  Germans 
to  acknowledge  the  Roman  power.  Such  was  his  popularity 
at  the  time  of  the  death  of  Caligula,  that  many  persons  of 
great  authority  and  power  wished  him  to  seize  the  empire. 
He,  however,  retained  his  fidelity,  and  almost  forced  the 
troops  to  take  the  usual  oaths  to  Claudius,  who  immediately 
numbered  him  among  his  most  esteemed  friends.  For  two 
years  he  governed  the  Roman  provinces  in  Africa  with  a 
higher  reputation  than  his  most  honoured  predecessors.  Du- 
ring one  half  of  the  days  of  Nero,  Galba  lived  in  retirement; 
but  he  had  been  one  of  the  governors  of  Spain  eight  years 
at  the  time  that  he  assumed  the  title  of  emperor.  He 
was  now  in  his  seventy-second  year,  and  was  labouring  un 


"w 


--m 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  199 

der  the  infirmities  of  age.  The  almost  inevitable  consequence 
of  this  was,  that  he  threw  himself  wholly  into  the  hands  of 
favourites,  and  left  the  administration  to  be  conducted  by 
them,  even  when  he  knew  that  their  measures  were  neither 
just  nor  popular.  Their  acts  were,  of  course,  all  ascribed  to 
him,  and  speedily  rendered  him  as  universally  disliked  as  he 
had  formerly  been  admired.  Some  of  the  first  acts  of  his 
reign  were  most  inconsiderate,  oppressive,  and  cruel.  Before 
he  arrived  in  Rome,  the  sovereign  power  had  been  usurped 
by  Nymphidius  Sabinus,  who,  with  Tigellinus,  commanded 
the  praetorian  guards.  Though  he  was  put  to  death  by  the 
soldiers,  yet  Galba  commanded  to  kill  all  who  were  reputed 
his  accomplices,  without  form  of  law.  Many  of  these  were 
persons  of  high  rank,  and  their  destruction  and  unhappy  end 
alienated  all  ranks  from  the  emperor,  whose  age,  experience, 
and  past  integrity,  had  induced  all  to  expect  that  he  would 
have  been  guided  by  justice  and  humanity.  Other  eminent 
persons,  whose  power  was  dreaded  by  him  or  his  favourite 
ministers,  suffered  death  in  a  manner  equally  illegal  and  ar- 
bitrary, while  some  of  the  most  active  instruments  of  Nero's 
oppressions  and  crueUies  purchased  their  safety  by  enriching 
those  who  directed  the  counsels  of  Galba.  On  approaching 
the  city,  a  large  body  of  marines,  whom  Nero  had  formed 
into  a  legion,  met  him,  to  petition  a  confirmation  of  the  privi- 
leges which  had  been  granted  them.  He  declined  to  hear 
them ;  they  became  mutinous,  and  he  ordered  his  horse  to 
ride  through  the  midst  of  them.  Many  of  them  were  slain ; 
and  of  those  who  escaped  he  condemned  to  death  one  of 
every  ten.  "  As  the  public  treasure  had  been  quite  exhausted 
by  Nero,  who  had  consumed  above  seventy  millions  in  pro- 
fuse pensions  and  donations,  Galba,  after  examining  every 
expedient  to  raise  the  necessary  subsidies,  preferred  to  all 
others,  as  the  most  just,  that  of  supplying  the  public  at  the 
expense  of  those  for  whose  sake  the  public  had  been  impov- 
erished. All  the  partakers,  therefore,  in  the  late  emperor's 
extravagance  were  called  to  an  account,  and  it  was  enacted, 
that  they  should  retain  only  a  tenth  of  that  wild  liberality, 
and  restore  the  rest.  But  as  they  had  scarce  a  tenth  left  un- 
wasted,  having  lavished  the  plunder  of  the  public  and  of 
their  fellow-citizens  in  the  same  rioting  and  prodigality  in 
which  they  had  squandered  away  their  own  private  fortunes, 
the  emperor  obliged  those  who  had  had  any  dealings  with 
them,  who  had  bought  or  received  any  thing  from  them,  to 
refund  the  whole.     For  these  searches  and  exactions  a  nevr 


200  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

court  was  instituted,  in  which  presided,  according  to  Tacitus, 
thirty,  according  to  Sueton.us,  fifty  Roman  knights ;  who  ex- 
tended their  inquiries  even  into  Greece,  and  there  obliged  the 
players  upon  instruments,  the  actors,  wrestlers,  charioteers, 
the  judges  at  the  Olympic  games,  the  priestess  of  Apollo  Del- 
phicus,  6lc.  to  restore  nine-tenths  of  Nero's  donations.  As 
this  was  an  affair  without  bounds,  and  many  were  affected 
by  it,  as  on  all  hands  were  seen  open  sales,  and  the  public 
crier,  and  this  court  was  new  in  its  institution,  and  from  the 
multitude  of  officers,  from  the  numerous  suits,  heavy  and 
vexatious,  the  whole  city,  nay,  the  whole  empire,  were  in  a 
ferment.  The  soldiers  of  the  pra3torian  guards  were  kept 
quiet  a  while,  in  expectation  of  the  mighty  donative,  which 
had  been  promised  them  by  Nymphidius  in  Galba's  name, 
supposing  that  though  they  did  not  receive  the  full,  yet  the 
emperor,  notwithstanding  his  parsimony,  would  not  scruple 
to  bestow  upon  them  the  same  siim  that  had  been  given 
them  by  Nero.  But  when  he  refused  to  fulfil  the  prom- 
ise which  had  been  made  in  his  name,  and  ordered  only 
a  small  sum,  less  than  had  yet  been  given  by  any  prince,  to 
be  distributed  among  them,  they  could  not  refrain  from  se- 
ditious invectives,  vilifying  the  emperor-  for  his  old  age  and 
avarice.  This^  disaffection  was  heightened  by  a  saying  of 
Galba, — a  saying,  according  to  Tacitus,  worthy  of  the  primi- 
tive virtue  of  the  Romans  and  the  commonwealth,  but. to 
himself  dangerous :  "  That  he  chose  his  soldiers,  and  did  not 
buy  them."  His  severity,  too,  in  exacting  a  strict  observance 
of  military  discipline,  a  quality  so  admired  of  old,  and  by  the 
armies  ever  distinguished  with  applause,  was  very  grievous 
to  a  slothful  soldiery,  scorning  the  ancient  discipline,  and,  for 
thirteen  years,  so  accustomed  to  the  base  reign  of  Nero,  that 
at  this  time  they  no  less  admired  the  vices  of  their  princes 
than  of  old  they  had  adored  their  virtues.  He  discharged 
several  of  the  prretorian  guards,  who  had  been  engaged  in 
the  conspiracy  of  Nymphidius ;  and  dismissed,  without  the 
usual  rewards,  the  German  cohort,  which  had  served  the 
other  Cesars  with  unshaken  fidelity,  ordering  them  to  re- 
turn to  their  country,  because  he  suspected  their  fidelity  and 
loyahy. 

The  disaflfection  of  the  soldiers  and  citizens  of  Rome  excited 
in  Galba  distressing  apprehensions ;  and  these  were  much  in- 
creased when  he  received  information  of  the  revohof  the  Ro« 
man  legions  in  Upper  Germany,  who  clamorously  demanded 
the  senate  to  elect  a  new  emperor.     To  avert  all  (Wnger,  he 


1 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  201 

resolved  to  execute,  without  delay,  the  purpose  which  had  al- 
ready occupied  his  thought,  to  choose  a  successor  to  the  throne. 
In  order  to  this,  he  called  a  council  of  his  most  confidential 
ministers,  Vinius  and  Laco,  and  Marius  Celsus,  who  was 
chosen  consul  for  the  following  year,  and  D.  Geminius, 
governor  of  Rome.  Otho,  whom  Nero  had  separated  from 
his  wife,  that  he  might  himself  possess  her,  was  governor  of 
Lusitania,  in  Spain.  He  was  the  first  Roman  governor  who 
publicly  acknowledged  Galba.  He  had  bribed  Vinius,  who, 
therefore,  most  earnestly  urged  the  emperor  to  adopt  him  for 
his  son  and  successor.  Geminius  as  strongly  recommended 
Dolabella,  who  was  nearly  related  to  Galba.  But  the  aged 
prince,  influenced  merely  by  regard  for  the  public  wellare, 
preferred  Piso  Licinanus,  a  Roman  noble  and  descendant  of 
Pompey  the  Great.  He  was  in  the  vigour  of  life,  and  uni- 
versally known  to  be  possessed  of  great  talents,  adorned  by 
singular  modesty.  This  decision  was  soon  made  known  to 
the  senate  and  army.  Otho  conceived  himself  insulted,  for 
he  believed  that  he  had  the  first  claims  on  the  patronage  of 
Galba.  He  immediately  prepared  to  contend  for  the  imperial 
crown;  and  in  this  he  was  encouraged  by. his  numerous 
freedmen,  and  by  the  astrologers  whom  he  consulted.  One 
of  his  freedmen,  named  Onomastus,  by  the  agency  of  two  sol- 
diers, actually  procured  for  him  the  sovereignty  of  the  world. 
Rome  was  full  of  troops,  who  were  already  inclined  to  revolt. 
By  the  secret  manoeuvres  of  Veturius,  a  private  of  the  life 
guards,  and  B.  Proculus.  who  held  the  office  of  tesserarius, 
which  was  to  carry  to  the  same  band  the  parole  in  writing 
from  the  tribune,  the  praetorian  guard  were  persuaded  to  sup- 
port the  pretensions  of  Otho.  He  was  in  Rome,  and  they 
proposed  to  seize  him  when  he  was  returning  home  from  sup- 
per, one  night  in  January,  and  publicly  proclaim  him  em- 
peror. 

The  night  fi.Ked  on  passed,  and  the  emperor  was  admon- 
ished of  the  conspiracy,  in  the  presence  of  Otho,  who  instantly 
retired  from  court.  He  was  discovered  by  about  twenty  of  the 
guards;  they  saluted  him  emperor,  and  forcibly  carried  him 
to  the  camp,  where  he  was  received  by  all  the  soldiers  as 
their  sovereign  and  leader.  Galba  in  vain  attempted  to  sup- 
press the  revolt.  The  very  guards  of  his  person  deserted 
him  ;  and  those  who  carried  him  through  the  city  threw  the 
chair  from  them,  and  left  him  exposed  to  the  fury  of  the  sol- 
diers. He  was  killed,  and  his  body  shockingly  mangled. 
Piso  was  dragged  from  the  temple  of  Vesta,  whither  he  had 


202  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT. 

fled  for  safety,  and  the  heads  of  both  were  presented  by 
bloody  hands  to  Otho.  Galba's,  after  being  exposed  for  some- 
time on  a  pole,  was  left  on  the  tomb  of  one  of  Nero's  f reed- 
men  whom  he  had  executed ;  there  it  was  found  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning,  and  laid  with  the  ashes  of  his  body,  which, 
after  the  manner  of  the  Roman  great  men,  had  been  burnt 
He  had  reigned  only  about  seven  months. 

The  news  of  Galba's  death  were  no  sooner  divulged  than 
the  senate,  the  Roman  knights,  and  the  people,  earnestly 
crowded  to  the  camp.  They  condemned  the  conduct  of  Galba, 
magnified  the  judgment  and  choice  of  the  soldiery,  kissed 
the  hands  of  Otho,  and  the  more  counterfeit  their  indications 
of  zeal,  the  more  loud  were  their  protestations.  The  senate, 
as  if  they  were  not  the  same  men,  says  Plutarch,  or  had  other 
gods  to  swear  by,  took  the  same  oath  to  Otho  which  Otho  had 
not  long  before  taken  to  Galba.  and  had  just  then  violated. 
The  new  emperor  received  all  with  great  demonstrations 
of  kindness ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  endeavoured  to  pacify  the 
soldiery,  who  breathed  nothing  but  menaces  and  ravage. 
They  demanded,  that  Manius  Celsus,  consul  elect,  and  a  faith- 
ful friend  to  Galba,  even  in  his  last  distress,  should  be  instantly 
put  to  death.  They  hated  him  on  account  of  his  integrity 
and  unshaken  fidelity ;  but  what  they  chiefly  aimed  at  was, 
to  have  their  hands  let  loose  to  general  pillage  and  massacre, 
and  to  destroy  every  worthy  and  able  man  in  the  Roman  state. 
As  Otho  had  not  sufficient  authority  to  check  the  fury  of  the 
Hcentious  soldiery,  he  pretended  great  wrath  against  Celsus, 
ordered  him  to  be  put  in  irons,  as  if  he  reserved  him  for  some 
more  severe  punishment ;  and  by  that  artifice  redeemed  him 
from  a  violent  death.  From  this  moment,  all  things  were 
transacted  by  the  arbitrary  will  of  the  soldiers :  by  them  were 
chosen  the  captains  of  the  praBtorian  guards,  namely  Plotius 
Primus,  once  a  common  soldier ;  with  him  they  joined  Lici- 
nius  Proculus,  one  in  high  confidence  with  Otho,  and  throught 
to  have  been  employed  by  him  to  promote  his  intrigues.  To 
the  government  of  Rome  they  advanced  Flavins  Sabinus, 

rtly  in  deference  to  the  judgment  of  Nero,  in  whose  reign 
had  administered  the  same  office,  and  partly  from  regard 
to  his  brother  Vespasian.  They  then  demanded,  that  the 
fees  which  they  had  been  used  to  pay  to  their  centurions  for 
exemption  from  certain  military  burdens,  should  be  utterly 
abolished,  for  unde'  this  name  every  soldier  paid  an  annual 
tribute ;  hence  the  fourth  part  of  a  legion  used  to  be  absent 
at  once,  roaming,  like  vagrants,  up  and  down  the  countries 


1 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  203 

where  they  were  quartered,  and  robbing  and  plundering,  in 
order  to  raise  money  wherewith  to  purchase  a  dispensation 
from  military  toils.  As  most  of  the  soldiers  were  corrupted 
by  such  wild  immunity,  and  reduced  to  beggary  by  the  fees 
they  paid  for  it,  they  were  always  ready  to  run  headlong  into 
sedition,  dissension,  and  civil  wars.  Otho,  therefore,  readily 
granted  them  their  request ;  but,  that  he  might  not  estrange  from 
him  the  affections  of  the  centurions,  he  undertook  to  pay  out  of 
his  own  revenue  the  fees  for  such  exemptions  and  furloughs, 
when  they  were  judged  necessary  ;  a  regulation  which  by  his 
successors  was  perpetuated  as  part  of  the  military  establish- 
ment." 

Otho  had  scarcely  been  publicly  proclaimed  by  the  senate, 
emperor  Cesar  Augustus,  when  he  was  dreadfully  alarmed 
by  the  report  of  the  revolt  of  the  troops  in  Lower  Germany, 
who  had  saluted  their  commander,  Vitellius,  emperor.  These 
were  speedily  joined  by  the  legions  and  Upper  Germany; 
and  the  colonies  of  Cologne,  Treves,  and  Langres,  zealously 
supplied  Vilellius  with  men,  horses,  and  money.  He  re- 
ceived a  great  accession  by  several  of  the  Roman  governors 
in  Gaul  and  Britain  declaring  for  him.  I^e  owed,  however, 
his  success  much  more  to  the  aversion  of  the  army  to  Galba 
than  to  his  own  talents  or  character.  Except  his  descent  from 
one  of  the  most  illustrious  families  of  Rome,  and  his  useless 
liberality  to  the  soldiers  and  the  ignorant,  idle,  and  impure 
multitude,  he  had  nothing  to  recommend  him  to  the  people. 
From  his  youth,  he  was  infamous  for  every  species  of  vice, 
including  the  most  abominable  that  ever  debased  human  na- 
ture.    His  intemperance  and  gluttony  were  almost  incredible. 

During  the  brief  period  of  his  reign  in  Rome  his  con- 
temptible manner  of  life  is  thus  described :  "  He  quite  aban- 
doned the  functions  of  an  emperor,  resigning  himself  en* 
lirely  to  riot,  luxury,  and  gluttony.  In  his  court  no  man 
strove  to  rise  by  virtue  or  ability.  One  only  road  there  was 
to  preferment,  namely,  by  means  of  consuming  banquets,  to 
gorge  the  appetite  of  the  emperor,  ever  craving,  and  never 
satiated.  He  ate  constantly  three,  and  often  four  and  five 
meals  a-day,  having  brought  himself  to  a  habit  of  discharg- 
ing his  stomach  by  vomiting  when  he  pleased.  .  All  his  meals 
were  expensive  almost  beyond  belief,  but  not  always  at  his 
own  charge ;  for  he  frequently  invited  himself  to  the 
houses  of  his  friends,  to  breakfast  in  one  place,  to  dine  in  an- 
other, and  to  sup  in  a  third,  all  on  the  same  day.  He  was 
every  where  entertained  in  a  most  sumptuous  and  expensive 


9 


r^ 


204  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

manner :  but  of  all  these  entertainments  the  most  memorable 
was  made  for  him  by  Lucius  his  brother ;  in  which,  if  Sue- 
tonius and  Eutropius  are  to  be  credited,  two  thousand  differ 
ent  sorts  of  fish,  and  seven  thousand  of  fowl,  were  served  up 
the  choicest  of  both  sorts  that  the  sea  and  land  afforded.  His 
own  profuseness  fell  not  much  short  of  his  brother's  at  the 
dedication  of  a  charger,  which,  by  reason  of  its  capacity,  he 
termed  the  target  of  Minerva.  It  was  nevertheless  filled  with 
the  livers  of  the  fish  called  scari,  the  brains  of  pheasants  and 
peacocks,  the  tongues  of  birds  called  phoenicopiteri,  and  the 
small  guts  of  lampreys  brought  .from  the  Carpathian  Sea, 
and  the  farthermost  coasts  of  Spain.  As  he  judged  it  suffi- 
cient to  enjoy  present  pleasures,  without  troubling  himself 
about  future  events,  he  squandered  away  in  banquets  above 
seven  millions  of  our  money  in  four  months ;  and  Josephus 
asserts,  that  if  he  had  reigned  long,  the  whole  weahh  of  the 
empire  would  not  have  been  sufficient  to  supply  the  expenses 
of  his  table.  Besides  the  vast  sums  he  consumed  by  his 
riotous  living,  he  erected  at  a  great  charge  stables  for  the  use 
of  Charioteers,  exhibited  almost  daily  shows  in  the  circus, 
combats  in  the  theatre  and  ampitheatre,  and  wantonly  scat- 
tered his  treasures  in  every  kind  of  expense.  Nothing  gave 
greater  disgust  to  the  virtuous,  though  it  proved  matter  of  joy- 
to  the  profligate  and  debauched,  than  his  solemnizing  with 
great  pomp  in  the  field  of  Mars  the  obsequies  of  Nero,  and 
obliging  the  Augustal  priests,  an  order  by  Tiberius  conse- 
crated to  the  Julian  family,  to  assist  at  that  ceremony." 

While  his  power  was  great  in  many  provinces,  the  greater 
number  remained  faithful  to  Otho,  and  this  occasioned  a  san- 
guinary civil  virar,  which  produced  incalculable  misery  to 
the  regions  where  it  prevailed.  Their  respective  forces  were 
great ;  and  notwithstanding  each  of  the  rivals  for  power 
were  willing  to  make  great  concessions  to  the  other,  yet  the 
contest  continued  till  Otho,  in  despair,  took  his  own  life.  Sev- 
eral great  battles  were  fought,  and  many  thousands  perished. 
The  submission  of  Otho's  troops  brought  no  peace  to  Italy. 
The  citizens  of  Rome  indeed  shouted  for  joy,  and  the  senate 
heaped  honours  on  Vitellius ;  but  the  inhabitants  of  the  coun- 
try were  afflicted  with  greater  calamities  than  during  the 
war.  The  soldiers  who  had  conquered,  distributed  among 
the  cities  and  municipal  towns,  committed  most  dreadful  de- 
vastations, without  even  sparing  the  temples.  Some,  in  the 
disguise  of  soldiers,  killed  their  particular  enemies  ;  and  the 
soldiers  themselves,  as  they  were  well  acquainted  with  the 


m  ^ 


TH»  ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRTOMPHAift.  205 

country,  marking  out  the  richest  inhabitants,  plundered  their 
houses  and  farms,  putting  all  to  fire  and  sword  without  mercy, 
if  any  resistance  was  offered.  Their  generals  durst  not  re- 
strain them,  being  themselves  equally  guilty,  and  awed  by 
their  men.  They  exhausted  Italy;  the  most  wealthy  were 
deprived  of  all. 

In  his  progress  to  take  possession  of  Rome,  Vitellius  re- 
ceived tidings  from  his  friends  in  Syria  that  the  eastern  prov- 
inces had  taken  the  oath  of  fiielity  to  him.  Having  now,  as 
he  supposed,  no  rival  power  to  fear,  he  and  his  army  aban- 
doned themselves  to  excessive  sensuality,  rapine,  and  murder. 
In  all  the  great  towns  through  which  he  passed  after  leaving 
Bononia,  the  moJern  Bologne,  "every  pleasure  proved  a  bail 
to  stop  him.  He  entered  the  cities  in  a  kind  of  triumph,  and 
stirred  not  upon  the  rivers  but  in  his  painted  galleys,  cu- 
riously adorned  with  garlands  and  flowers  and  plentifully 
stored  with  the  most  e.xquisite  delicacies  and  mcentives  to  glut- 
tony. He  was  accompanied  by  threescore  thousand  armed 
men,  a  greater  number  of  retainers  to  the  camp,  and  an  im- 
mense multitude  of  buffoons,  mimics,  players,  singers,  chari- 
oteers, 6lc.,  for  in  such  disgraceful  familiarities  he  took  great 
pleasure.  Among  these  there  was  no  order  or  discipline; 
nay,  their  rapines  and  daily  disorders,  however  insupportable, 
proved  to  the  emperor  matter  of  sport  and  diversion.  Hence, 
not  satisfied  with  free  quarters  wherever  they  came,  they  en- 
franchised slaves,  plundered  the  houses  of  their  hosts,  in- 
sulted their  wives  and  children,  and,  where  any  resistance 
was  offered,  beat,  wounded,  and  killed  at  their  pleasure: 
for  though  they  were  constantly  quarreling  among  them- 
selves, yet,  in  contesting  with  the  peasants,  they  were  always 
unanimous.  Not  only  the  colonies,  villages,  and  municipal 
cities  were  consumed  by  furnishing  such  vast  supplies  of 
provision  ;  but  as  the  grain  was  then  ripe,  the  lands  were 
stripped  and  laid  waste.  As  the  emperor  drew  near  Rome, 
the  crowd,  great  in  itself,  was  mightily  increased  by  the  arri- 
val of  the  senators  and  Roman  knights,  who  came  out  to 
meet  the  emperor;  a  compliment  which  some  paid  out  of 
fear,  others  out  of  flattery.  When  the  mighty  muhitude  was 
within  seven  miles  of  Rome,  Vitellius  caused  a  quantity  of 
meat  ready  dressed  to  be  distributed  amongst  the  soldiers,  to 
every  man  his  portion,  as  if  he  had  been  fattening  a  number 
of  gladiators.  In  the  meantime,  the  populace,  who  came  in 
droves  to  the  camp,  and  were  scattered  all  over  it,  while  the 
soldiers  heeded  them  not,  cut  and  conveyed  away  their  belts 

VOL.  m.  18 


^  ■  ■    ■    *  ■%)! 


206  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHAMT. 

without  being  perceived  ;  which,  it  seems,  was  a  joke  in 
great  vogue  with  the  multitude  and  the  rabble  of  the  city. 
Bat  the  soldiers,  who  were  strangers  to  such  jokes,  and  could 
not  brook  them,  upon  being  asked,  by  way  of  derision,  what 
was  become  of  their  belts,  ran  to  arms,  and,  with  their  drawn 
swords,  falling  upon  the  disarmed  multitude,  slaughtered 
great  numbers  of  them,  which  occasioned  a  general  alarm 
and  consternation  in  the  city.  When  the  tumult  in  the  camp 
was  composed,  Vitellius,  mounted  upon  a  stately  courser,  and 
in  his  coat  of  armour,  with  his  sword  by  his  side,  began  to 
advance  to  the  gates  of  the  city,  ordering  the  senate  and  peo- 
ple to  march  before  him.  But  being  advised  by  his  friends 
not  to  enter  the  city  in  his  warlike  dress,  as  if  it  had  been  ta- 
ken by  storm,  he  put  on  the  senatorial,  robe,  and  made  an 
entry  altogether  orderly  and  pacific,  surrounded  with  stand- 
ards and  colours,  and  followed  by  his  numerous  troops, — the 
whole  a  glorious* sight,  and  an  army  worthy  of  a  better  em- 
peror. In  this  state  he  went  to  the  capitol,  to  offer  sacrifice 
to  Jupiter ;  and  there  finding  his  mother  Sextilia,  embraced 
and  honoured  her  with  the  title  of  Augusta.  From  the  cap- 
itol, he  marched  in  the  same  pomp  to  the  imperial  palace. 
The  next  day  he  assembled  the  senate,  and  made  a  public 
speech,  in  which  he  promised  extraordinary  advantages  from 
his  administration,  uttered  high  and  pompous  things  of  him- 
self, and  chiefly  enlarged  upon  his  temperance,  though  all 
Italy  had  seen  him,  during  his  march,  wallowing  in  volup- 
tuousness, and  continually  intoxicated  with  wine.  The 
thoughtless  multitude,  however,  broke  out  into  loud  acclama- 
tions and  wishes ;  and,  as  he  refused  the  title  of  Augustus, 
they  pressed  him  so  that  he  accepted  it  at  last,  with  as  much 
vanity  as  he  had  before  refused  it.  He  likewise  took  upon 
him  the  office  of  chief  pontiff;  but  was  so  ignorant  of  the 
religious  rites,  that,  a  few  days  after,  that  is,  on  the  eighteenth 
of  July,  he  published  an  edict  concerning  the  celebration  of 
certain  solemnities,  though  that  day  had  been  always  held 
unlucky."  He  now  endeavoured  by  every  art  to  please  the 
muhitude,  and  committed  the  administration  wholly  to  favour- 
ites, who  imitated  him  in  all  his  love  of  splendour  and  low 
pleasures,  and  chiefly  devised  by  what  means  they  might 

trocure  for  themselves  all  that  was  valuable  in  the  empire, 
a  four  months,  it  is  said,  one  of  his  freedmen  had  obtained 
wealth  equal  to  what  had  been  possessed  by  all  former  im- 
perial freedmen. 
No  one  can  be  surprised  that  Vespasian  suceeded  m  dii- 


# 


#= 


I  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  207 

it 

'  possessing  such  a  vile,  and  profligate  man  of  the  throne  oi 

Rome.  It  only  seems  strange  that  he  should  have  ever  ac- 
knowledged him,  as  we  find  he  did,  and  displeased  his  army 
by  requiring  them  also  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him. 
He  was,  however,  soon  prevailed  on  by  the  friends  of  Rome 
to  assume  the  supreme  power.  He  first  formed  an  imperial 
council  at  Berytus,  the  present  Bey  rout,  and  made  great  pre- 
parations for  war.  Information  of  this  no  sooner  reached 
lllyricum,  than  the  Roman  legions  there  discovered  extraor- 
dinary zeal  in  his  cause,  and  those  in  Panonia  and  Moesia  fol- 
lowed their  example.  This  defection  of  the  troops  could  not 
long  be  unknown  in  all  the  western  provinces  of  the  empire  ; 
but  Vespasian's  pretensions  and  deeds  Vitellius  employed 
every  possible  means  to  conceal.  On  the  mention  of  his 
name,  he  is  said  to  have  been  observed  to  start,  even  before 
he  had  heard  of  his  revolt.  And  now  his  only  consolation 
was,  that  the  governors  of  Africa,  Spain,  Germany,  and 
Britain  had  not  renounced  his  authority. 

Vespasian  was  the  first  of  his  family  who  was  numbere<l 
among  the  Roman  nobility.  His  grandfather  and  father  were 
more  eminent  for  virtue  than  rank.  The  latter  so  distinguishe<i 
himself  for  integrity,  as  collector  of  taxes  in  one  of  the  cities 
of  Asia,  that  the  citizens  raised  statues  to  his  honour,  on  which 
was  the  remarkable  inscription,  "  To  the  honest  publican." 
Vespasian  successively  rose  to  the  first  offices  of  state,  perhaps 
partly  by  his  meanness  in  flattering  the  emperors  Claudius 
and  Caligula.  When  he  accompanied  the  former  to  Britain, 
his  eminent  military  talents  were  developed,  although  he  held 
only  the  office  of  tribune.  In  the  rank  of  proconsul,  Nero 
sent  him  to  govern  Africa,  where  his  administration  procured 
him  some  celebrity.  But  his  great  talents  were  more  fully 
displayed  in  Judea,and  induced  not  only  his  own  officers,  but  all 
who  knew  him  to  regard  him  worthy  of  the  sovereignty  of  the 
empire. 

While  Vespasian  was  employed  in  the  east  in  preparation, 
he  commissioned  Mutianus,  governor  of  Syria,  to  proceed  with 
an  army  to  Italy.  Before  his  arrival  in  Rome,  the  cause  of 
Vespasian  had  triumphed,  chiefly  by  the  skill  and  bravery  of 
Antonius  Primus,  who  became  the  principal  leader  of  the 
legions  in  Illyria.  He  boldly  marched  into  Cisalpine  Gaul, 
and  after  capturing  several  cities,  engaged  the  army  of  Vitel- 
lius, near  Cremona.  This  proved  a  dreadful  conflict,  in 
which  the  nearest  relations  fiercely  opposed  one  another. 
The  troops  of  Vitellius  were  totally  defeated,  with  the  loss  ol 


®=—  =^  A 


-m 


208  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

thirty  thousand  men.  Those  who  escaped  sought  rtfuge 
under  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  defended  themselves  by  a 
deep  ditch.  The  conquerors  by  force  entered  the '  camp,  the 
ground  of  which  was  covered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  its  de- 
fenders. The  city  surrendered,  but  was  pillaged  and 
burnt,  in  revenge  for  the  fidelity  of  the  citizens  to  Vitellius ; 
and  not  less  than  fifty  thousand  of  them  were  murdered.  As 
soon  as  this  event  was  known  in  Spain  and  Britain,  the  Romans 
ip  these  countries  declared  for  Vespasian. 

Vitellius  placed  himself  at  the  head  of  an  army  to  oppose 
the  entrance  of  Vespasian's  army  into  Italy  ;  but  on  learning 
that  the  fleet  stationed  at  Misenum  had  deserted  him,  he 
fled  in  consternation  to  Rome.  In  consultation  with  F. 
Sabinus,  Vespasian's  brother,  he  proposed  to  abdicate  the 
throne.  To  this  the  consul,  troops,  and  people  of  Rome 
would  not  consent.  Sabinus,  urged  by  his  friends,  resorted 
to  arms  to  compel  him  to  retire.  He  was  opposed  by  the 
troops  of  Vitellius,  and  fled  to  the  capitol,  which  was  imme- 
diately besieged  and  burnt  to  the  ground.  He  was  made 
prisoner,  and  murdered.  Domitian,  the  younger  son  of  Ves- 
pasian, was  saved  by  the  interposition  of  one  of  his  freed  men, 
who  disguised  him  with  the  linen  robes  of  the  priests  who 
offered  sacrifices  in  the  capitol. 

Vitellius  once  more  sent  messengers  to  A.  Primus  ex- 
pressing his  willingness  to  accept  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty 
mto  which  he  had  entered  with  Sabinus.  He  was  informed 
that  he  must  now  unconditionally  surrender.  Primus  speed- 
ily advanced  with  his  army  towards  Rome.  They  were  met 
by  the  feeble  forces  of  the  capital.  The  contest,  however,  was 
fierce ;  a  more  sanguinary  battle,  it  is  said,  the  Romans 
never  witnessed.  On  the  city  being  captured,  Vitellius 
fled  from  the  palace,  but,  terrified  by  being  abandoned  by 
all,vhe  returned,  and  concealed  himself  under  a  bed  in  the 
porter's  lodge.  He  was  discovered,  dragged  half  naked 
through  the  streets,  insulted  by  the  people,  put  to  death,  and, 
with  every  species  of  indignity,  cast  into  the  Tiber.  His 
body  was  afterwards  recovered  and  buried  by  his  widow. 
His  brother  Lucius  hastened  to  his  relief,  but  being  informed 
of  his  melancholy  end,  he  and  his  band  surrendered  to  the 
conquerors.  He  was  slain,  but  his  followers  were  dismissed. 
Though  there  remained  no  longer  cause  of  strife,  the  victors 
continued  to  plunder  the  city.  They  filled  the  streets  and 
public  places  with  the  bodies  of  those  whom  they  murdered, 
that  they  might  obtain  their  property.     "  The  indigent  part 


i 


m- 


Ttfte  RblfAH    EtaPIRE   TRIUMPHAlrtf.  208 

of  the  populace  failed  not  to  join  the  soldiers  in  the  general 
violence  and  spoil,  so  that  on  all  sides  nothing  was  heard  but 
dismal  complaints  and  outcries,  and  nothing  seen  but  the 
dreadful  calamities  of  a  city  stormed  and  sacked.  Domitian, 
who  already  enjoyed  the  name  and  residence  of  Cesar,  instead 
of  striving  to  check  the  insolence  of  the  soldiery,  attended  to 
his  infamous  pleasures,  and  only  by  his  dissolute  life  showed 
himself  the  son  of  an  emperor.  Primas,  in  whose  hands  the 
whole  power  was  lodged,  made  use  of  it  only  to  plunder  more 
freely,  being  entirely  taken  up  in  conveying  from  the  palace 
treasure,  moveables,  and  domestic  slaves,  as  if  he  were  still 
seizing  the  spoil  of  Cremona.  When  the  fury  of  the  soldiers 
began  to  abate,  the  senate  met  and  confirmed  the  sovereignty 
of  Vespasian,  decreeing  to  him  with  great  alacrity  all  the  titles 
and  prerogatives  ever  vested  in  former  princes.  They  de- 
clared him  consul,  giving  him  his  son  Titus  for  colleague  in  that 
dignity.  Domitian  they  honoured  with  the  praetorship  and 
consular  authority ;  they  presented  Primus  with  the  consular 
ornaments,  and  Cornelius  Fuscus  and  Arrius  Varus,  with 
those  of  the  praetorship.  All  these  decrees  were  passed  at  the 
motion  of  Valerius  Asiaticus,  consul  elect." 

The  day  after  Vitellius  was  murdered,  Mutianus  reached 
Rome,  and  assumed  all  the  dignity  and  authority  of  emperor, 
except  the  title.  Under  his  administration,  several  persons 
conceived  to  have  some  claims  to  the  throne  were  put  to  death ; 
and  the  Romans  suffered  much  in  subduing  the  Germans  and 
Gauls,  who  had  cast  off  the  yoke  of  Rome.  Domitian  was, 
however,  nominally  invested  with  the  chief  authority  in  the 
metropolis.  Vespasian  at  length  reached  Italy,  with  the  fame, 
not  only  of  a  great  commander,  but  also  of  one  whom  it  was 
believed  the  gods  favoured  with  the  power  of  working  mira- 
cles ;  for  when  in  Egypt  he  was  astonished  to  find  that  he 
had  restored  sight  to  one  man  reputed  blind,  and  healed  a 
paralytic.  The  Romans  received  him  with  the  strongest 
martfs  of  respect ;  the  streets  through  which  he  passed  to  the 
capitol  were  "  strewed  with  flowers,  and  the  whole  city,  like 
a  temple,  filled  with  precious  odours  and.  perfumes.  Altars 
were  everywhere  raised,  and  victims  slain,  with  supplications 
to  the  gods  that  Vespasian  might  rule  the  empire  many  years, 
and  his  son  Titus  reign  after  him  ;  that  the  sovereignty  might 
for  ever  remain  in  his  family,  and  Rome  flourish  under  their 
auspices  and  authority.  Great  expectations  were  formed  of 
Vespasian  by  all  ranks  of  men,  and  no  one  was  disappointed 
in  his  expectations ;  for  he  made  it  his  whole  business  to  re- 
18* 


r- 


210  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRroMPHANT. 

establish  the  commonwealth,  and  restore  the  empire  to  its  fol 
mer  grandeur ;  to  conform  to  the  laws,  and  see  that  all  others 
conformed  to  them ;  to  consult  the  good  of  the  whole,  and  of 
individuals  ;  to  prevent  oppression,  and  to  punish  it ;  to  pro- 
mote virtue,  and  reward  it ;  to  enforce  the  observance  of  the 
laws  by  his  example,  as  well  as  by  his  judgments ;  and  to 
merit  the  affections  and  fidelity  of  the  people,  by  his  paternal 
care  and  impartiality." 

Compared  with  princes  in  general,  Vespasian  was  almost 
in  all  things  a  perfect  pattern  of  a  wise,  just,  merciful,  and 
generous  sovereign.  He  expended  immense  wealth  in  the 
patronage  of  the  learned,  and  in  the  embellishment  of  Rome. 
He  far  surpassed  the  great  men  of  his  country  who  preceded 
him,  in  clemency  ;  and  revenge  appeared  scarcely  ever  to 
regulate  his  conduct ;  but  his  splendid  character  was  deeply 
stained  by  his  severity  to  Julius  Sabinus,  who  had  raised  an 
insurrection  in  Gaul,  and  assumed  the  title  of  emperor  on  the 
death  of  Vitellius.  Sabinus,  when  his  troops  were  killed  or 
dispersed,  retired  to  a  cave  which  he  had  prepared  unknown 
to  all  except  two  faithful  freedmen.  Here  he  lived  with  his  af- 
fectionate wife  and  children,  nine  years.  By  her  address 
and  precaution,  he  sometimes  mixed  in  society,  and  once  vis- 
ited Rome.  Being  at  last  discovered,  and  carried  to  Rome, 
the  husband  and  wife  were,  without  any  state  necessity,  put 
to  death.  Their  two  children  were  spared,  and  trained  up  at 
the  public  expense. 

Vespasian  was  considered  by  many  avaricious,  and  it  is 
certain  that  he  oppressed  the  empire  by  taxation^  This  is  a 
common  defect  in  magnificent  princes,  for  otherwise  they  find 
it  impossible  to  raise  supplies  equal  to  their  great  expenditure. 
The  latter  is  deemed  indispensable,  in  order  to  gratify  and 
procure  the  applause  of  the  few,  without  reflecting  on  the 
misery  inflicted  on  the  many.  His  government  was  probably 
nevertheless,  felt  less  oppressive  than  almost  any  of  his  pre- 
decessors ;  for  there  were  only  two  limited  insurrections  du- 
ring his  reign,  and  these  were  speedily  suppressed.  The 
subjugation  of  the  greater  part  of  Britain  augmented  the 
glorv  of  his  reign.  '  This  was  chiefly  effected  by  the  justly 
celebrated  Julius  Agricola,  who  was  not  less  distinguished  by 
his  political  wisdom  and  humanity,  than  by  his  warlike  skill 
and  bravery.  He  extended  the  power  of  Rome  over  Eng- 
land, and  the  most  valuable  parts  of  Scotland  ;  and,  as  gov- 
ernor of  the  Britons,  for  several  years  promoted  civilization 
amonjr  them.     They  were  taught  the  sciences,  and  the  art* 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  211 

of  the  Romans  excited  them  to  seek  the  conveniences  and 

comforts  of  enlightened  society. 

After  a  glorious  reign  of  about  ten  years,  Vespasian  died, 
A.  D.  79,  deeply  regretted  by  his  numerous  subjects.  In  the 
early  part  of  his  reign,  he  conferred  on  his  son  Titus  the  title 
of  emperor,  admitted  him  to  share  with  him  the  supreme 
power,  and  gave  him  the  command  of  the  praetorian  guards. 
He  was,  therefore,  enabled,  without  much  difficulty,  to  ascend 
the  throne  of  his  father,  notwithstanding  the  pretension  of  his 
brother,  that  his  father  desired  that  they  should  divide  the 
power  between  them.  Vespasian  had  always  treated  his  son 
Titus  as  his  equal  and  friend.  They  had  both  been  honoured 
at  Rome  by  a  triumph  commemorating  the  conquest  of  Judea. 
It  was  a  scene  of  great  splendour  ;  all  the  wealth  of  the 
Jews,  which  Titus  had  carried  to  Rome,  was  displayed  before 
the  astonished  multitude  ;  and  the  triumphal  arch,  describing 
his  noble  exploits,  still  remains  a  witness  of  the  dreadful 
overthrow  of  the  Jewish  nation.  At  the  time  of  this  triumph, 
the  temple  of  Janus  was  shut,  to  intimate  that  profound  peace 
prevailed  in  the  whole  empire.  To  perpetuate  this  joyful 
event,  the  temple  of  peace  was  erected,  and  in  it  were  depos- 
ited the  spoils  of  the  great  city  of  Jerusalem.  Titus  was 
brought  up  in  the  court  of  Nero  with  the  amiable  Britan- 
nicus,  for  whom  he  cherished  ardent  affection,  and  he 
never  ceased  to  regret  his  premature  and  cruel  death.  After 
his  own  exaltation  to  the  throne,  he  raised  two  statues  to  his 
memory.  Favoured  with  the  best  education,  Titus  was  in 
youth  admired  for  his  eloquence  and  poetical  talents,  and 
scarcely  less  for  his  bravery  and  modesty.  He  was  admired 
for  the  strength  of  his  social  affection  ;  and  was  the  protector 
of  his  brother,  whose  imprudent  and  wicked  conduct  he  was 
apprehensive  should  provoke  their  father  to  great  wrath.  He 
rose  to  considerable  distinction  in  the  state  and  army,  before 
he  was  intrusted  with  the  command  of  the  army  in  Judea. 
But  after  his  return  to  Rome,  if  Suetonius  may  be  credited, 
he  debased  himself  by  injustice  as  a  judge,  and  by  pursuing 
the  most  worthless  and  most  polluting  pleasures,  insomuch 
that  scarcely  any  prince  ever  commenced  a  reign  "  with  a 
more  sullied  reputation,  or  more  abhorred  by  the  populace." 
The  change  which  passed  over  him  on  his  succeeding  to  the 
«ntire  power  of  the  empire,  was  therefore  not  more  astonish- 
ing than  it  was  pleasing  to  all  ranks.  Though  he  was  in  his 
fortieth  year,  by  vigorous  and  resolute  efforts  he  changed  his 
general  habits  and  manner  of  life,  and,  during  the  short 


fp' 


•a 


212  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

period  which  Providence  permitted  him  to  reign,  he  equalled, 
if  he  did  not  surpass  every  Roman  emperor,  in  moderation, 
kindness,  justice,  and  humanity.  '  Among  the  first  signs  of 
his  reformation,  he  dismissed  Bernice,  the  Jewish  princess, 
sister  of  Agrippa,  to  whom  he  was  exceedingly  attached, 
merely  because  the  Romans  regarded  his  union  to  a  foreign 
lady,  especially  one  of  Jewish  descent,  degrading  to  a  Roman 
emperor.  She  was  not  only  removed  from  court,  but  from 
Rome  and  even  Italy.  He  studied  propriety  of  conduct,  pro- 
moted peace  by  every  proper  means,  and  was  incessant  in 
doing  good,  insomuch  that  he  was  by  universal  consent  de- 
nominated, "the  delight  of  mankind."  One  evening  he  was 
told  that  he  had  bestowed  no  favour  on  that  day  ;  his  expres- 
sion of  regret  was  so  striking  and  memorable  as  to  become 
almost  proverbial, — "  My  friends,  I  have  lost  a  day."  When 
he  entered  on  the  office  of  high-priest,  he  pleaded  that  he 
might  be  excused  from  shedding  human  blood,  and  he  par- 
doned two  senators  whom  the  senate  had  condemned  to  death 
on  being  detected  in  forming  a  conspiracy  against  him.  He 
abrogated  the  law  of  majesty,  and  forbade  the  prosecution  of 
any  who  reviled  him  or  the  memory  of  his  predecessors,  re- 
marking, "  If  men  defame  me  undeservedly,  they  are  to  be 
pitied  rather  than  punished  ;  if  deservedly,  it  would  be  ex- 
treme injustice  to  punish  them  for  speaking  truth.  As  for 
my  predecessors,  if  they  are  gods,  they  have  sufficient  power 
to  revenge  any  injuries  done  them." 

Several  awful  calamities  happened  during  his  reign  of  two 
years,  and  gave  occasion  to  most  striking  displays  of  his  no- 
ble and  generous  spirit.  Vesuvius  never  exhibited  such  ter- 
rific grandeur  and  destructive  power,  as  in  his  time.  Its  fires 
burst  forth  with  tremendous  violence,  laid  waste  an  immense 
extent  of  country,  and  consumed  a  number  of  cities,  with 
their  inhabitants.  The  fine  cities  of  Pompeii  and  Hercula- 
neum  were  completely  buried.  Pliny,  the  elder  and  natural- 
ist, impelled  by  his  intense  desire  to  witness  the  marvellous 
operations  of  nature,  sailed  from  Misenum  towards  the  vol- 
canic mount,  and  perished  in  Stable,  where  he  passed  the 
night,  notwithstanding  that  its  inhabitants  had  fled  from  the 
burning  ashes  which  soon  destroyed  it  His  body  was  found 
three  days  after,  and  interred  by  Pliny,  his  nephew,  who  had 
narrowly  escaped  a  similar  fate  at  Misenum.  This  calamity 
also  terminated  the  lives  of  the  poet,  C.  Bassus  ;  Agrippa, 
son  of  C.  Felix,  known  as  the  procurator  of  Judea ;  and 
Drusilla   a  daughter  of  king  Agrippa.     It  was   almost  in 


m 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRroMPHANT.  213 

Stantly  followed  by  a  great  fire  in  Rome,  which  lasted  three 
days.  Titus  employed  all  his  resources  to  repair  the  losses 
produced  by  both  calamities.  These  were  succeeded  by  an 
inexpressibly  dreadful  plague,  which  killed  in  Rome,  in  one 
night,  ten  thousand  citizens.  The  benevolent  emperor  neg- 
lected no  means  which  he  deemed  adapted  to  remove  this 
evil,  or  to  mitigate  the  sufferings  of  those  who  lost  their 
friends;  and  with  apparent  tenderness  and  compassion^  he 
endeavoured  to  relieve  them  by  consolatory  edicts  and  most 
liberal  gifts.  He  adorned  the  city  with  a  magnificent  am- 
phitheatre and  baths,  and  repaired  ancient  aqueducts  and 
roads  for  the  convenience  of  the  citizens.  The  dedication  of 
the  amphitheatre  was  accompanied  with  the  most  imposing 
shows,  during  one  hundred  djys,  with  the  design  of  cheering 
the  spirits  of  the  people,  depressed  by  the  public  calamities. 
His  administration  delighted  all  ranks,  and  the  senate  were 
devising  how  they  might  most  suitably  express  for  hinj  the 
public  admiration  and  gratitude,  when  he  was  suddenly 
seized  by  a  violent  fever>  which  quickly  proved  fatal,  and 
threw  the  community  into  a  state  of  consternation  and  grief 
He  left  only  one  child,  a  daughter  named  Julia  Sabina.  His 
worthless  brother  Domitian,  ascended  the  throne  without  op- 
position, in  the  thirtieth  yfear  of  his  age,  and  reigned  about 
fifteen  years. 

Judging  by  authentic  records,  it  seems  obvious  that  power, 
inclination,  and  pleasure  to  work  wickedness  and  augment 
the  misery  of  mankind  were  never  witnessed  combined  in  a 
greater  degree  than  in  this  prince.  He  was  an  entire  mass 
of  human  depravity,  in  which  were  rarely  visible,  from  his 
birth  to  his  death,  one  ray  of  moral  excellence.  If  he  was, 
at  any  time,  under  moral  restraint,  it  might  be  traced  to  a  de- 
ficiency of  courage  or  an  excess  of  vanity,  and  not  to  respect 
for  his  own  judgment  or  conscience,  nor  reverence  for  any- 
thing divine  or  human.  We  cannot  reconcile  some  state- 
ments concerning  him  which  seem  contradictory.  He  neg- 
lected, in  youth,  all  education,  except  archery,  say  some  au- 
thors, while  others  appeal  to  facts  which  show  him  to  have 
been  superior  to  many  of  his  rank,  in  talents,  literature,  and 
poetic  genius.  He  is  said  to  have  lived  m  great  poverty,  and 
sold  himself  for  the  vilest  purpose  to  procure  the  means  of 
subsistence,  and  yet  no  hint  is  given  of  his  father  having  ever 
declined  to  supply  his  necessities.  No  one  useful  action 
seems  to  have  been  performed  by  him  previously  to  his  as- 
cent to  the  throne.     He  was  sufi^ciently  ambitious,  but  desti* 


4 


214  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

lute  of  wisdom,  activity,  and  fortitude  to  conduct  any  ardu- 
ous enterprise,  whether  lawful  or  unlawful.  In  the  absence 
of  his  father  and  brother,  when  the  former  was  proclaimed 
by  the  senate  emperor,  he  was  honoured  with  the  title  of 
Cesar.  He  instantly  assumed  the  chief  power,  but  he  left 
others  to  conduct  the  government,  and,  finding  himself  libe- 
rated from  authority  and  law,  he  gave  himself  wholly  to  vo- 
luptuous pursuits,  with  all  the  eagerness  of  a  wild  beast  riot- 
ing on  his  prey.  On  his  father's  arrival  in  Rome,  he  felt  his 
own  insignificance,  and  would  willingly  have  opposed  him, 
had  any  one  possessed  of  influence  supported  him  in  an  attempt 
to  depose  his  father.  Envious  of  the  justly  merited  celeb- 
rity of  his  brother,  he  aspired  to  military  fame,  and  was  only 
prevented  from  leading  the  troops  to  disgrace  and  destruction 
m  Germany,  by  the  persuasion  of  Mutianus,  who  knew  that 
he  was  at  once  destitute  of  the  capacity,  experience,  and 
knowledge  requisite  in  a  general  of  the  army.  Being  neg- 
lected or  despised  by  all  whose  society  and  friendship  were 
desirable,  he  sought  solitude  and  avowed  that  he  purposed  to 
occupy  his  time  in  literary  studies.  These  afforded  little 
pleasure  to  his  vanity,  and  were  alien  from  his  sensual  habits 
and  licentious  manners.  He  soon  requested  his  father  to  per- 
mit him  to  lead  an  army  to  assist 'the  Parthians,  who  had  ap- 
plied to  Rome  for  assistance  in  the  war  which  they  prose- 
cuted against  barbarians.  Vespasian  had  more  wisdom  than 
to  gratify  the  foolish  desire  of  his  son,  whose  life  never  gave 
him  pleasure.  Disappointed,  without  power  and  influence 
from  this  time,  his  timidity  became  his  safety,  and  till  the  un- 
expected and  deplored  death  of  his  brother,  he  was  known 
only  as  the  prince  of  the  Roman  youth,  and  Cesar,  the  heir 
of  the  empire,  whose  exaltation  none  desired  except  his  vile 
associates. 

He  was  first  saluted  emperor  by  the  praetorian  guards, 
whose  choice  was  confirmed  by  the  senate.  He  began  his 
reign,  like  his  predecessors,  by  emulating  the  conduct  of  the 
best  princes:  and  he  excelled  the  greater  number,  by  express- 
ing sacred  respect  for  the  most  righteous  and  usefullaws,  and 
issuing  several  edicts  calculated  to  advance  the  comfort  and 
prosperity  of  all  ranks.  To  procure  popular  applause,  he  dis 
guised  his  vicious  practices  and  concealed  his  frivolous  or 
hateful  pursuits,  and  assumed  the  character  of  a  prince  who 
desired  to  surpass  other  men  as  much  in  humanity  as  in 
power.  To  testify  his  abhorrence  of  every  approach  to 
cruelty,  he  decreed  that  neither  cattle  nor  any  living  creature, 


Hi 


#. 


}\\ 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  SI'S 

should  be,  in  future,  offered  in  sacrifice.  Having  a  strong 
taste  for  architecturai  works,  or  a  wish  to  excite  admiration  by 
a  display  of  magnificence,  he  expended  immense  sums  in  re 
pairing  the  ancient  buildings,  and  in  finishing  or  erecting 
many  new  ones  in  the  capital.  Plutarch  says,  that  he  was 
desirous  to  change  all  its  stones  into  gold.  Though  he  ceased 
to  relish  literature,  yet  he  patronised  it,  and  greatly  enriched! 
the  public  libraries.  Indeed,  in  discharging  the  duties  of 
censor,  Domitian  denounced  whatever  was  unjust,  effeminate, 
impure,  or  was  conceived  to  have  an  immoral  or  degrading 
tendency.  His  virtue  was,  however,  no  more  than  a  luminous 
meteor,  which  illuminated  the  city  a  few  days,  to  leave  it  in 
the  blackness  of  darkness,  for  the  fifteen  years  of  his  execra- 
ble reign. 

Conscious  that  he  merited  not  the  sceptre  of  the  world,  he 
suspected  every  man  of  rank,  talent,  or  character,  to  be  his 
enemy;  and  his  incontrollable  and  boundless  vanity  excited 
him  to  employ  all  the  means  which  absolute  power  placed  at 
his  command  to  induce  or  compel  all  to  acknowledge  him  a 
great  man,  a  mighty  commander,  and  even  a  god.  The  dig- 
nities and  honourable  appellations  conceded  by  former  empe- 
rors were  as  nothing  in  his  eyes.  He  ordered  his  secretary 
to  begin  his  edicts  thus:  "Our  lord  and  our  god  orders  and 
commands,"  &,c.  and  he  enjoined  that  no  one  should  address 
him  by  any  other  titles  than  these.  One  of  his  laws  called 
all  his  subjects  to  pay  him  divine  worship;  and  philosophers 
and  poets  describe  the  streets  crowded  with  droves  of  victims 
driven  to  the  capitol  to  be  sacrificed  before  his  statues.  He 
suffered  no  statue  of  himself  to  be  erected  but  what  consisted 
of  pure  gold  and  silver.  He  filled  the  city  with  triumphal 
gates,  arches,  and  monuments,  to  celebrate  his  victories,  which 
had  scarcely  any  existence,  unless  in  his  wild  imagination. 
He,  indeed,  early  led  his  army  to  war,  that  the  world  might 
ring  with  his  conquests;  but,  unhappily  for  him,  and,  indeed, 
for  the  empire,  he  provoked  the  indignation  and  revenge  of 
the  Cattans,  whom  Tacitus  praises  as  the  most  civilized  and 
brave  of  all  the  tribes  or  nations  of  the  Germans.  Having 
no  apprehension  of  an  attack,  they  were  unprepared  to  resist 
him,  and  suffered  their  lands  to  be  laid  waste.  With  a  few 
peasants  made  prisoners,  the  unjust  and  barbarous  prince  has- 
tily returned  to  Rome,  and  obtained  the  honour  of  a  triumph, 
in  which  were  led  before  his  chariots  numerous  slaves,  whom 
he  had  purchased  and  dressed  in  the  attire  of  the  Germans 

The  Cattans  quickly  retaliated  on  the  Romans,  for  they 


®=^=.  _  .^^ 


#-     ^  ^  ^^ 


*216  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

conquered  the  country  of  the  German  nation  named  Cheru- 
sans,  and  expelled  their  king,  a  tributary  of  Rome,  who 
claimed  the  assistance  of  Domitim  That  dastardly  and 
timid  prince  sent  him  money,  but  declined  meeting  the 
C;-ittans  in  open  war.  This  conduct,  doubtless,  soon  taught 
all  who  knew  it  to  despise  his  power,  and  severai  brave 
nations  attempted  to  cast  off  the  Roman  yoke.  The  fiery 
spirit  of  revolt  spread  over  the  empire,  and  the  armies  sent 
to  suppress  it  were  generally  consumed,  chiefly  from  the  in- 
capacity of  their  leaders;  for  Domitian,  from  envy  or  fear, 
carefully  avoided  appointing  any  one  of  known  talent  to  any 
important  office.  "  Many  were  the  armies  lost,"  Tacitus  ob- 
serves, "  in  Maesia,  Dacia,  Germany,  and  Pannonia,  all  by 
the  misconduct  of  our  generals.  The  question  and  contest 
now  were,  not  about  maintaining  the  limits  of  the  empire,  and 
guarding  the  rivers  which  served  for  its  boundaries,  but  about 
defending  the  standing  encampments  of  our  legions,  and  pre- 
serving our  own  territories."  Domitian  occasionally  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  army,  but  his  campaigns  uniformly 
terminated  in  disgrace ;  yet  he  as  uniformly  returned  to 
Rome  in  all  the  exultation  of  a  conqueror,  and  received  trium- 
phal honours.  He  thirsted  not  more  for  unmerited  fame  than 
he  intensely  desired  the  ruin  of  everyone  whom  he  knew  de- 
served the  esteem  or  confidence  of  society,  for  he  was  fully 
aware  that  every  wise  and  virtuous  and  generous  mind  in- 
wardly despised  him.  He  had,  accordingly,  reigned  only 
three  or  four  years  when  the  fountain  of  wickedness,  which 
his  vain  ambition  had  perhaps  impelled  him  foy  a  brief  pe- 
riod to  conceal  or  confine  within  his  utterly  depraved  heart, 
burst  forth,  and  threatened  the  entire  extinction  of  all  that 
was  great  or  good  in  the  empire.  Never  has  absolute  power 
more  fearfully  exhibited  injustice,  oppression,  and  cruelty,  in 
their  terrific  forms,  than  in  the  reign  of  this  demon-emperor 
After  one  of  the  first  of  his  mock-triumphs,  he  caused,  it  is 
said,  the  astrologers  to  cast  the  nativity  of  every  illustrious 
person,  and  whoever  was  declared  destined  for  the  empire, 
was  instantly  put  to  death.  Informers,  whom  he  had  hitherto 
denounced,  were  now  more  encouraged  than  in  any  previous 
reign,  and  many  senators  and  knights  were  accused  of  trea- 
son, and  suffered  the  penalty  of  the  crime.  The  life  of  no 
honourable  person  was  safe.  Agricola,  perhaps  the  first  sol- 
dier and  statesman  of  the  age,  was  disgraced,  and,  it  is  sup- 
posed, a  few  years  later,  poisoned,  although  his  loyalty  was 
unquestionable.  S.  Coccianus  perished  merely  for  celebrating 


THE   &OMAN    EUPIEE   TaiUMPHANT.  217 

the  birth-day  of  his  uncle,  the  late  emperor,  Oiho.  S.  Lu- 
culhis,  governor  in  Britain,  had  permitted  a  new  kind  of 
lance  to  be  called  by  his  name ;  on  this  account  he  was  put 
to  death.  Similar  punishment  was  inflicted  on  an  author  for 
having  written  in  co»nmendation  of  two  learned  men  ;  and 
on  Maternus,  a  renowned  philosopher,  because  he  had  pub- 
licly declaimed  against  tyranny  and  tyrants.  All  philoso- 
phers and  teachers  of  science  were  banished  ;  and  books  of 
the  most  eminent  men,  who  had  either  praised  patriotism  or 
virtue,  were  publicly  burnt.  In  reference  to  the  cruelty  of 
Domitian,  Tacitus  remarks :  '•  Mighty  was  the  testimony 
which  we  gave  of  our  patience ;  for  as  our  forefathers  had 
beheld  the  ultimate  perfection  of  liberty,  so  did  we  of  bon- 
dage;  since,  through  dread  of  informers,  we  were  bereft  of 
the  common  intercourse  of  speech. .  Nay,  with  our  utter- 
ance, we  had  likewise  lost  our  memory,  had  it  been  equally 
in  our  power  to  forget  as  to  be  silent.  Against  the  defence 
of  innocence  accused,  against  the  most  evident  truth  and  jus- 
tice, the  ears  of  the  emperor  were  ever  shut;  but  calumny, 
whispered  by  any  informer,  had  equal  weight  with  real 
crimes  proved  by  authentic  witnesses."  "  Falsehood  and 
flattery,"  says  Dion  Cassius,  "  envy  and  rapaciousness,  passed 
for  evidence ;  justice  was  converted  into  cruelty,  and  judg- 
ment into  rage  ;  the  tribunals  erected  for  justice,  and  preser- 
vation of  life  and  property,  were  turned  into  shambles ;  and 
what  had  the  names  of  pains  and  penalties,  were,  in  truth, 
robbery  and  assassination."  "  In  the  midst  of  his  cruelties, 
he  abandoned  himself  to  all  manner  of  lewdness  andr  de- 
bauchery, and  was  on  that  score  no  less  infamous  than  the 
most  vicious  of  his  predecessors.  His  avarice  was  equal  to 
his  lewdness  and  cruelty  :  not  that  he  had  any  natural  bias 
to  that  vice,  says  Suetonius,  but,  having  exhausted  his  treas- 
ury by  the  many  buildings  he  raised,  by  the  magnificent 
sports  and  shows  which  he  exhibited,  by  increasing  the  pay 
of  the  soldiers,  and  by  other  wild  and  e.xtravagant  expences, 
he  betook  himself  to  all  sorts  of  rapine  and  extortion,  seizing, 
upon  the  least  information,  the  estates  of  the  most  wealthy 
citizens :  the  least  action  or  word  against  the  majesty  of  the 
prince  was  made  use  of  as  a  pretence  for  stripping  them  of 
whatever  they  possessed.  He  confiscated  inheritances,  ap- 
propriating to  himself  all  the  eflfects  of  persons  whom  he 
never  knew,  if  he  could  find  but  one  witness  to  depose  that 
he  had  ever  heard  the  deceased  say  that  Cesar  was  his 
heir.     With  these,  and  such  like  artificial  contrivances,  h6 

VOL,    III.  19 


#^ 


# 


if$  THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

reduced  to  beggary  the  most  opulent  persons,  not  only  in 
Rome  and  Italy,  but  in  all  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  em- 
pire. His  officers  and  procurators  exacted  the  tributes  and 
taxes  with  the  greatest  rigour  and  severity  imaginable  ;  but, 
above  all,  he  oppressed  the  Jews  in  a  most  cruel  manner,  not 
excepting  even  such  of  them  as  had  renounced  their  reli- 
gion ;  and  with  the  like  severity  treated  those,  says  Sueto- 
nius, (meaning,  no  doubt,  the  Christians,)  who  lived  in  Rome 
after  the  manner  of  the  Jews,  and  seemed  to  profess  the  same 
superstition." 

Domitian,  every  successive  year,  exceedingly  increased  the 
miseries  of  the  empire.  His  name  was  abhorred,  not  only 
in  Rome,  but  also  throughout  the  provinces,  insomuch  that 
A.  D.  89.  a  bold  individual  appeared  in  Asia,  pretending  to  be 
Nero,  and  gave  a  plausible  account  of  the  manner  in  which 
he  had  escaped  the  search  of  those  sent  to  kill  him.  Multi- 
tudes believed  this  impostor,  and  the  king  of  Parthia  received 
him  with  marks  of  distinction,  and  supplied  him  with  troops. 
But  Domitian  prevailed  on  him  to  seize  the  impostor  and  de- 
liver him  up  to  the  governor  of  Syria.  The  tyrant  was,  how- 
ever, this  year  more  terrified  by  the  revolt  of  L.  Antonms, 
governor  of  Upper  Germany,  who  was  supported  by  the  ma- 
jority of  the  Germans.  The  emperor  led  a  large  army 
against  him,  and  forced  almost  all  the  nobles  of  Rome  to  ac- 
company him.  Before  they  reached  the  Rhine,  Antonius 
had  been  slain,  and  his  army  scattered  by  Maximus,  an  able 
general,  who  obtained  his  papers,  and  burnt  them.  By  this 
means  many  who  had  encouraged  the  revolt  remained  un- 
known. But  Domitian,  on  returning  to  Rome,  sedulously 
endeavoured  to  discover  all  who  had  engaged  in  this  revolt ; 
and  every  one  supposed  to  have  been  the  friend  of  Antonius, 
or  suspected  of  being  favourable  to  his  schemes,  suffered 
death  or  exile.  From  this  time  the  emperor  kept  the  le- 
gions separate ;  two  were  never  united  in  one  camp.  He 
lived  in  terror,  dreading  every  one  distinguished  for  the  least 
influence  in  civil  society  or  the  army,  or  even  for  physical 
strength.  Thus,  when  entertaining  the  citizens  with  va- 
rious and  numerous  shows,  he  compelled  Glabrio,  remarka- 
ble for  great  strength,  to  contend  with  a  lion.  Having  over- 
come the  dreadful  animal,  Domitian's  jealousy  was  roused, 
and  under  pretence  that  he  was  guilty  of  somewhat,  sen- 
tenced him  to  banishment.  To  amuse  the  people  he  caused 
a  vast  lake  to  be  constructed  near  the  Tiber,  in  which  was 
represented  a  sea-fight,  a  scene  said  by  historians  to  have  been 


\ 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  219. 

the  most  expensive  and  magnificent  ever  witnessed  in  Rome. 
The  year  a.  d.  94,  was  remarkable  for  the  sufferings  inflicted 
on  the  Romans  by  this  monster  of  wickedness,  more  than  all 
they  had  previously  endured  during  his  reign.  He  began 
to  execute  the  malignant  design  which  he  had  for  some  time 
contemplated,  of  extirpating  the  senate  and  every  man  of  rank 
or  virtue.  Tacitus  thus  speaks  of  this  calamitous  period. 
"  The  islands  were  peopled  with  exiles ;  the  rocks  contami- 
nated with  murder  and  blood  ;  but  more  hideous  still  were 
the  ravages  of  cruelty  at  Rome.  It  was  treasonable  to  be 
noble ;  capital  to  be  rich ;  criminal  to  have  borne  honours, 
criminal  to  have  declined  them ;  and  the  reward  of  worth 
and  virtue  was  quick  and  inevitable  destruction.  Nor  were 
the  iniquities  of  the  informers  more  shocking  than  their  great 
and  distinguished  rewards  ;  for  upon  some  were  bestowed,  as 
the  spoils  of  the  state,  the  pontifical  dignities,  and  those  of  the 
consulship;  others  were  sent  with  the  character  of  procura- 
tors into  the  provinces  ;  some  were  made  prime  ministers  and 
confidants  at  home  ;  and  in  every  station,  exerting  all  their 
terrors,  and  pursuing  their  hatred,  they  controlled  and  con- 
foimded  all  things.  Slaves  were  suborned  against  their 
masters,  freed  men  against  their  patrons  ;  and  such  as  had 
no  enemies,  were  betrayed  and  undone  by  their  friends.  The 
age,  however,"  continues  our  historian,  "  was  not  so  utterly 
destitute  of  all  virtue  as  not  to  afford  commendable  examples 
of  friendship  and  magnanimity.  There  were  mothers  who 
accompanied  their  banished  sons;  wives,  who  followed  their 
husbands  into  exile  ;  in  relations  were  found  resolution  and 
succour;  in  son.s-in-law,  constancy  and  duty;  in  slaves,  such 
fidelity  as  baffled  all  the  menaces  and  horrors  of  the  tor- 
ture; illustrious  men  struggling  under  the  greatest  distress, 
supporting  it  with  constancy,  and  displaying  a  fortitude  in 
death  equal  to  that  of  the  most  celebrated  ancients.  The 
court  was  bnsieged  ;  the  senate  inclosed  with  armed  men,  its 
most  exalted  members  slain,  and  many  ladies  of  the  first 
ranks  preserved  their  life  only  by  voluntary  exile.  Even 
Nero  withheld  his  eyes  from  scenes  of  cruelty:  he  indeed 
ordered  murders  to  be  perpetrated,  but  saw  them  not.  The 
principal  part  of  our  miseries  under  Domitian  was  to  be 
obliged  to  see  him,  and  be  seen  by  him,  at  a  time  when  all 
our  sigfhs  and  sorrows  were  watched  and  marked  do  ^n  for 
condemnation  ;  when  that  cruel  countenance  of  his,  aiways 
covered  with  a  settled  red,  whence  he  hardened  himself 
against  shame  and  blushing,  served  him  to  observe  all  the  pale 


#  9 


,  2^  THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

horrors  at  once  possessing  so  many  illustrious  men."  Abou; 
this  time,  all  philosophers  and  public  instructors  of  science 
were  expelled  from  Rome  and  Italy. 

But  the  demoniacal  malice  and  power  of  Domitian  were 
not  universally  felt  till  a.  d.  95,  the  fourteenth  year  of  his 
reio"n,  when  he  made  all  of  every  rank  and  moral  excellence 
who  confessed  the  faith  of  Christ,  throughout  the  empire,  vic- 
tims of  his  hatred.  May  he  not  have  found  that  he  could  not 
deprive  of  life  some  of  his  own  f^imily,  whom  he  hated,  by  any 
other  means  than  accusing  them  of  violation  of  the  laws  of  the 
state,  in  relation  to  religion  ?  And  this  he  could  not  do  with  any 
show  of  justice,  but  by  publishing  an  edict  against  Christiani- 
ty, which  they  had  embraced.  In  the  first  year  of  his  reign, 
Domitian  had  put  to  death  hiscousjn,  F.  Sabinus,  eldest  son  of 
his  uncle,  the  brother  of  Vespasian.  Sabinus  was  married 
to  Julia,  daughter  of  Titus.  The  public  crier  unhappily  in- 
advertently when  proclaiming  him  consul,  used  for  the  title 
emperor.  This  was  thje  pretended  crime  for  which  he  suf- 
fered. His  brother  was  made  to  marry  Domitian's  niece  Do- 
raitilla.  The  year  in  which  he  was  colleague  in  the  consu- 
late with  the  emperor  being  finished,  he  was  accused  of 
atheism  and  impiety,  the  usual  charges  brought  against  Chris- 
tians, and,  as  a  Christian,  he  was  put  to  death.  His  wife  de- 
clined to  obey  the  emperor,  when  he  commanded  her  to  mar- 
ry again,  and  was,  on  this  account,  banished  to  the  island  of 
Pandataria,  the  modern  Santa  Maria.  As  to  their  two  sons, 
to  whom  Domitian  proposed  to  leave  the  empire,  nothing  of 
their  future  life  is  recorded.  None  of  his  own  children  sur- 
vived ;  an  infant  daughter  is  mentioned,  whom,  at  her  death, 
he  placed  among  the  gods.  How  long  this  second  Roman 
persecution  prevailed  seems  uncertain  ;  it  is,  however,  known 
to  have  caged  over  the  empire;  and  among  those  exiled  for 
.)e  truth,  John  the  apostle  is  specially  mentioned.  If  Tertul- 
lian  be  correct  in  his  traditionary  report,  John  would  not  have 
probably  been  spared,  had  he  not  miraculously  escaped  un- 
hurt from  the  burning^  oil  into  which  he  was  thrown.  The 
general  voice  of  tradition  asserts  that  he  returned  about  a.  d. 
96,  to  Asia  Minor,  and  settled  at  Ephesus,  whence  he  circu- 
lated among  the  churches  the  Revelation  of  the  visions  which 
predicted  the  destinies  of  the  Fifth  Empire  from  his  day  to 
the  end  of  the  world.  He  died  in  the  hundreth  year  of  his 
age 

Some  say  that  Domitian  himself  arrested  the  persecution  of 
Christianity.     This,  however,  is  not  probable,  for  one  of  the 


^ 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  221 

first  edicts  of  his  successor  was  the  proclamation  of  pardon  to 
all  who  had  been  accused  or  banished  for  atheism,  impiety, 
or  Judaism,  crimes  of  which  Christians  were  accused.  Hap- 
pily for  the  Christian  church,  the  life  of  their  violent  and 
powerful  enemy  was  suddenly  and  unexpectedly  terminated, 
notwithstanding  that  he  used  every  possible  means  to  guard 
against  assassination,  of  -which  he  lived  in  continual  dread. 
Stephanus,  a  strong  man,  and  one  of  the  principal  freedmen 
of  Domitilla,  the  widow  of  F.  Clemens,  offered  his  services 
to  a  band  of  conspirators.  Under  the  pretence  that  Clemens 
was  still  alive,  and  at  the  head  of  a  company  who  had  pledged 
themselves  to  take  the  life  of  the  emperor,  he  was  intioduced 
to  him,  when  he  presented  him  with  a  memorial  containing 
the  names  of  the  persons  and  residences  of  Clemens'  associates. 
While  he  attentively  read  the  memorial,  Stephanus  struck  a 
dagger  into  his  belly.  He  struggled  for  life,  but  that  was 
soon  extinguished  by  other  conspirators  who  were  in  the  pa- 
lace. The  chief  murderer  was  killed  by  some  of  the  empe- 
ror's servants,  but  all  the  others  escaped.  All  ranks  rejoiced 
in  the  death  of  Domitian,  except  the  soldiers,  whose  pay  he 
had  increased  and  whom  he  permitted  to  share  in  his  plun- 
ders. His  body  was  left  to  be  burnt  by  Phyllis,  who  had 
nursed  him  when  an  infant.  She  secretly  conveyed  the  body 
to  a  house  m  the  country,  burnt  it,  and  mixed  the  ashes  with 
those  of  J  alia,  the  daughter  of  Titus,  whom  she  had  also 
nursed. 

As  soon  as  the  death  of  Domitian  was  ascertained,  the  se- 
nate assembled,  and,  without  delay,  with  one  voice  declared 
M.  Cocceius  Nerva  emperor.  His  family,  said  to  have  been 
originally  from  Crete,  had  for  several  generations  occupied  a 
high  place  among  the  Roman  nobility.  He  was  highly  edu- 
cated, and  ranked  among  the  first  poets ;  on  which  account 
Nero  erected  a  statue  for  him  in  the  palace.  He  had  been 
calleague  in  the  consulate  with  Vespasian,  a.  d.  71,  and  with 
Domitian  a.  d.  90  ;  but  the  latter  would  have  put  him  to  death 
among  those  whom  the  astrologers  had  declared  destined  for 
emperor,  had  not  one  of  these  assured  Domitian  that  he  w^as 
not  to  be  feared,  for  he  would  not  live  many  days. 

Nerva  was  the  first  emperor  of  Rome  who  truly  deserved 
a  throne.  He  was  distinguished  above  all  his  predecessors 
for  moral  excellence,  and  valued  the  sceptre  merely  for  the 
power  by  which  it  enabled  him  to  advance  the  happiness  of 
all  classes  of  the  community.  He  was  remarkable  for  genero- 
sityj  gentleness,  and  justice.     He  was,  wh.?t  every  magistrate 

19* 


^a^ 


222  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

ought  to  be,  a  terror  only  to  evil  doers ;  but  even  these  he  was 
slow  to  punish,  when  they  were  merely  guilty  of  doing,  or 
seeking  to  do  him  personal  injury.  Of  this  he  gave  many 
proofs-'  but  the  most  striking  was  his  changing  the  sentence 
of  death  by  the  senate  into  banishment  on  some  of  the  chief 
men  of  Rome  who  were  convicted  of  conspiring  to  take  his 
life.  He  acted  thus  in  conformity  to  the  oath  which  he  had 
taken,  that  no  senator  should  ever  be  put  to  death  by  his  or- 
der. This  extreme  leniency  encouraged  the  praetorian  guards 
to  disturb  the  peace  of  the  city,  and  compel  him  to  deliver 
over  to  execution  all  who  had  been  in  any  way  concerned  in 
the  murder  of  the  late  emperor.  Conscious  that  the  empire 
required  a  more  vigorous  ruler,  Nerva  resolved  to  choose  for 
a  successor  one  qualified  and  disposed  to  reign  for  the  general 
good.  This  noble  motive  led  him  to  overlook  his  own  rela- 
tions and  friends,  and  adopt  Ulpius  Trajan,  believed  to  be  the 
greatest  and  most  worthy  person  of  the  age.  On  presenting  him 
to  the  senate,  he  said,  "  With  my  hearty  wishes  for  the  pros- 
perity of  the'senate  and  people  of  Rome,  and  that  what  I  do 
may  prove  fortunate  to  them  and  myself,  I  declare  Marcus  Ul- 
pius Trajan  my  son.  He  afterwards  gave  him  the  title  of 
Ce^ar,  with  that  of  German icus,  which  he  himself  seems  to 
have  assumed  about  this  time,  invested  him  with  the  tribuni- 
tial  power,  and  even  honoured  him  with  the  title  of  emperor  ; 
so  that  he  created  him  not  only  his  successor,  but  his  partner 
in  the  empire  ;  at  the  same  time  he  named  him  consul  for  the 
ensuing  year."  Nerva  survived  this  event  not  many  months  ; 
he  was  about  seventy  years  old,  and  feeble  ;  a  paroxysm  of 
passion,  it  is  said,  produced  a  fatal  fever,  after  he  had  reigned 
nearly  seventeen  months. 

Trajan  ascended  the  throne  a.  d.  98.  Spain  was  his  na- 
tive country  ;  but  no  Roman  prince  ever  discovered  more  of 
the  spirit  of  a  Roman,  or  more  determination  to  extend  or 
confirm  the  power  of  Rome.  To  this,  we  conceive,  may  be 
traced  not  only  his  most  celebrated  deeds  as  a  warrior,  but 
also  his  most  unjust  and  impolitic  treatment  of  the  most  mer- 
itorious class  of  his  subjects.  His  father  was  one  of  the  ablest 
officers  in  the  Roman  army ;  he  commanded  one  of  the  le- 
gions of  Vespasian  whom  Titus  commanded  in  Judea,  and 
by  whom  he  completely  conquered  the  Jews  and  disorganised 
their  nation.  Trajan  served  under  his  fluher  when  he  hum- 
bled the  Parthians,  in  commemoration  of  which  his  son  after- 
wards had  conferred  on  him  the  title  of  Parthecus.  Young 
Trajan  was  ten  years  a  military  tribune,  and  rose  successively 


THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  223 

to  the  offices  of  prtetor,  consul,  and  governor  of  a  province. 
The  last  office  he  occupied  in  Upper  Germany,  at  the  time 
that  Nero  chose  him  for  his  successor.  He  possessed  great 
physical  strength,  and  was  remarkable  for  a  noble  and  digni- 
fied aspect.  He  was  justly  acknowledged  the  first  military 
commander  of  his  age,  and  equal  to  the  most  celebrated  gen- 
erals of  antiquity.  '^  In  every  duty  of  war  he  was  indefati- 
gable ;  he  marched  always  on  foot  at  the  head  of  the  army, 
even  after  he  was  emperor,  and  crossed  immense  countries 
without  ever  once  mounting  on  horseback,  or  suffering  him- 
self to  be  carried,  as  other  emperors  had  done,  in  a  chariot 
or  litter.  His  diet  was  such  as  chance  presented.  In  his 
garb  and  general  dress,  he  little  varied  from  a  common  sol- 
dier. Upon  consultations  and  dispatches  he  bestowed  nights 
and  days.  He  never  retired  to  his  tent  till  he  had  visited  the 
camp,  and  was  always  the  first  in  the  field  when  the  usual 
exercises  were  to  be  performed.  He  was  acquainted  with  all 
the  old  soldiers,  called  them  by  their  names,  remembered 
their  exploits,  and  familiarly  conversed  with  them  ;  but  at  the 
same  time  knew  how  to  keep  them  to  their  duty.  He  was 
great  in  war  and  equally  great  in  peace.  When  he  first  as- 
sumed the  sovereign  power,  he  publicly  professed  that  he  did 
not  think  himself,  in  that  high  station,  more  exempt  from  the 
observance  of  the  laws  than  the  meanest  of  the  populace,  and 
accordingly  took  an  oath  to  obey  them,  which  he  religiously 
observed." 

He  was  not  learned,  but  he  esteemed  and  patronised  those 
eminent  for  science  and  literature.  He  was  less  generous 
and  condescending  than  Nerva,  but  signalized  his  adminis- 
tration by  justice  to  all  ranks,  and  liberality''  to  the  poor.  He 
would  rather  that  a  thousand  criminals  should  escape  than 
that  one  innocent  person  should  suffer  punishment.  On  ap- 
pointing any  one  to  command  his  guards,  he  presented  him 
with  a  drawn  sword,  saying:  "  Employ  this  sword  for  me  ; 
but  turn  it,  if  I  deserve  it,  against  me."  He  expended  im- 
mense sums  to  relieve  the  poor,  not  fewer  than  two  millions, 
in  the  provinces  as  well  as  in  Rome.  He  was  consequently 
everywhere  regarded  as  the  father  of  his  country,  by  all  of 
v'hom  he  was  revered  and  loved.  Governors  accused  and 
proved  guilty  of  injustice  and  oppression,  were  severely  pun- 
ished ;  of  this  history  records  several  strong  proofs.  In  per- 
sonal morals  he,  however,  appears  to  have  been  scarcely  su- 
perior to  his  predecessors.  He  was  addicted  to  wine  and  all 
the  pleasures  of  the  senses,  and  was  gratified  by  lofty  titles, 


1 


T 


224  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMFHANT. 

such  as  lord,  which  Augustus  himself  refused.  The  chief  ob- 
ject of  his  ambition  seems  to  have  been  to  establish  and  extend 
the  entire  constitution  of  imperial  Rome,  political,  civil,  and 
religious,  to  the  highest  possible  degree.  Trajan  entered  on  his 
reign  in  his  forty-fifth  year,  full  of  vigor  of  mind  and  body. 
The  first  war  in  which  he  engaged  after  his  exaltation 
was  against  the  Dacians,  who  demanded  from  him  the  an- 
nual sum  which  Domitian  had  pledged  himself  to  remit  to 
them.  This  he  refused,  as  derogatory  to  the  Roman  peo- 
ple. He  led,  a.  d.  102,  a  p  )werful  army  into  their  country, 
and  speedily  overcame  thei*"  army  ;  and  was  about  to  attack 
their  capital,  when  their  king  Decebalus  desired  peace  on 
any  conditions  which  he  chose  to  propose.  These  conditions, 
which  it  is  unnecessary  to  enumerate,  were  supposed  com- 
pletely to  have  reduced  the  Dacians  under  the  power  of 
Rome,  and  Trajan,  having  garrisoned  their  chief  towns,  re- 
turned to  Rome,  and  enjoyed  the  first  triumph  of  the  Ro- 
mans over  the  brave  people  of  Dacia.  He  also  took,  from 
this  time,  the  surname  Dacius. 

The  haughty  spirit  of  Decebalus  impelled  him  soon  to  vio- 
late the  treaty  to  which  he  had  reluctantly  submitted.  He 
strengthened  his  fortified  places,  and  made  war  on  the  neigh- 
bouring people,  who  declined  to  join  him  in  resisting  the 
Romans.  The  Scythians  became  his  allies ;  and  the  senate 
of  Rome  proclaimed  him  a  public  enemy.  Trajan  made 
great  preparations  to  oppose  him,  and  when  he  conducted  his 
army  to  the  Danube,  he  gave  orders  to  construct  the  stone 
bridge  over  that  river  which  historians  represented  as  the 
most  noble  structure  of  the  kind  that  the  world  ever  beheld. 
The  Romans  crossed  this  bridge,  and,  after  an  arduous  cam- 
paign, n^ade  themselves  master  of  the  metropolis  of  Dacia, 
and  the  immense  treasures  of  its  mighty  monarch,  who  pre- 
ferred taking  his  own  life  to  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  en- 
emies. Trajan  reduced  Dacia  into  a  Roman  province  of 
great  extent.  Its  lands  were  distributed  to  poor  Roman  citi- 
zens who  chose  to  emigrate  thither.  Strong  castles  were 
erected,  in  which  were  stationed  garrisons  sufiicent  to  com-_ 
mand  the  obedience  of  the  natives.  A  number  of  the  neigh- 
bouring nations  sought  alliance  with  Rome,  ambassadors 
from  various  remote  regions,  including  India,  visited  Trajan 
to  congratulate  him  on  his  victories,  in  memory  of  which  he 
caused  many  medals  to  be  cast.  About  this  time,  the  gov- 
ernor of  Syria  conquered  the  region  of  Arabia  Patraea,  ma- 
king himself  master  of  the  strong  city  of  Petra,  which  be 


4 


#= 


t 


THE    ROMAN    EMP[RE    TRIDMPHANT.  225 

came,  for  the  first  time,  the  chief  city  of  a  Roman  province 
in  Arabia. 

Tnijan's  ambition  of  conquest  was  inflamed  by  success. 
He  remained  not  lon<^  in  Rome  to  enjoy  the  triumphs  by 
which  he  wns  honoured  after  his  return  from  Germany.  The 
king  of  Parthia  had  presumed  to  give  a  king  to  Armenia, 
which  the  Romans  regarded  as  their  property.  Trajan  pro- 
ceeded to  his  eastern  dominions,  fully  resolved  to  conquer  the 
Parthians,  who  had  repeatedly  overthrown  the  Romans,  and 
continued  a  kind  of  rivals  for  the  empire  of  the  world.  The 
emperor  passed  from  Italy  to  Athens,  and  thence  advanced 
through  Aii'd  and  Syria,  till  he  reached  its  capital,  Antioch, 
which  he  entered  crowned  with  a  branch  of  an  olive-tree. 
From  Antioch  he  lei  a  powerful  army  into  Armenia,  which 
he  reduced  into  a  Roman  province.  He  next  invaded  the 
dominions  of  the  Parthian  empire,  where  he  obtained  signal 
success.  After  conquering  the  parts  of  Syria  subject  to  Par- 
thia,  and  Chaldea.  he  encamped  in  ancient  Babylon.  The 
Parthians  made  a  stand  when  he  had  reached  the  Euphrates. 
To  elude  them,  he  caused  boats  to  be  constructed  in  the  adja- 
cent mountains,  and  brought  them  during  night  to  the  river, 
which  his  troops  crossed  in  the  presence,  and  in  defiance  of 
the  most  vigorous  opposition  of  the  enemy.  "  Trajan  made 
himself  master  of  the  kingdom  of  Adiabepe,  which  he  had 
reduced  in  the  former  war,  but,  perhaps,  restored  upon  the 
conclusion  of  the  peace.  He  likewise  subdued  the  country 
which  at  that  tirnp.  still  retained  the  name  of  Assyria,  and 
in  which  stood  the  city  of  Ninos  or  Nineveh,  and  Arbela  and 
Gaugamela.  He  ordered  his  vessels  to  be  brought  upon 
land-carriages  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Tigris,  these  two 
rivers  being,  in  some  places,  at  a  small  distance  from  each 
other  ;  and,  having  formed  a  bridge  with  them,  passed  his 
army  over  the  Tigris,  and  ma'e  himself  master  of  Seleucia, 
and  likewise  of  the  great  city  >jf  Ctesiphon,  the  metropolis  of 
the  Paithi<in,  and  afterwards  of  the  Persian  empire. 

The  taking  of  Ctesiphon  put  him  in  possession  of  all  the 
neighbouring  countries.  Trajan  reduced  Assyria  to  a  Ro- 
man province,  as  he  had  before  done  Armenia  and  Mesopo- 
tamia ;  so  that  the  empire  now  extended  to  the  Tigris,  and 
even  beyond  that  river.  Towards  the  end  of  autumn,  he  re- 
turned to  Antioch,  which  was  that  w'inter  almost  entirely 
ruined  by  one  of  the  most  dreadful  earthquakes  mentioned  in 
history.  On  the  return  of  spring  he  left  Antioch  to  revisit 
the  conquered  countries.     Finding  them  all  in  a  state  of  tran- 


226  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE  TRIOMPHAMT. 

quillity,  he  made  various  regulations ;  and  then,  embarking 
on  board  his  fleet,  sailed  down  the  Tigris,  being  desirous  to 
view  the  Persian  gulf  The  storms,  the  rapidity  of  the  river, 
and  the  tides,  rendered  his  navigation  both  troublesome  and 
dangerous.  However,  he  made  himself  master  of  Mesene. 
an  island  formed  by  the  Tigris,  and  obliged  Athambylus, 
who  reigned  there,  to  pay  him  tribute.  He  was  well  received 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Charax  Spasinae,  the  metropolis  of 
Athambylus'  dominions,  which  most  geographers  place  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Tigris.  It  was,  we  conjecture,  on  this  occasion, 
that  he  reduced  Arabia  Felix.  Trajan,  having  reached  the 
ocean,  and  there  discovering  a  ship  bound  to  India,  wished 
he  was  young,  that  he  might  extend,  as  Alexander  had  done, 
his  conquests  to  that  country.  The  following  year  he  led  his 
troops  into  Arabia,  and  attempted  to  reduce  their  chief  city 
Atra  ;  but  without  success.  Soon  after,  as  he  was  advanced 
in  years,  and  worn  out  with  so  many  long  marches,  he  was 
seized  with  a  dropsy  and  palsy,  which  he  ascribed  to  poison, 
but  others  thought  natural.  His  distemper  increasing,  he  left 
the  command  of  the  army  to  Adrian,  his  cousin,  to  whom  he 
had  given  Julia  Sabina,  the  grand-daughter  of  his  sister,  in 
marriage,  in  command  of  all  his  forces  in  the  East,  and  ad- 
vanced towards  Rome.  Upon  his  arrival  at  Selinus,  in  Cili- 
cia,  which  was  afterwards  from  him  called  Trajanopolis,  he 
was  seized  with  a  flux,  which  in  a  very  short  time  put  an  end 
to  his  life.  He  died  in  the  beginning  of  August,  after  having 
reigned  nineteen  years,  six  months,  and  fifteen  days,  counting 
from  the  death  of  Nerva  to  the  eleventh  of  August,  when 
Adrian  received  at  Antioch  the  news  of  his  death,  which  had 
been  concealed  for  some  time,  a,nd  thereupon  caused  himself 
to  be  proclaimed  his  successor." 

Trajan  was  scarcely  less  celebrated  for  the  arts  of  peace 
than  for  that  of  war.  He  erected  many  public  works,  made, 
it  is  reported,  a  fine  road  through  many  barbarous  nations, 
from  the  Euxine  sea  to  the  sea  coast  of  Gaul.  He  planted 
numerous  colonies  ;  and  laid  up  large  quantities  of  corn  and 
provisions,  to  save  the  capital  from  the  calamity  of  famine, 
from  which  it  had  frequently  suflJered  much.  The  most  mag- 
nificent of  all  his  works  was,  perhaps,  the  column  raised  in 
the  great  square  called  by  his  name,  and  designed  to  celebrate 
his  victories.  The  Trajan  column,  which  is  still  seen,  was 
erected  by  the  great  architect  Apollodorus,  the  Damascene, 
who  had  built  for  Trajan  the  bridge  over  the  Danube,  whose 
tote  cannot  now  be  traced. 


• 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  227 

Trajan  extended  the  dominions  of  Rome  far  beyond  its  ut- 
most boundaries  either  before  or  after  his  reign.  His  nrede- 
cessors  scarcely  reached  beyond  the  Danube  to  the  nortn-east ; 
he  added  Dacia,  a  region  calculated  at  thirteen  hundred  miles 
in  circumference.  The  kings  of  Bosphorus,  Colchis,  Iberiei, 
Albania,  Osrhoene,  and  Parthia,  accepted  from  him  their  dia- 
dems ;  the  independent  tribes  of  the  Median  and  Carducian 
hills  implored  his  protection  ;  and  the  rich  and  vast  regions 
of  ancient  Assyria,  Mesopotamia,  and  Armenia,  were  by  him 
constituted  Roman  provinces.  But  among  the  first  acts  of 
Adrian,  his  successor,  was  the  resignation  of  his  eastern  con- 
quests, nor  did  any  of  the  successive  emperors  attempt  to  re- 
cover them  ;  they  all  acquiesced  in  the  advice  of  Augustus, 
that  the  Romans  should  regard  the  Euphrates  as  the  frontier 
of  the  empire.  Probably  the  most  eminent  successors  of 
Trajan  did  little  more  than  maintain  the  glory,  the  magnifi- 
cence and  grandeur  to  which  he  had  raised  the  Roman 
name  ;  so  that  the  greatness  of  the  empire,  as  described  by  the 
able,  although  partial  historian,  Gibbon,  may  be  viewed  appli- 
cable to  the  Fourth  Empire,  at  the  time  of  the  emperor's 
death,  a.  d.  117.  That  elegant  writer,  having  briefly  sur- 
veyed all  the  provinces,  justly  observes,  that  one  may  form 
"  an  image  of  the  greatness  of  Rome,  by  observing  that  the 
empire  was  above  two  thousand  miles  m  breadth,  from  the 
wall  of  Antonius  and  the  northern  limits  of  Dacia,  to  mount 
Atlas  and  the  tropic  of  Cancer ;  that  it  extended,  in  length, 
more  than  three  thousand  miles  from  the  Western  Ocean  to 
the  Euphrates  ;  that  it  was  situated  in  the  finest  part  of  the 
Temperate  Zone,  between  the  twenty-fourth  and  sixty-sixth 
degrees  of  northern  latitude  ;  and  that  it  was  supposed  to  con- 
tain above  sixteen  hundred  thousand  square  miles,  for  the 
most  part  of  fertile  and  well  cuhivated  land."  The  popula- 
tion of  the  empire  may  have  amounted  to  one  hundred  and 
twenty  millions.  These  were  all  subject  to  the  authority  of 
Rome,  and  were  chiefly  governed  through  the  medium  of 
the  Latin  and  Grecian  languages.  These  languages  exer- 
cised, at  the  same  time,  their  separate  jurisdiction  throughout 
(he  empire;  the  latter  as  the  natural  idiom  of  science,  and  the 
former  as  the  legal  dialect  of  legal  transactions.  Those  who 
united  letters  with  business  were  equally  conversant  with 
Doth ;  and  it  was  almost  impossible,  in  any  province,  to  find 
a  Roman  subject,  of  a  liberal  education,  who  was  at  once  a 
stranger  to  the  Greek  and  to  the  Latin  languages.  The 
Romans,  we  have  seen,  adopted  not  only  the  language,  but 


# 


228  TrtE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

also  the  lltemture,  arts,  and  refinements  of  Greece;  and  in 
this  tfeey  were  imitated  by  all  the  subjected  nations,  according 
as  they  advanced  in  civilization.  This  was  most  conspicuous 
in  the  principal  cities  and  towns,  which  were  exceedingly 
numerous"  in  the  empire.  Thus  ancient  Italy  contained 
nearly  twelve  hundred,  not  a  few  of  which  were  remarkable 
for  their  wealth  and  elegance.  Gaul  boasted  of  fully  an 
equal  number,  whose  citizens  successfully  emulated  those  of 
Italy.  Pliny  gives  a  list  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  cities  in 
Spain  in  the  time  of  Vespjsian.  Three  hundred  acknow 
ledged  the  authority  of  Carthage,  in  Africa,  and  it  is  pobable 
that  many  more  were  governed  by  Rome.  The  spirit  of  im- 
provement spread  to  Britain,  York  was  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment, London  was  already  enriched  by  commerce,  and  Bath 
was  celebrated  for  its  medicinal  waters.  The  provinces  of 
the  East  present  the  contrast  of.  Roman  magnificence  wMth 
Turkish  barbarism.  The  ruins  of  antiquity,  scattered  over 
uncultivated  fields,  and  ascribed  by  ignorance  and  .supersti- 
tion to  magic,  indicate  the  number,  the  wealth,  and  happiness 
of  the  inhabitants,  whose  place  is  occupied  by  a  few  oppressed 
peasants  or  wandering  Arabs.  Many  noble  cities  adorned 
Asia  Minor  ;  of  eleven  who  disputed  for  liberty  to  dedicate  a 
temple  to  Tiberius,  four  were  denied  the  honour,  lest  Uiey 
should  not  be  able  to  execute  their  purpose.  Laodicea,  one 
fyf  the  four,  was  rich  in  flocks,  whose  wool  was  celebrated 
for  its  fineness,  and  had  just,  before  the  contest,  received  from 
one  of  its  citizens  a  legacy  of  more  than  four  hundred  thou- 
sand pounds.  How  wealthy  must  then  have  been  the  cities 
whose  request  was  granted  ?  Antioch  in  Syria,  and  Alexan- 
dria in  Egypt,  almost  rivalled  the  majesty  of  Rome. 

"  All  these  cities,"  Gibbon  observes,  "  were  connected  with 
each  other,  and  with  the  capital,  by  the  public  highways, 
which,  issuing  from  the  Forum  of  Rome,  traversed  Italy,  per- 
vaded the  provinces,  and  were  terminated  only  by  the  fron- 
tiers of  the  empire.  If  we  carefully  trace  the  distance  from 
the  wall  of  Antonius  to  Rome,  and  from  thence  to  Jerusalem, 
it  will  be  found  that  the  great  chain  of  communicatioja,  from 
the  north-west  to  the  south-east  point  of  the  empire,  was  drawn 
out  to  the  length  of  four  thousand  and  eighty  Roman  miles. 
The  public  roads  were  accurately  divided  by  milestones,  and 
ran  in  a  direct  line  from  one  city  to  another,  with  very  little 
respect  for  the  obstacles  either  of  nature  or  private  property. 
Mountains  were  perforated,  and  bold  arches  thrown  over 
the   broadest  and   most   rapid   streams.     The   middle  part 


* 


'-^ 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  229 

of  the  road  was  raised  into  a  terrace,  which  commanded  the 
adjacent  country,  consisted  of  several  strata  of  sand,  gravel, 
and  cement,  and  was  paved  with  large  stones,  or  in  some 
plices  near  the  capital,  with  granite.  Such  was  the  solid  con- 
struction of  the  Roman  highways,  whose  firmness  has  not 
entirely  yielded  to  the  effort  of  fifteen  centuries.  They  united 
the  subjects  of  the  most  distant  provinces  by  an  easy  and 
familiar  intercourse;  but  their  primary  object  had  been  to  fa- 
cilitate the  marches  of  the  legions  ;  nor  was  any  country  con- 
sidered as  completely  subdued,  till  it  had  been  rendered,  in 
all  its  parts,  pervious  to  the  arms  and  authority  of  the  con* 
queror.  The  advantage  of  receiving  the  earliest  intelligence, 
and  of  conveying  their  orders  with  celerity,  induced  the  em- 
perors to  establish,  throughout  their  extensive  dominions, 
the  regular  institution  of  posts.  Houses  were  everywhere 
erected  at  the  distance  only  of  five  or  six  miles  ;  each  of  them 
was  constantly  provided  with  forty  horses,  and,  by  the  help 
of  these  relays,  it  was  easy  to  travel  an  hundred  miles  in  a 
day  along  the  Roman  roads.  The  use  of  the  posts  was  al- 
lowed to  those  who  claimed  it  by  an  imperial  mandate ; 
but  though  originally  intended  for  the  public  service,  it 
was  sometimes  indulged  to  the  business  or  convenience  of 
private  citizens.  Nor  was  the. communication  of  the  Roman 
empire  less  free  and  open  by  sea  than  it  was  by  land.     The 

firovinces  surrounded  and  inclosed  the  Mediterranean ;  and 
taly,  in  the  shape  of  an  immense  promontory,  advanced  into 
the  midst  of  that  great  lake.  The  coasts  of  Italy  are,  in 
general,  destitute  of  safe  harbours;  but  human  industry  had 
corrected  the  deficiencies  of  nature,  and  the  artificial  port  of 
Ostia  in  particular,  situate  at  the  mouth  of  the  Tiber,  and 
formed  by  the  emperor  Claudius,  was  an  useful  monument  of 
Roman  greatness.  From  this  port,  which  was  only  sixteen 
miles  from  the  capital,  a  favorable  breeze  frequently  carried 
vessels  in  seven  days  to  the  Columns  of  Hercules,  and  in  nine 
or  ten  to  Alexandria  in  Egypt.  Whatever  evils  either  reason 
or  declamation  have  imputed  to  extensive  empire,  the  power 
of  Rome  was  attended  with  some  beneficial  consequences  to 
mankind  ;  and  the  same  freedom  of  intercourse  which  exten- 
ded the  vices,  difiTused  likewise  the  improvements  of  social 
life.  In  the  more  remote  ages  of  antiquity,  the  world  was  un- 
equally divided.  The  Eastwas  in  the  immemorial  possession 
of  arts  and  luxury;  whilst  the  West  was  inhabited  by  rude 
and  warlike  barbarians,  who  either  disdained  agriculture,  or 
to  whom  it  wastotall'  unknown.  Under  the  protection  of  an 
VOL.  in.  20 


#----=^ % 


230  THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANt. 

established  government,  the  productions  of  happier  climates, 
and  the  industry  of  more  civilised  nations,  were  gradually  in- 
troduced into  the  western  countries  of  Europe ;  and  the 
natives  were  encouraged  by  an  open  and  profitable  commerce 
to  multiply  the  former,  as  well  as  to  improve  the  latter.  It 
kvould  be  almost  impossible  to  enumerate  all  the  articles, 
either  of  the  animal  or  the  vegetable  kingdom,  which  were 
successively  imported  into  Europe  from  Asia  and  Egypt. 
The  most  remote  countries  of  the  ancient  world  were  ran- 
sacked to  supply  the  pomp  and  delicacy  of  Rome.  The  for- 
est of  Scythia  afforded  some  valuable  furs.  Amber  was 
brought  overland  from  the  shores  of  the  Bakic  to  the  Danube, 
and  the  barbarians  were  astonished  at  the  price  which  they 
received  in  exchange  for  so  useless  a  commodky.  There  was 
a  considerable  demand  for  Babylonian  carpets  and  other  man- 
ufactures of  the  East ;  but  the  most  important  and  unpopular 
branch  of  foreign  trade  was  carried  on  wkh  Arabia  and  In- 
dia. Every  year,  about  the  time  of  the  summer  solstice,  a 
fleet  of  an  hundred  and  twenty  vessels  sailed  from  Myos- 
hormos,  a  port  of  Egypt  on  the  Red  Sea.  By  the  periodical 
assistance  of  the  monsoons,  they  traversed  the  ocean  in  about 
forty  days.  The  coast  of  Malabar,  or  the  island  of  Ceylon, 
was  the  usual  term  of  their  navigation,  and  it  was  in  those 
markers  that  the  merchants  from  the  more  remote  countries 
of  Asia  expected  their  arrival.  The  return  of  the  fleet  of 
Egypt  was  fixed  to  the  months  of  December  or  January  ;  and 
as  soon  as  their  rich  cargo  had  been  transported  on  the  backs 
of  camels,  from  the  Red  Sea  to  the  Nile,  and  had  descended 
that  river  as  far  as  Alexandria,  k  was  poured,  wkhout  delay, 
into  the  capital  of  the  empire.  The  objects  of  Oriental  traflic 
were  splendid  and  trifling ;  silk,  a  pound  of  which  was  es- 
teemed not  inferior  in  value  to  a  pound  of  gold ;  precious 
stones,  among  which  the  pearl  claimed  the  first  rank  after  the 
diamond ;  and  a  variety  of  aromatics,  that  were  consumed  in 
religious  worship  and  the  pomp  of  funerals.  The  labour  and 
risk  of  the  voyage  were  rewarded  with  almost  incredible 
profit ;  but  the  profit  was  made  upon  Roman  subjects,  and  a 
few  individuals  were  enriched  at  the  expense  of  the  public. 
As  the  natives  of  Arabia  and  India  were  contented  with  the 
productions  and  manufactures  of  their  own  country,  silver, 
on  the  side  of  the  Romans,  was  the  principal,  if  not  the  only 
instrument  of  commerce.  It  was  a  complaint  worthy  of  the 
gravity  of  the  senate,  that  in  the  purchase  of  female  orna- 
ments the  wealth  of  the  state  was  irrecoverably  given  away 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  231 

lo  foreign  and  hostile  nations.  The  annual  loss  is  computed, 
by  a  writer  of  inquisitive  but  censorious  temper,  at  upwards 
of  eight  hundred  thousand  pounds  sterling. 

"  Such  was  the  style  of  discontent,  brooding  over  the  dark 
prospect  of  approaching  poverty.  And  yet  if  we  compare 
the  proportion  between  gold  and  silver  as  it  stood  in  the  time 
of  Pliny,  and  as  it  was  fixed  in  the  reign  of  Constantine,  we 
shall  discover  within  that  period  a  very  considerable  increase. 
There  is  not  the  least  reason  to  suppose  that  gold  was  become 
more  scarce  ;  it  is  therefore  evident  that  silver  was  grown 
more  common  ;  that  whatever  might  be  the  amount  of  the  In- 
dian and  Arabian  exports,  they  were  far  from  exhausting  the 
wealth  of  the  Romart  world  ;  and  that  the  produce  of  the 
mines  abundantly  supplied  the  demands  of  commerce.  Not- 
withstanding the  propensity  of  mankind  to  exalt  the  past,  and 
to  depreciate  the  present,  the  tranquil  and  prosperous  state  of 
the  empire  was  warmly  felt,  and  honestly  confessed,  by  the 
provincials  as  well  as  Romans.  They  acknowledged  that 
the  true  principles  of  social  life' laws,  agriculture,  and  science, 
which  had  been  first  invented  by  the  wisdom  of  Athens,  were 
now  firmly  established  by  the  power  of  Rome,  under  whose 
auspicous  influence  the  fiercest  barbarians  were  united  by  an 
equal  government  and  common  language.  They  affirm,  that 
with  the  improvement  of  arts  the  human  species  was  visibly 
multiplied.  They  celebrate  the  increasing  splendour  of  the 
cities,  the  beautiful  face  of  the  country,  cultivated  and  adorned 
like  an  immense  garden  ;  and  the  long  festival  of  peace, 
which  was  enjoyed  by  so  many  nations,  forgetful  of  their  an- 
cient animosities,  and  delivered  from  the  apprehension  of  fu- 
ture danger.  Whatever  suspicions  may  be  suggested  by  the 
air  of  rhetoric  and  declamation  in  these  passages,  the  substance 
of  them  is  perfectly  agreeable  to  historic  truth." 

Reflect,  then,  on  the  state  of  the  most  important  countries 
of  the  worlJ,  during  the  period  of  the  universal  triumph  of 
Rome,  contrasted  with  their  condition  under  the  preceding 
governments  of  the  three  former  empires,  and  you  will  see 
how  much  greater  facilities  were  afforded  Christians  to  pro- 
pagate the  true  religion  than  in  any  previous  age  of  the  world  ; 
and,  indeed,  they  never  were  perhaps,  till  recent  times,  placed 
in  more  favourable  circumstances,  all  things  considered,  than 
in  the  first  century,  with  the  exception  of  the  five  years  in 
which  the  whole  "power  of  Rome  was  put  forth  to  suppress 
and  exterminate  the  subjects  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Fifth  Em^ 
pire.     And  several  events,  we  apprehend,  tended  in  an  espe- 


®= 


® 


232  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

cial  manner  to  the  advancement  of  this  enripire  for  more  than 
forty  years  after  the  death  of  Nero,  a.  d.  68.  To  those  events 
of  the  nation  which  transpired  previously  to  a.  d.  95,  the  year 
of  the  persecution  by  Uomitian,  we  have  adverted  in  the  pre- 
ceding chapter. 

Persecution  for  righteousness'  sake  is  the  fire  which  seems 
indispensable  for  the  purification  of  the  moral  atmosphere  of 
the  Christian  community.  It  is  a  most  important,  if  not  the 
principal  means,  which  the  great  Commander  of  the  Chris- 
tian army  employs  to  discipline  his  soldiers,  that  they  may 
sustain  and  promote  the  interests  of  the  kingdom  of  God  with 
fidelity,  fortitude,  and  honour.  The  number  disqualified  for 
"the  good  fight"  multiplied  in  proportion  to  the  unexpected 
and  marvellous  success  of  the  first  ministers  of  Christ.  Even 
in  the  age  of  the  apostles,  not  a  few  of  impetuous  passions, 
proud,  subtle,  and  ambitious  of  distinction,  or  resolved  to  sub- 
sist without  the  exhaustion  and  care  inseparable  from  honour- 
able labour,  insinuated  themselves  into  the  favour  and  confi- 
dence of  the  most  simple  and  unsuspecting  teachers  of  the 
Christian  community;  imitating  the  serpent  in  Eden,  there 
crept  in  unawares  ungodly  men,  turning  the  grace  of  God  into 
lasciviousness,  and  denying  the  only  Lord  God,  and  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  These,  at  least  their  leaders,  were  adepts  in  the 
Oriental  or  Pythagorian  philosophy,  and  applied  its  princi- 
ples or  conjectures  to  Divine  Revelation.  They  seem  to  have 
contemplated  the  facts  of  Christianity  in  the  same  light  in 
which  the  mythological  fables  of  paganism  had  appeared  to 
them  ;  not  as  realities  or  certain  truths,  but  symbolical  repre- 
sentations of  certain  principles.  Thus  they  interpreted  the 
humanity,  death,  and  resurrection  of  Christ,  as  mere  appear- 
ances, not  realities ;  to  be  understood  as  mere  emblems  which 
were  to  be  explained  by  the  rules  which  regulated  the  philoso- 
phers and  priests,  in  their  interpretation  of  the  traditionary  or 
visionary  relations  respecting  idols.  Thus  they  perverted  the 
gospel,  made  shipwreck  of  faith  and  a  good  conscience,  and 
overthrew  the  faith  of  some.  Indeed,  the  number  of  apos- 
tates from  the  faith  was  evidently  not  small,  when  Paul  was 
a  prisoner  in  Rome  ;  for,  addressing  the  Philippians,  he  says, 
"  Many  walk,  of  whom  I  have  told  you  often,  and  now  tell 
you,  even  weeping,  that  they  are  enemies  to  the  cross  of 
Christ;  whose  end  is  destruction,  whose  god  is  their  belly, 
who  mind  earthly  things."  The  persecution,  therefore,  by 
Nero,  which  apparently  happened  almost  immediately  after 
the  Uberation  of  the  apostle  of  the  Gentiles,  may  be  regarded 


m- 


.-ih,  tiHidj)^^  jisunti  t\j.ii,=^ii.  in  ^^^ 

THE  ROMAN   EMPIRE  TRIUMPHANT.  233 

an  event  not  less  seasonable  than  it  was  afflictive.     It  was  im- 

Eossible  in  the  nature  of  things  for  the  followers  of  Christ  to 
ave  efficiently  served  and  honoured  him  while  they  were 
exposed  to  the  immediate  influence  of  sceptical,  infidel,  or  un- 
godly associates,  or  viewed  by  society  as  acting  with  them. 
In  every  effort  to  advance  the  knowledge  of  the  gospel,  and 
to  extend  the  government  of  Christ,  they  would  be  restrained  ; 
and  above  all,  they  would,  as  a  community,  exhibit  before 
mankind  a  most  false  and  delusive  repres3ntation  of  the  king- 
dom of  God.  Consequently,  instead  of  men  glorifying  God 
on  account  of  their  good  works,  they  would  have  plausible 
reason  to  revile  the  name  of  Christ,  and  exult  in  the  speedy 
overthrow  of  his  righteous  government  on  the  earth.  When, 
however,  the  name  of  Christian  subjected  to  the  loss  of  all 
things,  or  life  itself,  those  alone  who  possessed  faith  unfeigned, 
and  were  characterised  by  labours  of  love,  and  patience  of  j| 

hope,  would  choose  to  retain  it;  and  then  would  they  appear  j! 

as  a  class  in  society  distinct  from  all  others  separated  from  {! 

them  by  peculiar  heavenly  and  holv  principles,  dispositions,  -f; 

pursuits,  hopes,  and  pleasures.     Whether,  therefore,  they  suf-  ; 

fered  unto  death,  or  were  permitted  to  live  and  serve  their  ■ 

Lord,  he  would  be  magnified  in  all  things,  and  mankind  ' 

would  be  placed  in  the  most   favourable   circumstances   to  ] 

discover  the  truth  and  excellence  of  the  glorious  gospel  of  I, 

the  blessed  God.     By  witnessing  the  joy,  hope,  fortitude,  and  ! 

patience  of  the  faithful  martyrs,  and  the  happiness,  zeal,  and  j 

perseverance  of  their  fellow  disciples  who  were  spared,  they  j 

percived  ample  evidence  that  the  gospel  was  indeed  the  power  f-  i 

of  God  to  deliver  from  all  iniquity,  and  conform  the  mind  !'. 

and  life  to  the  example  and  will  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  ; 

While  persecution  for  the  sake  of  the  gospel  is  the  occasion  i;- 

of  the  full  manifestation  of  its  divine  glory  to  all  men,  it  not  jj: 

less  effectually  prepares  all  the  fliilhful  followers  of  Christ  |f^ 

who  survive  it,  for  more  arduous  exertions  in  his  service ;  for  j" 

what  they  have  seen  in  their  brethren  who  have  joyfully  re- 
signed their  life,  in  the  hope  of  the  resurrection,  rather  than  "^ 
deny  their  Lord  from  love  to  the  present  life  ;  and  from  their 
own  experience  of  the  power  of  the  gospel  to  impart  to  them 
pure  felicity,  in  the  prospect  of  the  loss  of  all  things,  they  are 
more  fully  persuaded  of  its  divine  excellence  and  eternal  im- 
portance, and  hence  become  solicitous  above  all  things  to  con* 
tinue  participating  of  its  peculiar  and  heavenly  blessings ;  and 
to  employ  every  means  approved  by  their  Lord  to  prevail  on 
all  men  to  share  with  them  in  the  blessedness  which  it  con- 

20* 


•^ 


— ® 


234  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

fers  on  all  who  choose  to  receive  it  as  the  gratuitous  gift  of 
Heaven. 

If  such  be  the  natural  tendency  of  the  persecution  of  Chris- 
tians, we  may  confidently  calculate  that  one  of  its  most  com- 
mon results  will  be  the  advancement  of  Christianity,  verify- 
ing the  proverb  that  "the  blood  of  the  martyrs  is  the  seed  of 
the  church."  This  was  remarkably  illustrated  in  the  gene- 
ration of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  his  apostles,  and  their  imme- 
diate successors  in  the  ministry  of  the  Christian  church. 
Their  history  contained  in  the  four  Gospels,  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  and  Epistles,  is  not  only  more  clearly  than  all 
others,  human  or  even  divine,  stamped  with  the  seal  of  truth, 
but  it  is  also  the  most  marvellous  and  interesting  to  the  hu- 
man race  that  has  been  or  ever  will  be  recorded  for  their  in- 
struction. Conceive  how  little  noticed  or  esteemed  were  Je- 
sus and  bis  twelve  apostles,  on  that  evening  when  he  last 
supped  with  them.  Nor  did  the  one  hundred  and  twenty  as- 
sembled in  an  upper-room  in  Jerusalem,  praying  daily  for 
the  space  of  six  weeks,  excite  any  more  the  attention  of  the 
busy  world ;  or  if  they  were  thought  of  at  all  by  the  citi- 
zens, it  would  be  to  awaken  the  pity  of  a  few  and  the  con- 
tempt and  scorn  of  the  many.  What  would  the  wise  have 
thought,  or  said,  had  any  announced  to  them  that  this  com- 
pany should,  without  secular  power,  science,  wealth,  de- 
ceit, or  flattery,  multiply  their  number  into  ten  thousands,  if 
not  millions,  simply  by  confession  of  the  truth  concerning 
Christ,  zeal  in  its  propagation,  and  voluntary  loss  for  its  sake 
of  worldly  good,  a  good  name,  and,  in  many  cases  of  life 
itself  This  was  nevertheless  the  result  of  their  labours.  Be- 
fore Nero  attempted  to  disgrace  and  destroy  one  or  more  of 
them,  their  society,  probably  illuminated  every  important  city 
and  town,  and  many  a  village  throughout  all  the  provinces 
of  Syria,  Egypt,  Asia,  and  a  considerable  part  of  Europe. 
These  societies  chiefly  consisted  of  the  lower  classes ;  but 
some  accounted  mighty,  and  noble,  and  wise,  consorted  with 
them,  for  this  is  plainly  indicated  by  the  phraseology,  "  Not 
many  wise  men  after  the  flesh,  not  many  mighty,  not  many 
noble  are  called."  Rulers  of  cities,  officers  in  the  army,  and 
some  of  Nero's  guards  or  servants,  were,  we  know,  obedient 
to  the  faith.  Nor  is  it  to  be  doubted  that  their  principles  and 
practices  were,  in  the  reign  of  Domitian,  adopted  by  some 
nearest  the  throne. 

History  affords  no  slight  evidence  that  in  the  time  of  Do- 
mitian the  number  of  Christians  had  greatly  increased.    This 


t 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  235 

may  be  inferred  from  the  fact  that  considerable  parties  had 
risen,  distinguished  by  the  Christian  name,  while  wholly  des- 
titute of  the  Christian  spirit  and  manner  of  life.  Sects  rarely, 
if  ever,  proceed  from  a  small  society  or  community,  especially 
when  the  members  are  poor,  despised,  and  persecuted.  Indi- 
viduals may,  and  generally  do  separate  from  them,  but  it  is 
generally  because  they  disapprove  of  some  or  all  of  their  as- 
sociates, or  the  constitution  and  laws  of  the  society,  or  have 
no  inclination  of  sharing  in  its  sufferings  or  reproach.  Chris- 
tians had  grown  into  a  multitude  in  Jerusalem  and  Antioch, 
and  not  few  in  other  places,  when  certain  persons  violated 
truth  and  integrity,  that  they  might  procure  the  dignity  and 
authoiiiy  of  leaders  in  the  church.  Under  the  pretence  of  a 
commission  from  their  brethren  in  Jerusalem,  they  appeared 
at  An'ioch,  announcing  that  except  the  Gentiles  who  believed 
the  gospel  were  circumcised,  or  became  Jewish  proselytes, 
they  could  not  be  saved.  This  was  the  first  fatal  error,  or 
what  we  call  heresy,  which  arose  in  the  kingdom  of  Christ 
and  of  God.  Perhaps  no  city  out  of  Syria  contained  a  larger 
Christian  society  in  Paul's  day  than  Corinth,  and  not  a  few 
of  the  members  appear  to  have  been  reputed  wise  and  rich. 
The  leaders  of  sects  among  them  had  some  reason  to  hope 
by  success  to  acquire  reputation,  gain,  and  applause  ;  and  sim- 
ilar objects  may  have  stimulated  the  illegitimate  ambition  of 
the  chiefs  of  the  Nicolaitnnes  in  Asia  Minor,  where  were  many 
Christians  in  its  richest  cities  towards  the  end  of  the  first  cen- 
tury. About  the  same  period  ecclesiastical  history  informs 
us  of  separatists  from  the  apostolic  community,  who  seem  to 
have  acquired  more  distinction  and  stability  than  those  noticed 
in  the  New  Testament,  doubtless  because  they  were  more 
numerous.  The  'principal  founders  of  these  were,  if  the 
Christian  fiithers  are  to  be  believed,  Simon  the  magician  of 
Samaria,  Cerinthus,  and  Ebion,  whose  most  prominent  errors 
and  customs  were  probably  the  same  as  those  which  after- 
wards acquired  a  more  distinct  form  and  consistence  in  the 
hands  of  the  party  named  Gnostics,  or  Docetae.  Simon  is  re- 
ported to  having  asserted  in  Samaria,  that  he  was  God  the 
Father,  in  Judea,  that  he  was  the  Son  of  God,  and  in  pagan 
nations,  that  he  was  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  that  no  one  could 
be  saved  who  was  not  baptised  in  his  name.  He  continued 
his  artsof  dissemination,  and  had  many  disciples,  particularly 
in  Rome.  His  reliofious  system  admitted  every  species  of 
wickedness.  His  errors  were  propagated  by  one  of  his  dis- 
ciples, and  others,  in  various  countries.     Cerinthus  was  by 


m- 


» 


236  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

descent  a  Jew,  and  was  probably  conversant  with  Eastern 
philosophy,  for  he  seems  to  have  spoken  of  Jesus  Christ  as  if 
he  were  a*  man  inhabited  by  a  heavenly  created  being.  The 
Ebiouites  seem  to  have  been  derived  from  the  Judaizing 
teachers  of  the  apostolic  times.  They  denied  the  incarnation 
of  Christ,  and  taught  that  without  obedience  to  the  laws  of 
Moses  no  one  could  obtain  salvation.  Paul  was  accounted 
by  them  an  apostate,  and  the  gospel  of  Matthew  in  Hebrew, 
was  the  only  part  of  the  New  Testament  which  they  ad- 
mitted Divine. 

The  Gnostics,  or  persons  eminent  for  knowledge,  as  the 
appellation  imports,  were  the  first  great  sect  who,  under  the 
Christian  name,  subverted  the  gospel  by  pagan  philosophy. 
They  borrowed  fiom  the  system  which  taught  that  from  the 
Supreme  Being  proceed  superhuman  beings  named  aeons,  by 
whose  agency  he  maintains  intercourse  with  the  world. 
Having  discharged  their  office,  they  return  to  their  Creator, 
named  the  Pleroma.  Among  these  aeons,  Waddington  ob- 
serves, "a  very  high  rank,  possibly  the  highest,  was  as- 
signed to  Christ;  but  from  this  point  the  Gnostics  broke  off 
into  two  different  and  almost  opposite  theories  ;  many  ima- 
gined that  Jesus  was  a  mere  man,  and  maintained  that  the  tBon 
Christ  descended  upon  the  man  Jesus  at  his  baptism,  and  left 
him  immediately  before  his  crucifixion,  so  that  Christ  was  not, 
in  fact,  subjected  to  pain  and  death  ;  while  others  held  that 
the  body  with  which  Christ  appeared  to  be  invested,  was  not 
really  human  and  passible,  but  unsubstantial  or  ethereal,  or  at 
least  immaterial :  these  last  were  called  Docetoe.  At  the  same 
time,  both  parties  alike  misunderstood  that  which  the  Church 
considered  to  be  the  peculiar  doctrine  and  object  of  Christian- 
ity ;  for  they  agreed  in  believing  that  the  'mission  of  Christ 
had  no  further  intention  than  to  reveal  the  knowledge  of  the 
true  God  ;  they  denied  the  resurrection  and  the  final  judg- 
ment, and  by  explaining  away  the  death  of  Christ,  they  de- 
prived his  religion  of  the  doctrine  of  the  atonement." 

Some  of  the  Gnostics  wholly  rejected  the  Old  Testament 
as  proceeding  from  the  God  of  the  Jews,  whom  they  regard  as 
"  the  evil  principle,"'  in  opposition  to  the  New  Testament 
communicated  by  the  Creator  of  Jesus  Christ,  or  "  the  good 
principle."  Their  doctrine,  Mosheim  remarks,  relating  to 
morals  and  practice,  was  of  two  kinds,  and  those  extremely 
different  from  each  other.  The  greatest  part  of  this  sect 
,  adopted  rules  of  life  that  were  full  qf  austerity,  recommended 
u  strict  and  rigorous  abstinence,  and  prescribed  the  most  se- 


=Hi 


^= 


THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  237 

vere  bodily  mortifications,  from  a  notion  that  they  had  a 
happy  influence  in  purifying  and  enlarging  the  mind,  and  in 
disposing  it  for  the  contemplation  of  celestial  things.  As  they 
looked  upon  it  to  be  the  unhappiness  of  the  soul  to  have  been 
associated  at  all  to  a  rrialignant,  terrestial  body,  so  they  ima- 
gined that  the  more  that  body  was  extenuated,  the  less  it 
would  corrupt  and  degrade  the  mind,  or  divert  it  from  pur- 
suits of  a  spiritual  and  divine  nature  ;  all  the  Gnostics,  hovjr- 
ever,  were  .ut  so  severe  in  their  moral  discipline.  Some 
maintained  that  there  was  no  moral  difference  in  human  ac- 
tions ;  and  thus  confounding  right  with  wrong,  they  gave 
a  loose  rein  to  all  the  passions,  and  asserted  the  innocence 
of  following  blindly  all  their  motions,  and  of  living  by  their 
tumultuous  dictates.  There  is  nothing  surprising  or  unac- 
countable in  this  difl^erence  between  the  Gnostic  nfiOialists. 
For,  when  we  examine  the  matter  with  attention,  we  shaQ 
find,  that  the  same  doctrine  may  very  naturally  have  given 
rise  to  these  opposite  sentiments.  As  they  all  in  general  con- 
sidered the  body  as  the  centre  and  source  of  evil,  those  of  that 
sect  who  were  of  a  morose  and  austere  disposition,  would  be 
hence  naturally  led  to  mortify  and  combat  the  body  as  the  en- 
emy of  the  soul ;  and  those  who  were  of  a  voluptuous  turn, 
might  also  consider  the  actions  of  the  body  as  having  ^o  re- 
lation, either  of  congruity  or  incongruity,  to  the  state  of  a 
soul  in  communion  with  God. 

The  opinions  thus  slightiy  noticed,  seem  almost  all,  more 
or  less,  alluded  to  in  the  apostolic  writings ;  and  that  they 
were  received  by  muUitudes  before  the  death  of  John  the 
apostle,  appears  evident  from  the  testimony  of  the  Christian 
fathers,  who  are  most  worthy  of  credit.  And  it  is  still  more 
certain  that  the  majority  of  Christians  continued  steadfast  in 
the  pure  doctrine  and  precepts  of  the  Sacred  Writings.  Nor 
can  it  be  doubted  that  their  number  must  have  been  exceed- 
ingly increased,  when  many  ambitious  men,  engaged  in  the 
formation  of  sects,  retained  the  Christian  name.  They  would 
never  have  engaged  in  such  a  work  had  not  Christianity 
been  deeply  interesting  to  multitudes  whose  applause  and  fa- 
vour, if  they  could  prevail  on  them  to  become  their  disciples, 
promised  to  gratify  their  pride,  covetousness,  and  lust  of  do- 
minion. Whether  they  were  successful  to  a  great  extent  or 
not,  "  the  mere  fact  of  the  existence  of  so  many  different  forms 
of  Christianity,  certainly  proves,  not  only  the  zeal  but  also  the 
numbers  of  the  early  converts  ;  for  if  these  had  been  incon- 
siderable, we  should  have  heard  little  either  about  dissenters 


^ 


'-rX9 


238  THE    ROSIAN    EMPIRE    TRIIJMPHANT. 

from  the  orthodox  body,  or  of  their  divisions  among  them- 
selves. The  paucity  and  weakness  of  the  faithful  vt^ould 
have  been  a  sufficient  guarantee  for  their  unanimity." 

Tiiat  the  gospel  had  signally  triumphed  in  the  empire,  we 
shall  only  adduce  one  striking  proof  from  its  marvellous 
power  in  subverting  idolatry  in  Bithynia,  long  before  the  ter- 
mination of  the  first  century.  This  region  was  inhabited  by 
a  rude,  uncivilized  race  in  the  time  of  the  Persian  empire. 
Paul  was  restrained  by  the  divine  impulse  from  visiting  this 
country ;  but  probably  some  native  Jews  or  proselytes  had 
introduced  the  gospel,  which  they  received  when  first 
preached  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  Acts  ii.  9,  10.  Now,  from 
the  language  applied  to  the  Christians  of  Bithynia,  when  Pe- 
ter the  apostle  addressed  them  in  his  first  epistle,  it  seems  ob- 
vious that  they  were  then,  compared  with  the  population, 
exceedingly  few ;  they  were  merely  strangers  scattered 
abroad.  How  rapidly  they  must  have  increased  may  be 
learned  from  Pliny's  celebrated  epistle  to  Trajan,  a.  d.  107. 
"  The  sacred  solemnities"  of  the  idol  temples  had  been  for  a 
long  season  neglected  :  and  Christianity  had  pervaded  the 
cities,  towns,  villages,  and  hamlets.  His  letter  was  occasioned 
by  the  difficulty  which  he  felt  in  condemning  to  death  those 
who  ivere  innocent  of  any  crime,  except  violating  the  obso- 
lete law  of  Rome  respecting  religion,  which  Trajan  had  re- 
vived, as  appears  from  his  answer  to  his  proconsul  and 
friend.  He  writes  as  follows : — "  Others  were  named  by  an 
informer,  who  had  first  confessed  themselves  Christians,  and 
afterwards  denied  it ;  the  rest  said  they  had  been  Christians, 
but  had  left  them,  some  three  years  ago,  some  longer,  and 
one  or  more  above  twenty  years.  They  all  worshipped  your 
image,  and  the  statues  of  the  gods  ;  these  also  reviled  Christ. 
They  affirmed  that  the  whole  of  their  fault  or  error  lay  in 
this — that  they  were  wont  lo  meet  together  on  a  stated  day 
before  it  was  light,  and  sing  among  themselves  alternately  a 
hymn  to  Christ,  as  to  God,  and  bind  themselves  by  an  oath, 
not  to  the  commission  of  any  wickedness,  but,  not  to  be  guilty 
of  theft  or  robbery,  or  adultery,  never  to  falsify  their  word, 
nor  to  deny  a  pledge  committed  to  them  when  called  upon  to 
return  it.  When  these  things  were  performed,  it  was  their 
custom  to  separate,  and  then  to  come  together  again  to  a 
meal,  which  they  ate  in  common  without  any  disorder ;  but 
this  they  had  foreborne  since  the  publication  of  my  edict,  by 
which,  according  to  your  commands,  I  prohibited  assemblies. 
After  receiving  this  account,  I  judged  it  the  more  necessary 


S^ 


# 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  239 

to  examine,  and  that  by  torture,  two  maid-servants,  which 
were  called  ministers :  but  I  have  discovered  nothing  besides 
a  bad  and  excessive  superstition.  Suspending,  therefore,  all 
judicial  proceedings,  I  have  recourse  to  you  for  advice,  for 
it  has  appeared  to  me  matter  highly  deserving  consideration, 
especially  upon  account  of  the  great  number  of  persons  who 
are  in  danger  of  suffering,  for  many  of  all  ages  and  every 
rank,  of  both  sexes  likewise,  are  accused,  and  will  be  ac- 
cused. Nor  has  the  contagion  of  this  superstition  seized 
cities  only,  but  the  lesser  towns  also,  and  the  open  country  ; 
nevertheless,  it  seems  to  me  that  it  may  be  restrained  and  cor- 
rected. It  is  certain  that  the  temples  which  were  almost  for- 
saken begin  to  be  more  frequented  ;  and  the  sacred  solemni- 
ties, after  a  long  intermission,  are  revived.  Victims  likewise 
are  everywhere  bought  up,  whereas  for  a  time  there  were  few 
purchasers.  Whence  it  is  easy  to  imagine  what  numbers  of 
men  might  be  reclaimed  if  pardon  were  granted  to  those  who 
repent."  The  emperor's  answer  amounted  to  this — "  That 
the  Christians  are  not  to  be  sought  for,  nor  molested  on  anony- 
mous information  ;  but  that  on  conviction  they  ought  to  be 
punished." 

These  letters  suggest  important  instruction,  in  relation  to 
the  original  propagation  of  the  Christian  revelation.  -*  Few 
divisions  of  the  Roman  empire  lay  more  remote  from  Jerusa- 
lem, and  indeed  from  all  the  chief  seats  of  the  ministry  of 
the  apostles,  than  Bithynia,  which  formed  the  shores  of  the 
south-western  extremity  of  the  Euxine  Sea,  and  bordered  on 
the  terrible  and  almost  unknown  and  vast  regions  of  Scythia. 
Since  the  inhabitants  of  this  province  had  universally  re- 
nounced idol-worship  and  all  its  abominable  practices,  is  it 
probable  that  those  much  more  favourably  situated  for  attain- 
ing the  knowledge  of  Christ,  remained  more  attached  to  their 
senseless  and  profane  worship?  Can  it  be  doubted,  that  the 
gods  of  the  Roman  provinces  were  truly  famished  ?  Have 
we  not  here  an  ample  illustration  and  confirmation  of  the 
truth  of  the  first  scene  of  the  predictive  visions  of  John  in 
Patmos  ?  "  I  saw,  and  behold  a  white  horse,  and  he  that  sat 
on  him  had  a  bow,  and  a  crown  was  given  unto  him :  and  he 
went  forth  conquering  and  to  conquer."  The  event  foretold 
the  future,  and  described  not  the  past ;  it  was  included  in  . 
those  things  which  were  to  transpire  shortly  after,  as  seen  by 
the  apostle;  while  horses,  being  anciently  used  in  grand 
processional  triumphs  of  conquerors,  naturally  became  sym- 
bolical images  of  victory,  conquest,  and  triumph,  as  in  Rev 


I 


>9I40  YBt   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

xix.  11 — 17.  The  Sovereig-n  of  the  Fifth  Empire  retired  not 
from  the  contest  with  the  votaries  of  the  vain  and  polluted  gods 
of  the  nations,  when  his  first  ministers  were  summoned  to  sit 
with  him  on  his  invisible  throne.  'I'he  work  which  he  had 
taug-ht  them  to  perform,  he  committed  to  others,  whom  he 
counted  fjithful,  and  he  went  forth  at  their  head,  "conquer- 
ing- and  to  conquer,"  till  the  whole  empire  became  nominally 
subject  to  his  jrovernment,  who  is  "  King  of  kings,  and  Lord 
of  iords."  Thus  were  many  predictions  by  the  ancient 
prophets  accomplished :  all  nations  worshipped  the  Lord  Je- 
sus ;  and  the  tribes  of  the  people  did  him  homage. 

Posterity  would  have,  perhaps,  never  known  the  Christian 
state  of  Bithynia  any  more  than  its  state  in  other  provinces, 
had  Pliny  not  had  more  knowledge  of  morals  than  was  usu- 
ally attained  by  the  Roman  governors.  Christianity  had  al- 
ready, evidently  invisibly,  and  most  probably  imperceptibly, 
powerfully  affected  the  minds  of  intelligent  and  learned  un- 
believers. Its  moral  principles  strongly  recommend  them- 
selves to  the  consciences  of  all  considerate  men.  And  many 
learned  from  Christianity  much  to  embitter  their  life,  and 
make  them  administer  much  good  to  mankind,  while  they 
proudly  rejected  its  peculiar  truths,  which  would  have,  at 
once,  imparted  to  them  pure  felicity,  and  made  them  more 
extensively  useful  in  society.  The  moral  opinions  of  Seneca, 
the  elder  and  younger  Pliny,  and  some  of  their  learned  con- 
temporaries undoubtedly  rose  far  above  the  standard  of  pa- 
ganism. And  Nerva  and  Trajan  discovered  more  universal 
benevolence  and  tender  compassion  for  mankind  in  general, 
than  was  common  with  their  predecessors.  They  walked  in 
light  whose  sun  or  fountain  they  knew  not,  or  disdained  to 
acknowledge,  and  in  this  vain  and  inconsiderate  conduct 
have  they  been  followed  by  thousands  of  the  learned  and 
mighty  in  all  successive  ages.  Happy  had  it  been  for  them 
had  they  not,  in  pride  of  intellect,  and  perversion  of  afl!ec- 
tions,  not  attempted  to  extinguish  that  light  to  which  they 
were  indebted  for  that  imperfect  moral  excellence  which  con- 
stituted their  truest  and  highest  glory. 

Notwithstandingthe  moral  splendour  of  Pliny  and  Trajan, 
they  were  destitute  of  the  very  first  element  of  moral  science, 
benevolence,  or  enlightened  love  to  God  and  men,  and  by 
consequence,  they  neither  reverenced  him  as  the  Supreme, 
nor  practised  impartial  justice  to  the  human  race.  The 
standard  of  duty  with  Pliny,  was  obedience  to  the  supreme 
authority  in  human  society,  without  any  regard  to  the  au- 


=t: 


THE    ROJIAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  241' 

.liority  of  God  as  the  sovereign  Lord  and  Judge  of  every 
man.  He  perceived  that  the  Christians  were  guilty  of  nc 
crime  which  even  the  laws  of  the  empire  had  defined,  and 
denounced  as  deserving  of  punishment;  for  the  law  prohib- 
iting the  introduction  of  a  new  god  or  a  new  religion  differ- 
ent fi  om  that  recognised  by  the  Romans,  had  been  by  custom 
a  dead  letter  in  ail  ages:  it  had  rarely  been  enforced.  "  The 
various  modes  of  worship  which  prevailed  in  the  Roman 
world,  were  all  considered  by  the  people  as  equally  true; 
by  the  philosopher  as  equally  false ;  and  by  the  magistrate 
as  equjliy  useful.  And  thus  toleration  produced  not  only 
mutual  indulgence,  but  even  religious  concord."  Pliny,  re- 
gardless alike  of  the  homage  due  to  God  and  to  the  law 
of  the  empire,  expelled  from  his  heart  all  feelings  of  jus- 
tice and  humanity,  by  the  imagination  or  persuasion  that 
resolute  refusal  to  worship  idols  at  his  command  as  the 
chief  magistrate,  indispensably  demanded  the  infliction  of  the 
most  severe  of  punishments  which  human  policy,  revenge, 
or  malice  had  invented.  Though  conscious  of  his  ignorance 
of  Christianity,  yet  he  deigned  not  to  investigate  it,  that  he 
might  judge  with  knowledge  and  impartiality  of  the  accusa- 
tion of  violating  the  law  by  confessing  it,  notwithstanding 
that  the  welfare  of  the  majority  of  the  people  depended  on 
his  decision.  Truly,  the  pride  of  talent  and  learning  be- 
trays consummate  meanness  of  spirit  and  callousness  of 
heart.  It  absolutely  prevented  the  attainment  of  knowledge 
and  wisdom,  whicli  the  possessor  conceives  to  be  his  highest 
glory.  He  only  values  the  knowledge  which  leaves  him 
self-sufficient  and  insensible  to  his  obligations  to  worship  and 
serve  his  Creator.  Whether  the  Christian  serve  God  or  not, 
held  truth  or  was  deluded,  it  was  nothing  to  the  worldly  phi- 
losopher. 

Trajan,  inferior  as  he  was  in  learning,  and  perhaps  intel- 
lect, to  Pliny,  acted  soraewiiat  more  honourable  ;  and  we 
doubt  not,  would  not  have  persecuted,  had  he  not  determined 
to  maintain  the  integ/ity  and  ancient  glory  and  religion  of  the 
Roman  empire,  civil  as  well  as  political.  His  officer  and 
friend  had  listened  to  informers  ;  the  emperor  enjoins  him  to 
give  no  encouragement  to  such  persons  ;  they  were  a  worth- 
less race  whom  his  government  denounced;  and  as  for 
anonymous  libels,  they  were  not  at  all  to  be  regarded,  for 
he  aspired  to  the  fiime  of  a  generous  and  just  sovereign. 
Nevertheless,  this  apparently  noble-minded  man  had  revived 
the  law  which  rendered  capital  the  worship  of  a  god  not  ad- 

VOL.    LU.  21 


=% 


# 


243 


THIS   EOMAN    EMPIRE   TRrUMPHANT. 


mined  into  the  list  of  the  gods  of  the  Romans.  He  was  un- 
questionably more  ambitious  of  supporting  the  glory  than  the 
true  happiness  of  the  Romans.  He  was  as  zealous  to  spread 
the  fame  of  the  gods  of  Rome  as  its  political  power.  Accord- 
ingly, we  find  him,  in  his  progress  through  the  Eastern  pro- 
vinces, acting  as  the  supreme  judge  in  religious  as  well  a? 
in  civil  affairs,  believing  that  his  personal  celebrity  required  the 
prosperity  of  both.  It  is  possible  that  posterity  would  have 
known  nothing  more  of  Trajan's  personal  implacable  hatred 
of  Christianity,  and  his  persecution  of  its  advocates,  than  of 
many  other  events  deeply  affecting  them,  had  they,  especially 
their  teachers,  remembered  all  the  instructions  of  their  Lord 
and  Saviour,  and  the  example  of  his  most  faithful  ministers. 
They  were,  doubtless,  persecuted  in  all  the  provinces,  in  obe- 
dience to  Trajan's  edicts ;  but  neither  he  nor  his  friends 
deemed  Christianity  worthy  of  their  thoughts,  except  in  so 
far  as  it  obtruded  itself  on  their  attention,  and  seemed  to  inters 
fere  with  their  schemes  of  political  ambition.  The  wisdom 
of  this  world,  and  the  renown  of  statesmen  and  successful  war^ 
and  the  pleasures  of  this  life,  constituted,  in  their  eyes,  human 
felicity.  Christianity,  in  its  primitive  simplicity,  had  no 
charms  for  them.  They  had  neither  inclination  nor  time  to 
observe  or  record  the  excellence  or  defects,  the  laboui  s  or  suf- 
ferings of  its  followers,  whom  they  looked  on  as  a  race  re- 
markable for  ignorance  or  imbecility  of  mind,  or  contemptible 
for  poverty  or  fanaticism.  The  Roman  governors  believed 
it  their  duty  to  extirpate  Christianity,  in  obedience  to  their 
emperor  ;  it  was  no  part  of  their  labour  or  care  to  repoit  its 
history. 

Trajan,  on  arriving  at  Antioch,  raised  his  tribunal  there, 
as  in  other  places,  and  heard  the  accusations  brought  against 
Christians.  We  have,  however,  no  evidence  that  he  sum- 
moned them  as  a  body  before  him,  nor  even  encouraged  their 
enemies  to  accuse  them.  That  he,  however^ was  their  deter- 
mined enemy,  is  rtianifest  from  his  treatment  of  Ignatius, 
bishop  of  the  Christian  church  at  Antioch.  This  holy  minister 
had,  we  think,  rashly  made  up  his  mind  to  expose  himself  to 
martyrdom,  perhaps  in  the  expectation  that  when  the  shepherd 
was  slain,  the  flock  would  be  spared.  Instead. of  continuing 
to  discharge  his  duty  quietly,  or  retiring  from  the  fcice  of  the 
persecutor,  he  sought  an  interview  with  the  emperor,  and  con- 
fessed his  faith,  partly  in  phraseology  which  no  unbeliever 
could  be  supposed  to  unde; stand  or  interpret  as  conveying 
anything  but  the  delusions  of  an  enthusiast.     ''  Ambition  and 


®^ 


# 


THE   ROHAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  MS 

lust  of  power,"  the  intelligent  and  pious  Milner  remarks, 
"  were  not  stronger  features  in  the  character  of  Cesar,  than 
the  desire  of  martyrdom  was  in  that  of  Ignatius."  He  had 
long  governed  the  chuch  in  Antioch,  and  was  a  very  aged 
Christian,  a.  d.  107,  when  he  held  the  interview  with  Trajan, 
which  is  thus  detailed.  "  What  an  impious  spirit  art  thou." 
said  the  emperor,  "  both  to  transgress  our  commands,  and  to 
inveigle  others  into  the  same  folly  to  their  ruin?  Ignatius. 
Theophorus  ought  not  to  be  called  so,  forasmuch  as  all  wick- 
ed spirits  are  depiirted  far  from  the  servants  of  God.  But  if 
you  call  me  impious  because  I  am  hostile  to  evil  spirits,  1 
own  the  charge  in  that  respect ;  for  I  dissolve  all  their  snares, 
through  the  inward  support  of  Christ,  the  heavenly  King. 
Traj'in.  Pray,  who  is  Theophorus  ?  Ignatius.  He  who 
has  Christ  in  his  breast.  Trajan.  And  thinkest  thou  not  that 
gods  reside  in  us  also,  who  fight  for  us  against  our  enemies? 
Ignatius.  You  mistake  in  calling  the  demons  of  the  nation 
by  the  name  of  gods  ;  for  there  is  only  Qme  God,  who  made 
heaven  and  earth,  the  sea,  and  all  that  is  in  them  ;  and  One 
Jesus  Christ,  his  only-begotten  Son,  whose  kingdom  be  my 
portion !  Trajai,.  His  kingdom  do  you  say,  who  was  cru- 
cified under  Pilate?  Ignatius.  His,  who  crucified  my  sin 
with  its  author ;  and  has  put  all  the  fraud  and  malice  of  Sa- 
tan under  the  feet  of  those  who  carry  him  in  their  heart. 
Trajan.  Dost  thou  then  carry  him  who  was  crucified  with- 
in thee?  Ignatius.  I  do ;  for  it  is  written,  '  I  dwell  in  them, 
and  walk  in  them.'  Then  Trajan  pronounced  this  sentence 
against  him  : — '  Since  Ignatius  confesses  that  he  carries  with- 
in himself  him  that  was  crucified,  we  command  that  he  be 
carried  bound  by  soldiers  to  Great  Rome,  there  to  be  thrown 
to  the  wilJ  beasts,  for  the  entertainment  of  the  people.'  "  This 
conversation  and  the  account  of  his  future  sufferings,  are  said 
to  have  been  written  by  the  Christians  who  accompaniei  him 
to  Rome.  But  the  original  document,  as  well  as  his  epistles  to 
several  churches,  have  been,  like  other  writings  of  the  Chris- 
tians, injured  by  posterity, and  phrasesor  sentiments  inserted  as- 
cribed to  Ignatius  which  he  probably  would  have  disapproved. 
However  valuable  his  epistles,  and  the  writing  of  his  contem- 
poraries or  successors  may  be,  it  would  be  well  to  recollect 
that  they  constittite  no  part  of  the  infallible  rule  of  the  faith 
and  practice  of  Christianity,  of  which  no  just  judgment  can  be 
formed,  except  from  the  Scriptures. 

Guards  were  sent  with  Ignatius  to  Seleucia,  and  thence 
they  sailed  to  Smyrna,  where  he  was  allowed  to  enjoy,  fo.r 


»-=--—  ■  # 


t 


J 


244  THE    ROMAN    EMPmE    TRIUMPHANT. 


sometime,  the  society  of  his  friend  and  fellow-disciple  of  the 

I  apostle  John,  Polycarp,  the  venerable  and  holy  bishop  of  the 
church  in  this  city  ;  and  here  also  he  had  the  pleasure  of  in- 

,1  tercourse  with  a  number  of  Christians  sent  by  their  respective 

"  churches  in  Asia  Minor,  to  refresh  his  spirits,  and  testily  their 

love  for  him.     From  Smyrna  he  sailed  to  Troas,  accompanied 
,  by  Polycarp  and  other  Christian  friends.     He  was  conducted 

■\  by  his  guards  from  Troas  to  Nicopolis,  passed  by  Philippi, 

*•  throuo-h  Macedonia,  and  part  of  Epirus,  from  one  of  the  ports 

}  of  which  they  sailed  to  Italy,  and  landed  at  Ostia,  the  seaport 

i  of  Rome.     The  Christians  here  intimated  their  strong  desire 

f  to  intercede  for  his  life  ;  but  he  declined  the  fivour.     Hav- 

(I  ing  reached  Rome,  he  was  delivered  to  the  prefect,  and  or- 

r  dered  to  be  put  to  death.     A  number  of  the  Christians  were 

i  permitted  to  unite  with  him  in  prayer.    He  particularly  prayed 

II  for  the  churches,  and  that  the  persecution  might  cease,  as 
|l  it  had  done  to  his  great  joy,  in  Antioch.  He  was  then  led 
5]  into  the  amphitheatre  and  thrown  to  the  wild  beasts.  They 
j  devoured  him,  except  a  few  of  his  bones,  which  his  friends 
!;  carefully  collected  and  conveyed  to  Antioch,  where  they  were 
j  burned. 

The  letters  of  Ignatius  contain  more  instruction  to  the 
churches  than  information  respecting  their  state.  His  allu- 
sions, however,  on  this  subject  teach  us  that  the  Christians  in 
Syria  and  Asia  were  still  animated  by  the  true  spirit  of  Chris- 
tianity, and  boldly  contended  for  the  faith,  in  opposition  to  the 
seductions  of  false  teachers,  and  the  power  of  unbelieving 
rulers,  philosophers,  and  idolaters.  The  most  satisfiictory 
view  of  the  spirit  and  conduct  of  the  Christians,  al^out  the 
end  of  the  first  century,  given  by  any  uninspired  writer  is  to 
be  found  in  the  epistle  of  Clemens  Romanus  to  the  church 
at  Corinth,  which  he  is  supposed  to  have  written  about  a.  d. 
95.  This  is  the  only  work  of  the  first  Christians  that  have 
survived  that  breathes  throughout  the  pure  apostolic  spirit. 
Though  the  Corinthians  had  relapsed  into  similar  evils  to 
those  which  induced  Paul  to  write  to  them  his  two  epistles, 
yet  the  restoration  effected  by  his  first,  and  attested  to  in  the 
second,  appears  to  have  been  truly  real  ;  for  Clemens  thus 
describes  their  prosperous  state  previously  to  the  relapse 
which  he  deplores.  "  What  strangers,"  he  says,  "that  came 
among  you,  did  not  take  honourable  notice  formerly  of  the 
firmness  and  fulness  of  your  faith?  Who  of  them'did  not 
admire  the  sobriety  and  gentleness  of  your  godly  spirit  in 
Chris*?     Who  did  not  extol  the  liberal   practice  of  your 


1 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  245 

Christian  hospitality  ?  How  admirable  was  your  sound  and 
mature  knowledge  of  divine  things  ?  Ye  were  wont  to  do 
all  things  without  respect  to  persons  ;  and  ye  walked  in  the 
ways  of  God  in  due  subjection  to  your  pastors,  and  submit- 
ting yourselves  the  younger  to  the  elder.  Ye  charged  young 
men  to  attend  to  the  gravity  and  moderation  becoming  the 
Christian  character  ;  young  women  to  discharge  their  duties 
with  a  blameless,  holy,  and  chaste  conscientiousness  ;  to  love 
their  husbands  with  all  suitable  tenderness  and  fidelity  ;  and 
to  guide  the  house  in  all  soberness  and  gravity.  Then  ye  all 
showed  a  humble  spirit,  void  of  boasting  and  arrogance,  more 
ready  to  obey  than  to  command,  more  ready  to  give  than  to  re- 
ceive. Content  with  the  Divine  allotments,  and  attending 
diligently  to  his  word,  ye  were  enlarged  in  your  bowels  of 
love  ;  and  his  sufferings  on  the  cross  were  before  your  eyes. 
Hence  a  profound  and  happy  peace  w^as  imparted  to  you  all  ; 
an  unwearied  desire  of  doing  good,  and  a  plentiful  eff'usion 
of  the  Holy  Ghost  was  with  you.  Full  of  holy  counsel,  in 
all  readiness  of  mind,  with  godly  assurance  of  faith,  ye 
stretched  forth  your  hands  to  the  Lord  Almighty,  intreating 
him  to  be  gracious  to  you,  if  in  anything  ye  unwillingly  of- 
fended. Your  care  was,  day  and  night,  for  all  the  brethren  ; 
that  the  number  of  his  elect  might  be  saved  in  mercy  and  a 
good  conscience.  Ye  were  indeed  sincere  and  harmless,  and 
forgiving  one  another.  All  dissension  and  schism  in  the 
Church  was  abominable  to  you:  ye  mourned  over  the  faults 
of  your  neighbours ;  ye  sympathised  with  their  infirmities  as 
your  own ;  ye  were  unwearied  in  all  goodness,  and  ready  to 
every  good  work.  Adorned  with  a  venerable  and  upright 
conversation,  ye  performed  all  things  in  his  fear;  and  the 
law  of  God  was  written  deep  indeed  on  the  tables  of  your 
hearts." 

The  character  which  becomes  Christians,  in  the  judgment 
of  Clemens,  truly  harmonises  with  that  delineated  in  the  Sa- 
cred Writings.  One  specimen  may  suffice  to  show  this: 
"  Christ  is  theirs  who  are  poor  in  spirit,  and  lift  not  up  them- 
selves above  the  flock  ;  but  are  content  to  be  low  in  the 
Church."  "  Let  us  obey  our  spiritual  pastors,  and  honour 
our  elders,  and  let  the  younger  be  disciplined  in  the  fear  of 
God.  Let  our  wives  be  directed  to  what  is  good  ;  to  follow 
chastity,  modesty,  meekness,  sincerity.  Let  them  evidence 
their  power  of  self-eovernment  by  their  silence  ;  and  let  them 
show  love,  not  in  the  spirit  of  a  sect  or  party,  but  to  all  who 
fear  God."     Again,  "  Let  not  the  strong  despise  the  weak  * 

2r 


4 


jt 


246  THE   EOMAN   EAfPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

and  let  the  weak  reverence  the  strong.  Let  the  rich  commu- 
nicate to  the  poor ;  and  let  the  poor  be  thankful  to  God,  iur 
those  through  whom  their  wants  are  supplied.  Let  the  wise 
exert  his  wisdom,  not  merely  in  words,  but  in  good  works. 
Let  the  humble  prove  his  humility,  not  by  testifying  of  him- 
self how  humble  he  is ;  but  by  a  conduct,  that  may  occasion 
others  to  give  testimony  to  him  ;  Let  not  the  chaste  be  proud 
of  his  chastity,  knowing  that  from  God  he  has  received  the 
gift  of  continency."  "  Have  we  not  all  one  God,  one  Christ, 
one  spirit  of  grace  poured  upon  us,  and  one  calling  in  Christ? 
Why  do  we  separate  and  distract  the  members  of  Christ,  and 
fight  against  our  own  body,  and  arrive  at  such  an  height  of 
madness,  as  to  forget  that  we  are  members  one  of  another. 
Is  any  among  you  strong  in  faith,  mighty  in  knowledge,  gift- 
ed in  utterance,  judicious  in  doctrines,  and  pure  in  conduct. 
The  more  he  appears  exalted  above  others,  the  more  need  has 
he  to  be  poor  in  spirit ;  and  to  take  care,  that  he  look  not  to 
his  own  things,  but  that  he  study  to  promote  the  common  good 
of  the  Church.  Every  one,  whose  heart  has  any  good  de- 
gree of  the  fear  and  love  which  is  the  result  of  our  common 
hope,  would  rather  that  he  himself  be  exposed  to  censure 
than  his  neighbours  ;  and  would  rather  condemn  himself, 
than  break  that  beautiful  bond  of  brotherly  love  which  is  de- 
livered to  us."  After  pressing  the  beautiful  example  of  the 
charity  of  Moses  recorded  in  the  book  of  Exodus,  he  says, 
"  who  of  you  has  any  generosity  of  sentiment,  or  bowels  of 
compassion,  or  fulness  of  love  ?  Let  him  say,  if  the  strife 
and  schism  be  on  my  account ;  I  will  depart,  wherever  you 
please,  and  perform  whatever  the  church  shall  require.  Only 
let  Christ's  flock  live  in  peace  with  their  settled  pastors." 

We  have  reason  to  conclude  that  the  imperial  persecution 
of  the  entire  Christian  community,  like  that  of  individual 
ministers  or  private  members,  would  "  tend  to  the  furtherance 
of  the  gospel."  It  presented  Christianity  in  all  its  glory  be-^ 
fore  every  class  of  the  empire.  The  emperor  and  his  great  * 
officers,  the  philosophers  and  the  priests  of  paganism,  the  sol- 
dier and  the  husbandman,  the  nobles  and  the  peasants,  had 
the  salvation  of  God  brought  near  to  them ;  and  had  not  the 
mighty,  and  wise,  and  noble,  in  malice  and  envy,  tried  their 
power  to  crush  the  rising  kingdom  of  God,  most  probably, 
not  a  few  who  were  saved  by  His  sovereign  mercy  and  fa- 
vour would  never  have  deigned  to  visit  the  Christian  assem- 
blies, or  listen  to  the  voice  of  a  Christian  on  any  subject 
which  directed  man  to  regard  Jesus  of  Nazareth,  the  crucified 


THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TEIUMPHANT.  247 

one,  as  the  only  Saviour  and  Lord  of  all.  The  testimony  of 
the  confessors  before  the  pulic  tribunal,  and  their  inconquer- 
able  fidelity  to  their  Saviour,  awakened  the  attention  of  many 
an  unbehever  to  the  importance  of  the  life  and  incorruption 
brought  to  light  by  the  gospel,  and  thoroughly  convinced 
them  of  the  truth  of  the  report,  that  ^'  Jesus  Christ  came  to 
save  sinners." 

The  Lord  Jesus  commanded  his  followers,  when  perse- 
cuted in  one  city,  to  flee  unto  another ;  and  many  of  them 
obeyed,  and  carried  the  message  of  mercy  much  more  rap- 
idly over  the  world  than  the  most  sanguine  of  its  friends  had 
probably  ever  calculated.  It  is  most  probable  that  Christian- 
ity would  not  have  spread  beyond  the  Roman  empire,  had 
the  confession  of  it  not  been  pronounced  a  capital  crime. 
The  empire  was  a  sufficiently  large  field  for  the  missionary 
enterprise  ;  and  beyond  it  there  was  little  to  stimulate  and 
encourage  any  Christian  to  renounce  all  the  comforts  and 
advantages  of  home,  and  comparatively  civil  society.  Be 
yond  the  Roman  dominions,  and  those  possessed  by  kings 
who  would  gladly  purchase  the  emperor's  favour  by  the  sa- 
crifice of  any  who  sought  in  their  kingdoms  an  asylum  from 
his  power,  all  countries,  not  consisting  of  entire  deserts  or 
waste  solitudes,  were  inhabited  by  hostile  tribes  of  barbarians, 
of  unknown  languages,  and  fierce  manners.  Who  would 
feel  disposed  to  withdraw  into  these  regions,  unless  convinced 
that  they  had,  otherwise,  no  chance  of  life?  And  this  was 
no  doubt  the  experience  of  many  during  the  great  persecu- 
tions by  pagan  as  well  as  papal  Rome.  "  The  wilderness," 
or  the  lands  of  barbarism,  afllbrded  the  only  refuge  for  the  af- 
flicted followers  of  Christ,  who  sought  safety  in  flight  fVom 
the  iron  teeth  of  the  nameless  beast  of  prey.  "  Wherever 
you  are,"  said  Cicero  to  the  exiled  Marcellus,  "  remember 
you  are  equally  within  the  power  of  the  conqueror."  Chris- 
tians  who  were  fortunate  enough  to  evade  the  search,  and 
escape  the  power  of  Rome,  had  no  alternative  but  to  place 
themselves  at  the  mercy  of  the  rudest  and  most  ignorant  of 
the  human  race.  These,  perhaps,  generally  welcomed  them, 
and  received  in  return  the  knowledge  of  "  the  unsearchable 
riches  of  Christ."  "  The  wilderness  and  the  solitary  place 
were  made  glad  for  them,  and  the  desert  rejoiced  and  blos- 
somed like  the  rose." 

It  was  most  probably  during  the  persecutions  by  the  Pagan 
Roman  emperors  that  the  gospel  was  spread  beyond  the  em- 
pire, and  that  it  was  received  by  those  whose  descendants,  in 


"^^^ 


I 


^m 


1^48  THE   EOMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

future  ages,  declined  obedience  to  the  mandates  of  the  Pope 
of  Rome  and  his  clergy.  These  certainly  met  with  more  op- 
position from  Christians  in  remote  regions  of  the  empire,  or 
among  a  people  who  had  never  quietly  submitted  to  the  Ro- 
man yoke,  than  from  any  other  people  in  Europe.  Thus  the 
Waldenses  in  the  valleys  of  the  Alps,  and  the  Culdees  in  the 
northern  parts  of  Scotland,  were  the  most  determined  enemies 
of  the  spiritual  despotism  and  tyranny  of  the  Roman  clergy 
in  the  dark  ages.  And  it  is  scarcely  to  be  questioned  that  in 
these  countries,  as  well  as  in  Germany,  Scythia,  and  Persia, 
Christianity  was  known  and  confessed  by  at  least  a  few  of  the 
inhabitants  in.  the  first  and  second  centuries.  Clemens  Ro- 
manus,  who  was  perhaps  a  contemporary  of  John  the  apostle, 
and  acquainted  with  some  of  Paul's  disciples  at  Rome,  testi- 
fies that  Paul  preached  the  gospel  to  "  the  utmost  bounds  of 
the  West,''  a  phrase  denoting  the  utmost  western  boundaries 
of  the  Roman  empire.  The  dissemination  of  the  pure  gos- 
pel beyond  the  empire  is  still  more  clearly  announced  by  Ire- 
naeus.  This  venerable  minister,  who  was  chosen  bishop  of 
the  church  at  Lyons,  a.  d.  169,  had  enjoyed  the  society  of 
Polycarp,  one  of  the  disciples  of  John  the  Baptist.  In  his 
booiv  on  heresy,  written  a.  d.  187,  he  thus  speaks :  "  Though 
in  the  world  there  are  difl^erent  languages,  yet  the  virtue  of 
instruction  is  one  and  the  same.  And  neither  do  the  churches 
disseminated  through  the  whole  world,  even  to  the  ends  of 
the  earth,  believe  differently,  or  teach  differently  from  one 
another.  No  disagreement  in  faith  or  practice  existed  among 
those  founded  in  Germany,  nor  those  which  are  among  the 
Spaniards,  nor  those  which  are  among  the  Cehs,  nor  those 
whidh  are  in  the  East,  nor  those  which  are  in  Egypt,  nor 
those  which  are  in  Lybia,  nor  those  which  are  in  the  middle 
of  the  world :  but  as  to  the  creatures  of  God  in  the  whole 
world  the  sun  is  one  and  the  same,  so  also  is  the  light  of  the 
preaching  the  truth  wherever  it  shines  and  illuminates  all 
men  who  arrive  at  the  knowledge  of  the  truth."  It  was, 
however,  only  after  the  lapse  of  centuries  that  nominal  Chris- 
tianity became  the  religion  of  the  nations  to  whom  he  refers; 
and  it  is  a  lamentable  fa<t  that  the  new  religion  which  they 
embraced,  or  rather  which  was  forced  on  them,  contained 
little  of  Christianity  except  the  name.  In  proof  of  this,  it  is 
only  necessary  to  give  a  short  extract  from  Mosheim's  ac- 
count of  "  the  prosperous  events"  to  the  Christian,  or  rather 
the  Roman  church,  in  the  sixth  century. — "  In  the  western 
parts,  Remigius,  or  Remi,  bishop  of  Rheims,  who  is  com- 


THE   ROMAN    EJIPJRE   TRIUMPflANT.  249 

monly  called  The  Apostle  of  the  Gauls,  signalized  his  zeal 
in  the  conversion  of  those  who  still  adhered  to  the  ancient  su- 
perstitions ;  and  his  success  was  considerable,  particularly- 
after  that  auspicious  period  when  Clovis,  king  of  the  Franks, 
embraced  the  gospel.  In  Britain,  several  circumstances  con- 
curred to  favour  the  propagation  of  Christianity.  Ethelbeit, 
king  of  Kent,  and  the  most  considerable  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
monarchs  amoni^  whom  that  inland  was  at  this  time  divided, 
married  Bertha,  daughter  of  Cherebert,  king  of  Paris,  towards 
the  conclusion  of  this  century.  This  princess,  partly  by  her 
own  influence,  and  partly  by  the  pious  efforts  of  the  clergy 
who  followed  her  into  Britain,  gradually  formed  in  the  mind 
of  Ethelbeit,  a  certain  inclination  to  the  Christian  religion. 
While  the  king  was  in  this  favourable  disposition,  Gregory 
the  Great  sent  into  Britain,  a.  d.  596,  forty  Benedictine 
monks,  with  Augustin  at  their  head,  in  order,  to  bring  tO' 
perfection  what  the  pious  queen  had  so  happily  begun.  This 
monk,  seconded  by  the  zeal  and  assistance  of  Bertha,  con- 
verted the  king,  and  the  greatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  of 
Kent,  and  laid  anew  the  foundation  of  the  British  church. 
The  labours  of  Columba,  an  Irish  monk,  were  attended  with 
success  among  the  Picts  and  Scots,  many  of  whom  embraced 
the  gospel  of  Christ  In  Germany  the  Bohemians,  Thurin- 
gians,  and  Boii,  are  said  to  have  abandoned,  in  this  century, 
their  ancient  superstitions,  and  to  have  received  the  light  of 
Divine  truth  ;  though  this  fact  appears  extremely  doubtful  to 
many.  All  these  conversions  and  sacred  exploits  will  lose 
much  of  their  importance  in  the  esteem  of  such  as  examine 
with  attention  the  accounts  which  have  been  given  of  them 
by  the  writers  of  this  and  the  succeeding  ages.  For  by  these 
accounts  it  appears  that  the  converted  nations  now  mentioned 
retained  a  great  part  of  their  former  impiety,  superstition,  and 
licentiousness  ;  and  that,  attached  to  Christ  by  a  mere  outward 
and  nominal  profession,  they,  in  effect,  renounced  the  purity 
of  his  doctrine,  and  the  authority  of  his  gospel,  by  their  fla- 
gitious lives,  and  the  superstitious  and  idolatrous  rites  and  in- 
stitutions which  they  continued  to  observe." 

According  to  the  same  learned  historian,  the  Christianity 

fjropagated  in  Europe  in  the  seventh  century  could  produce 
ittle  real  happiness  to  those  who  received  it.  "  Augustin 
laboured  to  extend  the  limits  of  the  church,  and  to  spread 
the  light  of  the  gospel  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  ;  and,  after 
his  death,  other  monks  were  sent  from  Rome,  to  exert  them- 
selves in  the  same  glorious  cause.    Their  efforts  were  attended 


250  THE   ROMAN   EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT. 

with  the  desired  success,  and  the  efficacy  of  their  labours 
was  manifested  in  the  conversion  of  the  six  Anglo-Saxon 
kings,  who  had  hitherto  remained  under  the  darkness  of  the 
itncient  superstitions,  to  the  Christian  faith  which  gained 
ground  by  degrees,  and  was,  at  length  embraced  universally 
throughout  all  Britain.  We  are  not,  however,  to  imagine, 
that  this  universal  change  in  favor  of  Christianity  was  wholly 
due  to  the  discourses  of  the  Roman  monks  and  doctors ;  for 
other  causes  were  certainly  instrumental  in  accomplishing  this 
great  event.  And  it  is  not  to  be  doubted,  that  the  influence 
which  some  Christian  queens  and  ladies  of  high  distinction  had 
over  their  husbands,  and  the  pains  they  took  to  convert  them 
to  Christianity,  as  also  the  severe  and  rigorous  laws  that  were 
afterwards  enacted  against  idolaters,  contributed  much  to  the 
progress  of  the  gospel.  Many  of  the  British,  Scotch,  and 
•  Irish  ecclesiastics  travelled  among  the  Batavian,  Belgic,  and 
German  nations,  with  the  pious  intention  of  propagating  the 
knowledge  of  the  truth,  and  of  erecting  churches  and  forming 
religious  establishments  everywhere.  This  was  the  true  rea- 
son which  induced  the  Gemans  in  after-times,  to  found  so 
many  convents  for  the  Scotch  and  Irish,  of  which  some  are 
vet  in  being.  Columba,  the  Irish  monk,  seconded  by  the 
labours  of  a  few  companions,  had  happily  extirpated,  in  the 
preceding  century,  the  ancient  superstitions  in  Gaul,  and  the 
parts  adjacent,  where  idolatry  had  taken  the  deepest  root ;  he 
also  carried  the  lamp  of  celestial  truth  among  the  Suevi,  the 
Boii,  the  Franks,  and  other  German  nations,  and  persevered 
in  these  pious  and  useful  labours  until  his  death,  which  hap- 
pened A.  D.  615.  St.  Gal,  who  was  one  of  his  companions, 
preached  the  gospel  to  the  Helvetii  and  the  Suevi.  St.  Kilian 
set  out  from  Scotland,  the  place  of  his  nativity,  and  exercised 
the  ministerial  function  with  such  success  among  the  Eastern 
Franks,  that  vast  numbers  of  them  embraced  Christianity. 
Towards  the  conclusion  of  this  century,  the  famous  Wille- 
brord,  by  birth  an  Anglo-Saxon,  accompanied  with  eleven  of 
his  countrymen,  viz.  Suidbert,  Wigbert,  Acca,  Wilibald, 
Unibald,  Lybwin,  the  two  Ewalds,  Werenfrid,  Marcelin,  and 
Adalbert,  crossed  over  into  Batavia,  which  lay  opposite  to 
Britain,  in  order  to  convert  the  Frieslanders  to  the  religion  of 
3esus.  From  thence,  in  the  year  692,  they  went  into  Foste- 
land,  which  most  writers  look  upon  to  have  been  the  same 
with  the  isle  of  Heligoland,  or  Heiligland  ;  but  being  cruelly 
treated  there  by  Radbod,  king  of  the  Frieslanders,  who  put 
Wigbert.  one  of  the  company,  to  death,  they  departed  thence 


THE    ROM..N    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT.  251 

for  Cimbria,  and  the  adjacent  parts  of  Denmark.  They, 
however,  returned  to  Friesland,  a.  d.  693,  and  were  much 
more  successful  than  they  had  formerly  been  in  opposing  the 
ancient  superstitions,  and  propagating  the  knowledge  of  the 
truth.  Willebrord  was  ordained,  by  the  Roman  pontifl 
archbishop  of  Wilteburg,  now  Utrecht,  and  died  among  thf 
Batavians  in  a  good  old  age ;  while  his  associates  continued 
to  spread  the  light  of  the  gospel  among  the  Westphalians, 
and  the  neighbouring  countries.  These  voyages,  and  many 
others,  undertaken  in  the  cause  of  Christ,  carry,  no  doubt,  a 
specious  appearance  of  piety  and  zeal ;  but  the  impartial  and 
attentive  inquirer  after  truth  will  find  it  impossible  to  form 
the  same  favourable  judgment  of  them  all,  or  to  applaud, 
without  distinction,  the  motives  that  animated  those  laborious 
missionaries.  That  the  designs  of  some  of  them  were  truly 
pious,  and  their  character  without  reproach,  is  unquestionably 
certain.  But  it  is  equally  certain,  that  this  was  neither  the 
case  of  them  all,  nor  even  of  the  greater  part  of  them.  Many 
of  them  discovered,  in  the  course  of  their  ministry,  the  mosi 
turbulent  passions,  and  dishonoured  the  glorious  cause  u) 
which  they  were  engaged,  by  their  arrogance  and  ambition, 
ther  avarice  and  cruelty.  They  abused  the  power  which 
they  had  received  from  the  Roman  pontiffs,  of  forming  reli- 
gious establishments  among  the  superstitious  nations ;  and. 
instead  of  gaining  souls  to  Christ,  they  usurped  a  despotic 
dominion  over  their  obsequious  proselytes,  and  exercised  a 
princely  authority  over  the  countries  where  their  ministry  hud 
been  successful.  Nor  are  we  to  consider  as  entirely  ground- 
less, the  suspicions  of  those  who  allege  that  many  of  the 
monks  desirous  of  rule  and  authority,  concealed  their  vices 
under  the  mask  of  religion,  and  endured,  for  a  certain 
time,  the  austerities  of  a  rigid  mortification  and  abstinence, 
merely  with  a  view  to  rise  in  the  church  to  the  episcopal 
dignity." 

While  the  Fourth  Empire  attained  its  highest  glory 
before  the  death  of  Trajan,  about  this  period  may  also  be 
dated  the  most  triumphant  state  of  the  Fifth  Empire  during 
the  entire  period  of  its  prist  history.  The  Divine  power  of 
the  gospel  preached  by  the  apostles  and  their  associates  was 
fully  manifested  to  all  men.  Transcendently  glorious  were 
their  battles,  victories,  and  conquests,  the  results  of  which 
were  the  enjovment  of  peace  and  hope,  and  the  practice  of 
benevolence,  justice,  and  mercy,  by  an  innumerable  multitude 
of  the  huninn  race,  separated  to  worship  the  Lord  out  of  all 


m- 


r"% 


ri62  THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

nations,  peoples,  and  tribes  :  a  sight  not  more  new  than  won- 
derful in  the  earth.  The  societies  gathered  by  the  first  minis- 
ters of  Christ  were  confessedly  not  wholly  fauhless.  They 
all  professed  to  be  morally  renovated  by  the  belief  of  the  gos- 
pel, and  assembled  continually  to  observe  the  institutions  of 
their  Lord,  for  the  express  purpose  of  being  disciplined  for 
his  service,  so  as  to  be  completely  conformed  to  his  mind. 
Compare  their  general  character,  laws,  pursuits,  and  hopes, 
with  those  of  all  other  classes  of  society,  in  their  age,  or  indeed 
in  any  future,  in  any  part  of  the  world,  and  assuredly  every 
one  capable  of  judging  of  moral  excellence,  and  candid 
enough  to  declare  their  impartial  judgment,  will  acknowledge 
that  the  former  inexpressibly  surpassed  the  latter  in  all  that 
constitutes  moral  excellence,  principles,  and  conduct  worthy 
of  praise,  and  happiness  worth  enjoying.  Christians  evidently 
breathed  the  atmosphere  of  paradise,  and  were  sustained  by 
its  salutary  productions,  while  the  rest  of  mankind  were  de- 
graded by  the  basest  passions,  and  polluted  by  the  impurest 
manners ;  the  wise  and  unwise  had  cast  off  the  fear  of  God, 
and  the  malignant  passions,  or  the  grossest  superstition  left  no 
place  in  the  human  heart  for  the  operation  of  unfeigned  be- 
nevolence, humanity,  disinterested  kindness,  compassion  for 
enemies,  and  sympathy  for  the  miserable. 

The  gospel  never  ceased  to  demonstrate  itself  to  be  the 
power  of  God  to  every  one  who  believed  ;  nor  were  the 
number  of  such  in  the  successive  ages  few.  But  in  propor- 
tion as  those  who  confessed  it  increased  in  number  and 
worldly  influence,  many  of  them  were  distinguished  from 
others  more  by  some  peculiarity  in  religious  opinions  than  by 
practice.  Christians  were  alternately  persecuted,  protected, 
endured,  or  neglected  by  the  successors  of  Trajan.  Never- 
theless they  continued  to  multiply  and  gradually  acquire  in- 
fluence in  civil  society.  They  were  strengthened  by  union, 
which  was  produced  and  confirmed  by  love  to  one  another 
as  brethren,  who  participated  in  the  same  spiritual  and  heav- 
enly blessings,  engaged  in  the  advancement  of  the  same  righ- 
teous cause,  and  exulted  in  the  confident  hope  of  the  resur- 
rection and  eternal  life.  "  Every  Christian  society,"  Wad- 
dington  justly  observes,  "provided  for  the  maintenance  of  its 
poorer  members ;  and  when  the  funds  were  not  sufficient  for 
this  purpose,  they  were  aided  by  the  superfluities  of  more 
wealthy  brethren.  The  same  spirit  which  'preached  the 
gospel  to  the  poor,'  extended  its  provisions  to  their  temporal 
necessities ;  and  so  far  from  thinking  it  any  reproach  to  our 


? 


4^ 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  253 

faith  that  it  first  addressed  itself,  by  its  peculiar  vi  -tues  as  well  as 
precepts,  to  the  lower  orders  of  mankind,  we  derive  from  this 
very  iact  our  strongest  argument  against  those  who  would 
persuade  us  that  the  patronage  of  kings  was  necessary  for  its 
establishment :  it  rather  becomes  to  us  matter  of  pious  exul- 
fation  that  its  progress  was  precisely  in  the  opposite  direction. 
By  far  the  majority  of  the  early  converts  were  men  of  low 
rank;  and  their  numbeis  were  concealed  by  their  obscurity, 
until  they  became  too  powerful  todiead  peisecution.  Every 
step  which  they  took  was  upwards.  Until  the  middle  of  the  sec- 
ond century,  they  could  scarcely  discover  among  their  thou- 
sands one  learned  man.  From  the  schools  they  advanced  into 
the  senate,  and  from  the  senate  to  the  ihione ;  and  they  had 
possessed  themselves  of  every  other  office  in  society,  before 
they  attained  the  highest.  It  is  important  to  attend  to  this 
fact,  that  we  may  not  be  misled  ;  it  is  important  to  observe, 
that  the  absis  from  which  the  pyramid  started  up  was  the 
faith  and  constancy  of  the  common  people — the  spirit  of  the 
religion,  and  the  earhest  government  of  the  Church,  was 
popular;  and  it  is  in  its  earliest  history  that  we  find  those 
proofs  of  general  moral  purity  on  which  we  now  dwell  with 
the  more  pleasure,  because,  in  succeeding  history,  the  picture 
will  never  again  be  presented  to  us.*' 

Our  work  properly  embraces  not  the  history  of  the  Chris- 
tian Church  beyond  the  age  of  the  apostles  and  their  con- 
temporaries. After  their  time,  if  we  desire  to  ascertain  what 
consiitntes  pure  Christianity,  we  shall  look  in  vain  to  the 
great  body  of  its  nominal  professors.  It,  however,  had  al- 
ready laid  the  mine  by  which  they  were  able,  in  the  fourth 
century  to  ovei throw  the  entire  fabric  of  idolatry,  and  give 
law  to  the  Roman  empire.  Constantine,  a.  d.  313,  clearly 
discovered  that  his  chief  hope  of  obtaining  the  sovereignty 
of  the  world  depended  on  his  being  able  to  procure  their 
fiiendship  and  support.  By  consummate  policy,  he  persuaded 
them  that  he  had  been  miraculously  converted  to  Christ,  and 
assuming  the  cross  for  his  standard,  he  rallied  around  him  its 
numerous  and  powerful  followers.  He  honoured  and  en- 
riched them,  and  they  elevated  him  to  the  throne,  and  re- 
ceived him  as  their  sovereign,  and  ruler,  and  judge,  in 
things  spiritual  as  well  as  temporal.  It  is  manifest  that 
though  many  real  Christians  probably  joyfully  received  his 
proclamation  that  Christianity  alone  was  henceforth  exclu- 
sively the  religion  of  the  empire,  yet  if  any  society  now  ex- 
isted that  imitated  the  Churches  which,  in  Judea,   were  in 

VOL.  III.  22 


1 


254  THE    ROMAN    EMPIRE    TRIUMPHANT. 

Christ,  it  must  have  been  deemed  almost  universally  hereti 
cal,  and  hourly  in  danger  of  being  dispersed  by  the  roar 
ing  of  the  Roman  beast  of  prey,  if  not  consumed  by  his  iron 
teeth. 

Divisions  arose  among  Christians  in  the  days  of  the  apos- 
tles ;  and  they  had  been  scarcely  removed  from  the  earth  be- 
fore the  Churches  planted  by  them  departed  from  the  sim- 
plicity of  Christianity,  as  delineated  by  the  inspired  writers. 
Nevertheless,  with  the  exception  of  those  who  had  made 
shipwreck  of  faith  and  a  good  conscience,  the  great  peculiari- 
ties of  the  gospel,  in  doctrine  and  practice,  appear  to  have 
characterised  all  the  societies  that  confessed  Christ,  and  suf- 
fered for  his  name's  sake,  to  the  end  of  the  second  century. 
This  is  obvious  from  the  statement  of  Irenseus  in  his  work 
on  heresy.  He  includes,  under  the  name  Church,  all  the 
Christian  societies  scattered  among  the  nations ;  and  thus  de- 
scribes its  sentiments :  "  The  Church,  spread  throughout  the 
whole  world  even  to  the  ends  of  the  earth,  has  received,  both 
from  the  apostles  and  from  their  disciples,  that  faith  which  is  in 
One  God,  the  Father  Almighty,  who  made  the  heaven  and 
earth)  the  sea,  and  all  the  things  which  are  in  them ;  and  in 
one  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God,  incarnate  for  our  salvation  ; 
and  in  the  Holy  Ghost,  who,  by  the  prophets,  foretold  the  ar- 
rangements and  the  advent  of  Christ,  and  that  generation 
which  was  of  the  Virgin,  and  the  suffering  and  the  resur- 
rection from  the  dead,  and  the  ascension  into  heaven,  in  the 
flesh  of  our  beloved  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  and  his  coming 
from  heaven  in  the  glory  of  the  Father  '  to  gather  together 
all  things,'  and  to  raise  at  last  all  flesh  of  the  human  race. 
That  to  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord  God,  Saviour  and  King,  ac- 
cording to  the  pleasure  of  the  invisible  Father,  every  knee 
•may  bow,  of  things  in  heaven,  and  things  in  earth,  and 
under  the  earth ;  and  that  every  tongue  may  confess  to  him, 
and  that  he  may  perform  just  judgment  on  all.  And  he  is 
exalted,  that  he  may  send  to  eternal  fire  spiritual  wickedness, 
the  transgressing  and  apostate  angels,  and  impious,  unjust, 
iniquitous,  and  blasphemous  men :  That  he  may  confer  life 
on  those  who  keep  his  commandments,  and  persevere  in  his 
iove,  as  indeed  some  have  done  from  the  beginning,  and  as 
others  have  done  from  repentance ;  and  that  he  may  bestow 
on  them  incorruption,  and  may  surround  them  with  eternal 
glory  in  the  place  of  reward." 

The  first  large  community  of  Christians,  worthy  of  the 
name,  who  separated  from  the  universal  Church,  or  societies 


THE    ROMAN   EMPIRE    TRroMPHANT.  255 

that  retained  "the  form  of  sound  words,"  taught  by  the 
apostles,  appeared  in  the  latter  part  of  the  third  century. 
Their  first  leader,  who  may  be  denominated  the  first  Chris- 
tian Reformer,  was  Novatian,  a  proselyte  of  the  Church  in 
Rome.  "He  was,"  Waddington  remarks,  "a  man  of  great 
talents  and  learning,  and  of  character  so  austere,  that  he  was 
unwilling,  under  any  circumstances  of  contrition,  to  readmit 
those  who  had  been  once  separated  from  the  communion  of 
the  Church.  And  this  severity  he  would  have  extended  not 
only  to  those  who  had  fallen  by  deliberate  transgression,  but 
even  to  such  as  had  made  a  forced  compromise  of  their  faith 
under  the  terrors  of  persecution.  He  considered  the  Chris- 
tian Church  as  a  society,  where  virtue  and  innocence  reigned 
universally,  and  refused  any  longer  to  acknowledge,  as  mem- 
bers of  it,  those  who  had  once  degenerated  into  unrighteous- 
ness. This  endeavour  to  revive  the  spotless  moral  purity  of 
the  primitive  faith  was  found  inconsistent  with  the  corruptions 
even  of  that  early  age:  it  was  regarded  with  suspicion  by 
the  leading  prelates,  as  a  vain  and  visionary  scheme  ;  and 
those  rigid  principles  which  had  characterised  and  sanctified 
the  Church  in  the  first  century,  were  abandoned  to  the  pro- 
fession of  schismatic  sectaries  in  the  third." 

The  Novatians  exceedingly  multiplied  in  all  the  countries 
where  the  gospel  was  received,  and  flourished  until  the  fifth 
century,  when  the  clergy  of  the  imperial  Church  succeeded 
in  crushing  the  power  of  dissent,  and  compelled  the  faithful 
to  withdraw  as  much  as  possible  from  public  notice. 

The  sacred  scriptures,  however,  remained,  and  the  autho- 
rity of  the  Lord  Jesus  was  reverenced  by  multitudes.  Those 
most  desirous  and  resolved  to  honour  their  Saviour  and  heav- 
enly king  found  small  favour  with  the  majority  of  the  Chris- 
tian teachers  or  people.  An  Arian  or  Trinitarian  Christian- 
ity sustained,  at  the  pleasure  or  humour  of  Constantine's  suc- 
cessors, the  vast  and  gorgeous  fabric  of  the  imperial  church, 
till  Theodosius  the  Great,  a.d.  380,  established  the  latter, 
named  the  orthodox  creed,  and  published  the  famous  law, 
"  that  no  one,  of  whatever  rank,  should  slay  a  victim  or  present 
an  offering,  in  public  or  private,  to  any  senseless  image  or 
imaginary  god."  To  martyrs,  eminent  departed  saints,  and 
especially  to  Mary  the  mother  of  Jesus,  and  to  angels,  were 
transferred  the  veneration  and  homage  formerly  cherished  for 
idols ;  and  all  who  refused  to  honour  them  as  intercessors 
with  God,  or  who  maintained  that  to  them  there  was  but 
"  one  God  and  Father  of  all,  and  one  Mediator  between  God 


256  THE  HOSTAN   EMTIRE   TRrUMPHANT. 

and  man,  the  Man  Christ  Jesus,"  were  more  dreaded,  de 
«pised,  or  ahhorred',  by  the  great  teachers  of  the  imperial 
church,  than  were  idolaters,  infidels,  or  profligates.  Assem- 
blies of  bishops  speedily  assumed  the  authority  and  power  of 
infallible  guides,  whose  wisdom  was  not  to  be  questioned,  nor 
their  influence  with  Heaven  to  bring  down  blessings  or  curses 
upon  mankind,  to  be  doubted.  They  gradually,  having  for 
their'chief  the  bishop  of  Rome,  acquired  the  supreme  domin- 
ion in  things  spiritual,  and  at  length  sat  on  the  throne  of  the 
church,  and  directed  the  civil  government  of  the  empire.  Em- 
perors, kings,  princes,  and  magistrates,  were  their  seivants  to 
honour  or  protect  those  whom  they  pronounced  blessed,  and 
degrade  or  kill  all  whom  they  declared  accursed.  Thus  the 
nominal  ministers  of  Christians,  united  as  one  man,  truly  ap- 
peared "  the  man  df  sin,  the  son  of  perdition,  who  opposeth 
and  exalteth  himself  above  all  that  is  called  God  ;  so  that  he, 
as  God,  sitteth  in  the  temple  of  God,  showing  himself  that  he 
is  God."  2  Thess.  ii.  4.  Everywhere  was  heard  the  terrific 
voice  of  this  demon-god.  The  worshippers  of  the  Most  High 
trembled,  and  retired  from  the  busy  haunts  of  men  ;  the  meek 
followers  of  the  Lord  Jesus  fled  to  the  wilderness,  and  there 
sojourned  twelve  hundred  and  sixty  years. 

Fearful  were  the  judgments  which  fell  on  the  apostate  race, 
who  had  prostrated  their  hearts  and  consciences  to  the  self- 
made  demon-god.  The  inroads  of  barbarians  spread  universal 
desolation,  famine,  pestilence,  and  death  ;  the  mighty  empire 
was  broken  up,  and  divided  into  many  kingdoms,  and  igno- 
rance, superstition,  and  every  species  of  wickedness  establish- 
ed anew  their  throne  in  the  world.  But  this  dreadful  ter- 
mination of  the  eruptions  of  pagan  nations  only  rivetted  the 
chains  by  which  "  the  man  of  sin,"  that  wicked  one,  subjected 
to  slavery  the  Roman  empire.  The  savage  conquerors  trans- 
ferred their  reverence  for  the  priests  and  rites  of  their  bloody 
gods  to  the  priests  and  rites  of  nominal  Christianity,  and  con- 
solidated the  ecclesiastical  despotism  and  tyranny,  of  whose 
natural  and  terrible  power  they  were  incapable  of  forming  a 
correct  estimate.  The  voice  of  the  holy  oracles  was  silenced, 
or  only  heard  in  solitary  and  impenetrable  recesses.  "  Dark- 
ness covered  the  earth,  and  gross  darkness  the  people." 
Charlemagne,  the  celebrated  emperor  of  the  West,  in  the 
eighth  century,  votary  as  he  was  of  vice  and  superstition,  at- 
tempted to  adorti  his  reign  by  literature,  and  the  Church  by 
the  study  of  the  scriptures.  This  noblest  of  his  enterprises 
failed.     The  chief  rulers  of  the  multitude  hated  knowledge, 


# 


THE   ROMAN    EMPIRE   TRIUMPHANT.  257 

and  they  succeeded  in  the  establishment  of  their  dominion  by 
extinguishing  moral  light.  Many  teachers  of  the  people  were 
more  familiar  with  every  art  of  deception  than  with  the  art 
of  simply  reading  the  few  books  which  were  not  yet  secreted 
from  mankind. 

Divine  long-suffering,  however,  came  to  an  end  ;  the  time 
of  just  retribution  arrived,  and  the  Sun  of  Righteousness 
once  more  arose  on  the  benighted  nations.  The  throne  of 
ecclesiastical  power  was  cast  down,  its  ministers  were  con- 
founded, and  its  slaves  exulted  in  the  emancipation  proclaimed 
by  the  noble  heroes  of  "  The  Reformation."  The  principal 
nations  were  deluged  with  blood,  shed  in  the  tremendous  con- 
test between  liberty  and  despotism,  priestly  domination  and 
freedom  of  thought.  The  s*:red  scriptures  were  enthroned 
in  the  hearts  of  multitudes ;  Satan  was  bound,  and  the  nations 
set  free.  The  Christian  captives  were  recalled ;  they  heard 
the  voice  of  the  angel  in  the  midst  of  heaven  proclaiming  the 
fall  of  their  chief  enemy,  and  heaven  and  earth  rejoiced. 
Many  struggles  they  have  had,  and  many  perhaps  they  may 
yet  have;  but  He  who  hath  delivered  them  will  complete 
their  deliverance.  They  have  laboured,  and  a  goodly  number 
of  them  have  not  fainted  in  contending  earnestly  for  the  faith. 
By  them  Divine  truth  hath  illuminated  many  nations ;  in  the 
remotest  regions,  where  the  Roman  eagle  was  never  seen  or 
known,  thousands  sing  "  Unto  him  that  loved  us,  and  washed 
us  from  our  sins  in  his  own  blood,  and  made  us  unto  our  God 
kings  and  priests:  unto  him  be  glory  and  dominion,  for  ever_ 
and  ever.  Amen."  The  stone  cut  out  of  the  mountain  pro- 
gressively fills  the  earth.  Prayer  is  made  to  the  Lord  Jesus 
continually,  in  the  farthest  west,  north,  south,  and  east,  arid 
daily  is  he  praised.  All  who  love  Him  confidently  and  in- 
tensely long  to  hear  the  great  voices  in  heaven  re-echoed  over 
all  the  earth :  "  The  kingdoms  of  this  world  are  become  the 
kingdom  of  our  Lord,  and  of  his  Christ ;  and  he  shall  reign 
for  ever  and  ever." 


22* 


#= 


■^ 


■nuifiaHiift^'  i^ii¥a^ 


I 


-0A 


9 


INDEI. 


Abdolonymus,  king  of  Sardis,  vol.  i.  page  143. 

Abijah,  king  of  Judah,  i.  36. 

Abomination  of  desolation  set  up  on  the  altar  at  Jerusalem,  L  248. 

Abraham  and  his  seed  chosen  by  God  to  maintain  the  true  religion 
i.  13  ;  trials  of,  i.  21 ;  descendants  of,  small  increase  during  the  first 
200  years,  and  wonderful  increase  during  succeeding  200  years, 
i.  22. 

Achsan  republic,  i.  204. 

Africa,  Northern,  events  in,  preparatory  for  receiving  Christianity,  ii.  135. 

Agrarian  or  Licinian  laws,  ii.  84. 

Agricola,  subdues  the  Britons,  iii.  210. 

Agrippa,  Marcus  Vipsanius,  fi.  155  ;  appointed  governor  of  Syria,  197. 

Agrippa,  son  of  Aristobulus,  receives  the  tetrarchy  of  Galilee,  ii.  228 ; 
early  history  of,  iii.  83  ;  intercedes  in  favor  of  the  Jews  with  Cali- 
gula, 87  ;  receives  Judea  and  Samaria  from  Claudius,  103  ;  mira- 
culous death,  107  ;  family  of,  ib. 

Agrippa,  his  son,  succeeds  his  uncle,  king  of  Chalcis,  iii.  3 :  appointed 
superintendent  of  the  temple,  ib ;  deposes  and  appoints  the  high- 
priests,  171. 

Agrippina,  wife  of  Germanicus,  and  mother  of  Nero,  banished  with  her 
sons  from  Rome,  iii.  73 ;  atrocities  of,  120 ;  poisons  her  husband 
Claudius,  126 ;  violent  temper  of,  128 ;  attempt  to  murder,  140 ; 
death  of,  143. 

Ahab,  wickedness  of,  i.  37 

Ahaz,  wicked  reign  of,  i.  36. 

Albinus,  governor  of  Judea,  iii,  135,  172. 

Alcimus,  chief  captain,  and  afterwards  high-priest  of  the  Jews,  i.  268, 
277,  278  ;  death  of,  281.      • 

Alexander  the  Great,  character  of,  i.  130,  134 ;  conquests  of,  135 ;  de- 
feats the  Persians  at  the  river  Granicus,  139  ;  seized  with  a  fever  at 
Tarsus,  and  his  confidence  in  his  physician,  141 ;  defeats  Darius  at 
Issus  ;  courtesy  to  the  royal  captives,  142,  153  ;  beseiges  Tyre, 
143  ;  proceeds  to  Jerusalem,  worships  the  high-priest,  and  grants 
the  Jews  privileges,  145 ;  cruelty  to  the  governor  of  Gaza,  148 ; 
visits  the  temple  of  Jupiter- Ammon,  149  ;  defeats  Darius  at  Arbela, 
152  ;  proceeds  to  Babylon,  ib. ;  conquers  Parthia,  154  ;  proceeds  to 
India,  155  ;  marries  the  daughter  of  Darius,  157 ;  attempts  to  re- 
store the  Temple  of  Belus,  158  ;  death  of,  ib. ;  character  of,  ib. ; 
biunal,  164. 

Alexander's  Generals  appointed  governors  over  the  provinces,  i.  161. 

Alexander's  family  extirpated,  i.  171. 

Alexander's  four  successors,  i.  1 72. 


260  INDEX. 

Alexander  Bala  ascend  the  throne  of  Syria,  i.  282  ;  death  of,  284. 

Alexander  Zebina,  his  son,  claims  the  throne  of  Syria,  ii.  16. 

Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  sons  of  Herod,  sent  to  ,Rome,  ii.  197  ;  re- 
turn of,  199  ;  death  of,  206. 

Alexandra,  wife  of  Jannaeus,  reigns  over  Judea  nine  years,  ii.  23. 

Alexandra,  wife  of  Alexander,  opposes  Herod,  ii.  189  ;  death  of,  193. 

Alliances,  political  or  conjugal,  not  allowed  with  idolaters,  but  permited 
with  pra««elytes,  i.  54. 

Altar  purified  at  the  end  of  three  years  and  a  half,  by  Judas,  i.  261. 

Amalekites,  account  of,  i.  25. 

Ananias,  the  high-priest,  deposed,  iii.  136. 

Ananias  appointed  governor  of  Jerusalem,  iii.  185. 

Ananelius  an  obscure  priest,  made  high-priest  by  Herod,  ii.  189. 

Anaxagoras,  philosophy  of,  i.  86. 

Antediluvians,  race  of,  i.  10. 

Antigonus  Sochaeus,  first  president  of  the  Sanhedrim,  i.  198. 

Antigonus,  son  of  Hyrcanus  I.  murder  of,  ii.  21. 

Antigonus,  son  of  Aristobulus,  leads  an  army  into  Judea,  assisted  by 
the  Parthians,  ii.  33. 

Antiochus,  governor  of  Asia  Minor,  assumes  sovereignty,  i.  171. 

Antiochus  Soter  overcomes  the  Gauls,  i.  189. 

Anliochus  Theos  wars  against  Egypt,  i.  191. 

Antiochus  the  Great,  i.  211 ;  prohibits  strangers  from  entering  the  tem- 
ple, 219  ;  defeated  by  the  Romans,  223  ;  robs  the  temple  of  Jupi- 
ter Belus,  226  ;  death  of,  ib. 

Antiochus  Epihanes,  an  hostage  of  Rome,  obtains  the  crown  of  Syria, 
i.  231  ;  his  vile  character,  232  ;  routs  the  Egyptians,  233  ;  plunders 
the  country,  234 ;  his  victories  in  Egypt  stopt  by  the  Roman  am- 
bassadors, 235 ;  puts  the  ambassadors  of  the  Jews  to  death,  242 ; 
his  cruelty  and  profaneness  at  Jerusalem,  245 ;  his  persecution  of 
the  Jews,  245,  249,  250,  251  ;  endeavours  to  extirpate  the  worship 
of  the  True  God,  248 ;  prepares  to  celebrate  the  Grecian  games, 
257  ;  robs  the  temple  of  Elymais,  258  ;  miserable  death  of,  262. 

Antiochus  Eupator,  his  son,  succeeds,  i.  269  ;  Philip,  appointed  his  gov- 
ernor, seizes  the  throne,  269,  278. 

Antiochus  Sidetus,  brother  of  Demetrius,  becomes  king  of  Syria,  ii.  8  ; 
first  seeks  the  assistance  of  Simon,  and  then  refuses  his  aid,  and 
sends  Cendebeus  to  rob  Jerusalem,  10,  11 ;  grants  peace  to  John 
Hyrcanus,  14  ;  death  of,  ib. 

Antipaa  or  Antipater,  father  of  Herod,  ii.  26 ;  appointed  procurator  of 
Judea,  31  ;  appomts  his  son  Phasael,  governor  of  Jerusalem,  and 
Herod  governor  of  Galilee,  ib. ;  death  of,  33. 

Antipas,  son  of  Herod,  declared  his  successor,  iL  208. 

Antipater,  son  of  Herod,  ii.  204—207. 

Antonia,  fortress  of,  pontificial  dresses  kept  in,  iii,  79.  112. 

Antony,  Marc,  despotic  rule  at  Rome,  ii,  132 ;  account  of  145,  148 ; 
the  Second  Triumvirate,  148 — 152  ;  dissipation  and  extravagance 
with  Cleopatra  in  Egypt,  159,  165  ;  marries  Octavia,  160  ;  invades 
Parlhia,and  subdues  Armenia,  164 ;  declares  war  against  Octavius, 
165 ;  Senate  divests  him  of  his  office,  166 ;  battle  of  Actium,  168  ; 
death  of,  170. 
Apicius,  iii.  12. 
ApoUonius,  governor  of  Syria,  i.  258. 


• ■ * 


>  INDEX.  261 

Apostles  appointed  by  Christ  to  rule  his  kingdom,  iiL  48. 

Appius  Claudius  renders  the  office  of  decemvir  perpetual,  ii.  46. 

Arabia  Felix,  unsuccessfully  invaded  by  Gallus,  ii.  179. 

Arabia  Petrffia  reduced  to  a  Roman  province  by  Trajan,  iii.  224. 

Archelaus,  son  of  Herod,  appointed  king  of  Judea,  ii.  216;  repairs  to 
Rome,  217;  character  of,  ib. ;  made  ethnarch,  221;  banished  to 
Vienne,  220. 

Aristobulus,  grandson  of  Agrippa,  made  king  of  Armenia,  iii.  126. 

Aristotle,  tutor  of  Alexander,  anecdote  of,  i.  133. 

Armenia,  subdued  by  Marc  Antony,  ii.  165;  conquest  of,  by  the  Ro- 
mans, iii.  132  ;  made  a  Roman  province,  iii.  225. 

Arsinoe,  sister  of  Cleopatra,  ii.  130  ;  exhibited  in  Cesar's  triumph  at 
Rome,  137. 

Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  character  of,  i.  52 — 78. 

Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  reign  of,  i.  104 ;  attempt  to  murder,  by  Cyrus, 
106  ;  revolt  against,  108 ;  death  of,  119. 

Artaxerxes  Ochus,  reign  of,  i.  121 ;  overcomes  Egypt,  125 ;  kills  their 
God  Apis,  and  carries  their  spoils  to  Babylon,  126 ;  poisoned  by 
Bagoas,  and  his  body  given  to  be  eaten  by  cats,  127. 

Assideans,  i.  267. 

Assineus  and  Anileus  governors  of  Babylonia,  iiL  93. 

Asmonean  family,  the  last  of,  ii.  36. 

Assyria  conquered  by  Trajan,  iii.  225. 

Astrologers  and  magicians  banished  out  of  Italy,  iii.  64. 

Athaliah,  wicked  government  of,  i.  41. 

Athrongas  and  his  brother  take  the  title  of  king  of  Judea,  ii.  220. 

Augustus,  children  and  grandchildren  of,  iii.  52,  53  ;  death  of,  54. 

August,  how  so  named,  ii.  182. 

B 

Bacchus  adored  by  the  Romans,  iii.  12. 

Baasha  gains  possession  of  the  throne  of  Israel,  i.  36. 

Babylon,  seige  and  capture  of,  i.  73  ;  deserted,  187  ;  conquered  by  Tra- 
jan, iii.  225. 

Babylusthe  Astrologer,  iii.  155. 

Bagoas  or  Bagoses,  the  Persian  governor,  lays  a  mulct  upon  the  sacri- 
fices of  the  Jews,  i.  105  ;  poisons  Artaxerxes,  and  gives  his  body  to 
be  eaten  by  cats,  127  ;  death  of,  130. 

Bemice,  sister  of  Agrippa,  dismissed  from  Rome,  iiL  212. 

Boadicea,  queen  of  Britain,  iii.  169. 

Boiscalus,  noble  speech  of,  iii.  131. 

Brahmin,  anecdote  of,  ii.  180. 

Britannicus,  son  of  Claudius,  cruel  treatment  of,  iii.  120 ;  death  of, 
129  ;  memory  of,  honored  by  Titus,  211. 

Britons  fight  against  the  Romans,  iiL  118,  166;  subdued  by  Agricola, 
210  ;  converted  by  Augustin,  iii.  250. 

Brutus  murders  Cesar,  ii.  143  ;  death  of,  155. 

Burnt  offerings,  use  of,  iii.  32  ;  unnecessary  after  Christ,  34. 

Burrhus,  chief  of  the  Roman  army  imder  Nero,  iii.  124  ;  death  of,  145. 


Caiaphas,  the  high-priest  deposed  by  Vitellius,  iiL  79. 
Cainites,  character  of,  i.  10. 


Calendar,  Roman,  corrected  by  Julius  Cesar,  ii.  140  ;  afterwards  by  Oc- 

tavius,  182. 
Cali^la,  Caius,  origin  of  the  name,  iii.  81  ;  character  of,  74 ;  reign  ^, 
favourable  to  the  gospel,  80,  89 ;  madness  of,  84,  94,  97 ;  death 
of,  99. 
Cambyses,  character  of,  i.  76 ;  CMitempt  of  idols,  84. 
Camillus  dictator,  ii.  48. 

Canaan,  land  of,  given  to  Abraham  and  his  seed  for  a  possession,  i.  14  ; 
unappropriated  when  first  taken  possession  of  by  Abraham,  14, 22 ; 
comparative  small  extent  of,  14,  22. 
Canaan,  seven  nations  of,  expelled  for  their  iniquity,  iii.  31. 
Canaanites,  character  of,  i.  14  ;  position  of,  suited  for  the  publicity  4i 

the  true  religion,  1 5. 
Candace,  queen  of  Ethiopia,  invades  Egypt,  ii.  180. 
Captives  in  Babylon,  state  of  the,  i.  50  ;  liberated  by  Cyrus,  ib. 
Captivity  of  the  Jews,  secret  effects  of,  on  the  surrounding  nations,  i,  83. 
Caractacus  fights  against  the  Romans,  iii.  118. 

Carthage  and  Carthaginians,  ii.  50  ;  first  panic  war,  52  ;  soldiers  revolt, 
57  ;  second  punic  war,  60 ;  New  Carthage,  61 — 68 ;  third  punic 
war,  74 ;  Romans  resolved  to  destroy  Carthage,  76 ;  vigorous  de- 
fence of  the  Carthaginians,  78  ;  overcome  by  Scipio  Paullus,  and 
Carthage  declared  a  Roman  {xrovince,  80 ;  Carthage  rebuilt  by 
order  of  Cesar,  136. 
Cassius,  ii.  153,  154. 

Cassander  takes  the  title  of  king  «f  Greece,  and  Macedon,  1. 173. 
Cataline,  conspiracy  of,  ii.  110. 
Cato  advises  war  with  Carthage,  ii.  76 ;  sayings  of,  112,  114,  II64 

death  of,  135. 
Centuries,  Roman,  ii.  46. 
Cerinthus,  the  false  teacher,  iii.  23^5. 

Cesar,  Julius,  settles  the  afFairs  of  Judea,  ii.  31 ;  character  of,  101 — 108 ; 
governor  of  Spain,  111 ;  of  Cisalpine  and  Transalpine  Gaul,  112  ; 
jealous  of  Pompey,  115;  engages  in  civil  war,  118:  robs  the 
treasury,  122 ;  subdues  Marseilles,  125 ;  appointed  dictator,  ib. : 
nearly  drowned  in  an  open  boat,  127  ;  battle  of  Pharsalia,  128  ; 
great  rejoicings  at  Rome,  in  honour  of,  136  ;  receives  four  triumphal 
processions,  137 ;  offered  the  Crown^  139,  and  refuses  it,  140  ;  re- 
ceives a  fifth  triumph,  141  :  .honours  paid  to  him,  142 ;  death  of, 
143. 
Cesar,  Augustus,  see  Octavius. 
Cesario,  or  Cesarea,  built  by  Herod,  ii.  195,   214;   scene  of  blood  in 

time  of  Felix,  iii,  116  ;  murder  of  the  Jews  at,  174. 
Cestius,  governor  of  Syria,  invades  Judea,  iii.  181 ;  retires  suddenly 

from  Jerusalem,  184. 
Charlemagne,  iii.  256. 

Chederlaomer,  first  conqueror  after  Nimrod,  i.  23. 
Chief  ruler  in  Israel,  vicegerent  of  God,  i.  275. 

Christ,  birth  of,  ii.210,  iii.  13  ;  maketh  himself  known  as  the  Messiah  at 
Nazareth,  19  ;  divine  nature  of,  20 ;  legitimate  son  of  David,  21 ; 
the  Son  of  God,  23  ;  impossibility  of  carrying  on  a  scheme  of  de- 
ception, 37 ;  supernatural  education  of,  42 ;  unjustly  condemned 
by  Pilate  44  ;  evidenoe  of  Tosurrection,  ib. 


* 


INDEX.  263 

Christian  societies  increase  under  the  apostles,  iii.  51  ;  first  persecution 
of,  by  the  Jews,  79 ;  flee  from  Jerusalem,  and  spread  the  gospel 
everywhere,  80  ;  early  Christians  not  required  to  Submit  to  circum- 
cision, 89 ;  viewed  as  a  sect  of  the  Jews,  and  admitted  into  the 
synagogues,  iii.  104  ;  voluntary  contributions  of  the  first  Christians, 
104;  increase  at  Rome  under  Claudius  and  Nero,  134;  free  from 
persecution  until  the  time  of  Nero,  136  ;  blamed  for  setting  fire  t» 
Rome,  and  persecuted,  149,  150  ;  flee  from  Jerusalem  before  its 
destruction,  185;  spread  of  Christianity  by  the  influence  of  the 
Roman  dominion,  231;  early  corrupted  by  false  teachers,  232; 
persecution  of,  ib. ;  first  heresy  in  the  Church,  235 ;  converts  nu- 
merous in  the  first  century,  237  ;  persecution  at  Antioch,  iii.  242; 
state  of,  according  to  Clemens  Romanus,  iii.  244,  251,  254 ;  how 
spread,  247,  248. 

Christianity  mtroduced  into  Britain,  iii.  250 ;  recommends  itself  in  the 
first  ages  to  the  poor,  to  the  middle  classes,  and  to  nobility  and 
kings,  245  ;  becomes  the  state  religion  under  Constantine,  253. 

Cinna,  ii.  94,  95,  96. 

Claudius  Appius,  general,  ii.  94. 

Claudius,  son  of  Germanicus,  marries  a  daughter  of  Sejanus,  iii.  68 ; 
called  to  the  throne  by  the  soldiery,  99 ;  character  and  habits  of, 
101,  102  ;  works  of,  118  ;  death  of,  121. 

Clemens,  Romanus,  extract  from  the  writings  of,  iii.  345. 

Clemens,  imposture  of,  and  death,  iii.  65. 

Cleopatra,  wife  of  Demetrius,  puts  her  son  Seleucos  to  death,  and  is 
afterwards  slain  by  her  son  Grypus,  ii.  16. 

Cleopatra  receives  the  throne  of  Egypt  from  Cesar,  ii.  131 ;  entertained 
by  Herod,  190 ;  extravagance  of  with  Antony,  159 — 164 ;  death 
of,  170. 

Columba,  the  irish  Monk,  iii.  249. 

Comitio,  Roman,  ii.  43,  47. 

Constantine  pretends  to  be  a  Christian,  iii.  249. 

Consuls,  Roman,  ii.  44. 

Corinth,  restored  by  order  of  Cesar,  ii.  136. 

Crassus  robs  Jerusalem,  ii.  30  ;  wealth  of,  106  ;  made  governor  of  Syria, 
113,  114  ;  defeated  and  killed  by  the  Parthiems. 

Cushites  or  Ethiopians  invade  Judah,  i.  39. 

Cyrenius,  governor  of  Syria,  ii..220. 

Cyrus  liberates  the  Jews,  i.  50  ;  subject  of  prophecy,  71 ;  his  contempt 
of  idols,  ib. ;  conquests  of,  72. 

Cyrus  II.  son  of  Darius  Nothus,  i.  101,  106 ;  death  of,  110. 


DanieFs  vision  of  the  He-Goat,  i.  138  ;  vision  of  the  Fourth  Beast,  181. 

Daniel,  Book  of,  explanation  of  vii.  6,  viii.  5—8,  20—22,  i.  172,  ,173 ; 
vii.  7,  225  ;  ix.  fulfilled,  iii.  45 ;  xi.  5, 6, 183  ;  ver.  7—9, 195  ;  verses 
10—12,  212 ;  ver.  13,  17,  220  ;  ver.  17—19,  220;  ver.  20,  21,  227 
objections  against  the  book,  confuted,  266. 

Danube,  bridge  built  across  by  Trajan,  iii.  224. 

Darius  Hystaspes,  i.  76. 

Darius  Nothus,  i.  92  ;  unsettled  reign  of,  99  ;  death  of,  101. 

Darius  Codomauus,  character  of,  i.  129  ;  proceeds  with  ^reat  pomp  to 


f 


#  '^ 


9$4  INDEX. 

meet  Alexander,  141 ;  defeated  at  Issus,  in  Cilicia,  142 ;  agtiin  at 
Arbela,  152 ;  slain,  154. 

Dark  Ages  dispelled  by  the  Reformation,  iii.  257. 

Decree  of  the  Roman  Senate  against  rhetoricians,  i.  210  ;  favour  of  the 
Jews,  ii.  200 ;  iii.  79,  104. 

Decemvirs,  Roman,  ii.  45. 

Demetrius,  son  of  Seleucus  Philopator,  ascends  the  throne  of  Syria, 
i.  278 ;  character  of,  lb. ;  Alexander  Bala  set  up  against  him,  282  ; 
death  of,  ib. 

Demetrius,  his  son,  sets  up  to  gain  the  throne,  L  283  ;  grants  privileges 
to  the  Jews,  284 ;  imprisoned  in  Parthia,  ii.  8  ;  regains  his  throne 
after  the  death  of  Antiochus  Sidetus,  14  ;  character  of,  16  ;  death 
of,  ib. 

Demosthenes,  death  of,  i.  163. 

Dictators,  il  44. 

Disjunction  of  Israel,  under  Jeroboam,  a  sign  of  the  future  decline  of 
the  kingdom,  i.  35. 

Divine  honours  paid  to  Augustus  and  Tiberius,  iii.  85  ;  to  Agrippa,  106. 

Docetae,  or  Gnostics,  iii.  235. 

Doctrines  taught  to  the  Jews  by  Christ,  ii.  39. 

Domitian  elected  a  Cesar,  in  absence  of  his  father,  iii.  209 — 214 ;  suc- 
ceeds to  the  throne,  214 ;  character  of,  214, 215 ;  vanity  and  extrav- 
agance of,  215 ;  cruelty  of,  216  ;  persecutes  the  Christians,  219, 220 ; 
assassination  of,  221. 

Drosus,  character  and  history  of,  iii.  52 ;  intrusted  with  the  management 
of  the  capital,  66    death  of,  70. 

E 

Earthquake  at  Rhodes,  i.  205 ;  in  Asia,  destroys  twelve  cities,  iii.  65. 

Ebion,  the  false  teacher,  iii.  235. 

Edicts  in  favour  of  the  Jews,  ii.  200  ;  iii.  79.  104. 

Edomites  cast  off  the  yoke  of  Judah,  i.  40  ;  return  from  the  Babylonish 
captivity,  95. 

Effects  of  the  Jews  associating  with  the  Greeks  in  the  Persian  Wars, 
i.  102. 

Egypt  and  Egyptians ;  the  first  great  civilized  nation,  i.  16 ;  state  of, 
previous  to  the  days  of  Joseph,  23  ;  wonderful  monuments  of,  belong 
to  a  later  age  than  that  of  Moses,  24 ;  owe  much  of  their  civiliza- 
tion and  religious  rites  to  the  Jews,  ib. ;  customs  of,  forbidden  to  be 
practised  by  the  Jews,  ib. ;  invade  Judea,  99 ;  ruled  by  strangers, 
in  fulfilment  of  prophecy,  126,  148  ;  make  war  against  Julius  Cesar, 
ii.  131  ;  becomes  a  Roman  province,  170. 

Eleazar,  Jewish  chief  of  banditti,  iii.  113. 

Eleazar,  governor  of  the  temple,  iii.  179  ;  appointed  governor  of  Idumea* 
185. 

Elijah,  the  prophet,  spoken  of  by  Malachi,  iii.  14. 

Epicharis,  a  courtesan,  conspires  against  Nero,  iii.  156. 

Epicureans,  iii,  12. 

Era  of  the  Seleucides,  i.  170  ;  of  Ptolemy,  172. 

Essenes,  erroneously  supposed  to  be  the  first  Christians,  i.  268. 
Esther,  supposed  to  be  the  wife  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  i.  52,  79 
Esther,  book  of,  when  finished,  i.  176. 


I 


INDEX. 


265 


Evagoras,  king  of  Salamis,  i.  114, 115. 

Ezra,  puts  away  strange  wives  from  the  Jews,  L  53  ;  collates  the  Sacred 
Writings,  65. 

F 

Fabulous  nature  of  ancient  profane  history,  i.  80. 

Fadus,  governor  over  Judea,  iii.  107. 

False  religion,  a  corruption  of  the  true  revealed  religion,  i.  12. 

Famine  foretold  by  Agabus,  iii.  108,  110, 

Felix,  governor  of  Judea,  iii.  116,  117,  132. 

Festus,  procurator  of  Judea,  iii.  133. 

Fidelity  of  the  Jewish  soldiers,  i.  93,  123. 

Flaccus  Caius,  ii.  86. 

Flaccus  Valerius,  ii.  98. 

Florus,  governor  of  Judea,  cruelty  of,  iiL  176. 


Gabinus  attacks  Jerusalem,  ii.  28 — 30. 

Galba  declared  emperor,  iii.  164;  unpopular  measures  of,  197,  198; 
death  of,  201. 

Galatians,  origin  of,  i.  190. 

Galilee  and  the  Galileans,  fitted  for  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel, 
ii.  239  ;  attacked  by  the  Samaritans  in  going  to  Jerusalem,  iiL  113. 

Gaul,  eruption  of,  by  barbarians,  ii.  90;  by  the  Helvetii,  112. 

Gaza,  prophecy  regarding,  fulfilled,  i.  147. 

Gedaliah  made  governor  of  J udah,  i.  48  ;  slain  by  Ishmael,  ib. 

Gemara,  i.  70. 

Genealogy  of  the  Jewa,  only,  can  be  traced  to  Adam,  i.  9. 

Genealogical  table  of  the  Jews  carefully  kept,  iii.  21 ;  difl^rence  of,  by 
Matthew  and  Luke,  accounted  for,  23. 

Germanicus,  magnanimous  conduct  of,  iii.  56 ;  death  of,  58. 

Germans,  revolt  under  Domitian,  iii.  218. 

Glabrio  fights  with  a  lion  in  the  circus,  iiL  218. 

Gnost'cs,  or  Docetse,  iii.  235. 

Gorgiab,  general  of  the  Idumeans,  i.  270. 

Gospel,  taught  first  to  the  Jews,  iii.  88  ;  afterwards  to  all  nations,  89. 

Greect,  pliilosophers  of,  i.  86 ;  state  of,  on  the  accession  of  Alexander, 
130  ;  language  universally  adopted,  161 ;  states  attempt  to  recover 
their  independence  on  the  decease  of  Alexander,  163 ;  declared 
free,  170  ;  division  of,  after  the  death  of  Alexander,  172 ;  state  of, 
after  the  decease  of  Alexander,  20*4 ;  the  splendour  of,  renovated 
under  Aretas,  207  ;  declared  free  by  the  Romans,  221 ;  language 
and  literature  encouraged  by  Augustus,  ii.  178,  185. 

Gtypus,  king  of  Syria,  puts  his  mother  to  death,  ii.  16. 

H 

Hamilcar,  the  Carthaginian,  father  of  Hannibal,  ii.  59. 

Hannibal,  character  of,  ii.  60 ;  attacks  Spain,  ib. ;  siege  of  Saguntum, 

ib. ;  crosses  the  Alps,  61 ;  encounters  and  defeats  Scipio  at  Trebia, 

62 ;  battles  of  Thrasimenus  and  Cannte,  64 ;  applies  in  vain  for 

assistance  and  troops  from  Carthage,  65 ;  leaves  Italy  to  protect 

VOL.  III.  23 


«= 


# 


266  INDEX. 

Carthage,  71 ;  makes  peace  with  Rome,  72;  obliged  to  jQee  from 

Carthage,  74. 

Hasdrubal,  the  Carthaginian,  ii.  59. 

Hasdrubal,  brother  of  Hannibal,  is  defeated  and  slain  by  the  Romans, 
ii.  69. 

Hasdrubal,  father  of  Sophonisba,  overcome  by  the  Romans,  is  obliged 
to  flee  from  Carthage,  ii.  71  ;  recalled  by  the  Carthaginians,  78 ; 
overcome  by  the  Romans,  80  ;  heroic  character  of  his  wife,  ib. 

Hazael,  king  of  Syria,  invades  Judah,  i.  42. 

Heathen  priests,  presumption  and  tyranny  of,  i.  81. 

Hebrew  points,  i.  66. 

Helena,  queen  of  Adiabena,  a  Jewish  convert,  iii.  110. 

Heliodorus,  treasurer  of  Syria,  punished  for  attempting  to  rob  the 
temple,  i,  229  ;  usurps  the  throne  of  Syria,  231. 

Helius,  governor  of  Rome  under  Nero,  iii.  162. 

Herculaneum  destroyed  by  Vesuvius,  iii.  212. 

Herod,  son  of  Antipater,  appointed  governor  of  Galilee,  ii.  3 1 ;  destroys  the 
numerous  banditti  which  infested  Galilee,  ib. ;  is  summoned  before 
the  Sanhedrim  to  answer  for  his  conduct,  ib. ;  appointed  governor 
of  Celo-Syria,  32;  gains  the  favour  of  Antony,  and  proclaimed 
Mig  of  Judea,  34 ;  marries  Mariamne,  the  granddaughter  of  Hyr- 
canus,  ib. ;  character  and  policy  of,  188  ;  offers  aid  to  Antony,  on 
condition  of  putting  Cleopatra  to  death,  191 ;  overcomes  the  king 
of  Arabia,  ib. ;  makes  court  to  Octavius,  192;  domestic  misery  of, 
192,  193  ;  introduces  heathen  customs  among  the  Jews,  193  ;  con- 
spiracy to  murder  him,  194  ;  supplies  the  Jews  with  corn  from 
Egypt,  196  ;  buildings  erected  by  Herod,  ib. ;  honoured  by  Augustus, 
and  made  Roman  procurator  of  Syria,  and  overseer  of  the  mines 
of  Cyprus,  197  ;  tyranny  of,  198  ;  repairs  the  temple,  ib. ;  relezises 
the  Jews  of  part  of  their  taxes,  203  ;  character  of,  208 ;  robs  the 
sepulchre  of  David,  214 ;  places  a  golden  eagle  over  the  temple, 

215  ;  confines  a  number  of  the  Jews,  in  order  to  put  them  to  death, 

216  ;  orders  his  son  to  be  put  to  death,  ib. ;  death  and  final  will  of,  ib. 
Herod,  family  of,  ii.  199—204. 

Herod  Philip,  ethnarch  of  Batanea,  ii.  221 ;  character  and  death  of,  226 
Herod  Antipas,  tetrarch  of  Galilee,  ii.  221  ;  character  of,  228. 
Herod,  son  of  Aristobulus  and  brother  of  Agrippa,  king  of  Chalcis,  iii.  103 
Herodias,  infamous  conduct  of,  ii.  227  ;  banishment  and  death  of,  229. 
Herodotus,  the  first  authentic  historian,  commences  writuig  on  the  cl09* 

of  the  Old  Testament  History,  i,  80. 
Hezekiah,  reign  of,  i.  44. 
High-priests,  Jewish,  i.  197,  200. 

History,  pagan,  fabulous  beyond  the  era  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  i.  9,  21 
Holy  Laud,  lies  desolate  seventy  years,  i.  49. 
Hyrcanus,  see  Maccabees. 

I 

Idolatry  universal  in  the  days  of  Moses,  i.  19 ;  degrading  tendency  of,  80 
Idumeans,  or  Edomites,  confederate  against  Israel,  i.  270 ;  cease  to  be 

a  nation,  ii.  15. 
Ignatius,  martyrdom  of,  by  order  of  Trajan,  iii.  244. 
Infants,  massacre  of  the,  by  Herod,  omitted  by  Josephus,  il  212 
Inundation  of  the  Tiber,  ii.  57. 


WD3SX,  267 

Irenseus,  bishop  of  Lyons,  extract  from,  iii.  248. 

Isaiah  xix.  18 — 25,  false  interpretation  and  accomplishment  of).L977. 

Isaiah,  poem  of  Virgil  borrowed  from,  ii.  230. 

Ishmael  slays  Gedaliah,  i.  48. 

Israel,  race  of,  special  object  for  which  chosen  by  God,  L  15 ;  exodus 
out  of  Egypt  without  arms,  24 ;  supplied  with  the  armour  of  the 
Egyptians  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea,  25 ;  disjunction  of,  a  conspicu- 
ous  sign  of  their  future  decUne,  35.  (See  Jews.) 

Italian  Republic,  ii.  92. 

Izates,  king  of  Adiabene,  a  Jewish  convert,  assists  the  Jews,  iiL  110. 


Jacob,  family  of,  their  wickedness,  and  expediency  of  theur  removal  into 

Egypt,  i.  23. 

James  the  less  beheaded  by  order  of  Agrippa,  iii.  105. 

James  the  greater,  death  of,  iii.  136. 

Janus,  temple  of  at  Rome  shut,  ii.  171,  179  ;  iii.  211. 

Jason  buys  the  office  oi  high-priest  from  Antiochus,  i.  233,  239  ;  intro- 
duces heathenish  castoms,  and  sends  offerings  to  Hercules,  240  ;  is 
supplanted  by  his  brother  Menelaus,  241 ;  attempts  to  regain  his 
office,  245. 

Jehoiada  saves  king  Joash,  i,  41. 

Jehoram  founds  the  kingdom  of  Israel,  or  the  ten  tribes,  and  estabhshes 
idolatry,  i.  34. 

Jehu,  wicked  reign  of,  i.  37.  41. 

Jericho,  celebrated  for  its  balm  and  palm-trees,  given  to  Cleopatra  by 
Antony,  ii.  190. 

Jerusalem,  destruction  of,  iii.  188  ;  claimed  by  Vespasian  as  its  superior, 
193. 

Jews,  the  chosen  worshippers  of  the  True  God,  i.  10;  not  on  account 
of  their  own  personal  excellence,  15;  dispersion  of,  among  the 
heathen,  fitted  for  the  spread  of  true  religion,  16,  17  ;  national  con- 
stitution of,  a  theocracy,  18,  21 ;  fidelity  of  to  the  Persians,  123  ;  nu- 
merous in  the  time  of  Artaxerxes  Ochus,  124  ;  teach  the  Greeks, 
134;  mix  freely  with  the  Greeks,  and  learn  their  language,  146, 
159  ;  repair  to  Alexandria,  149  ;  refuse  to  build  the  temple  of  Belus, 
158 ;  signal  deliverance  from  the  fury  of  Ptolemy  Philopator,  214  ; 
"  scattered  abroad,"  220  ;  corrupted  by  the  speculative  philosophy 
of  Greece,  238,  243  ;  compelled  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  to  forsake 
the  law,  248,  250  ;  supernatural  interference  in  favour  of,  253 ; 
first  intercourse  with  the  Romans  contrary  to  the  law  of  God,  274; 
prosperity  or  decline,  according  to  their  regard  or  disregard  for  th| 
law  of  God,  275  ;  live  in  prosperity  under  Hyrcanus  I.,  ii.  19  ;  super- 
stitious regard  for  the  Sabbath,  29  ;  honoured  by  Julius  Cesar,  131 ; 
necessity  of  being  retained  as  a  nation  till  Christ's  coming,  187  ;  as 
a  nation,  rise  under  Herod,  194;  privileges  granted  to  them  by 
Agri|)pa,  the  Roman  governor,  202  ;  hatred  of  Herod,  213  ;  make 
a  disturbance  at  the  passover,  217  ;  riot  at  pentecost,  219  ;  petition 
Augustus  to  make  Judea  a  Roman  province,  221 ;  moral  degenera- 
tion of.  previous  to  their  final  dispersion,  224;  moral  and  religious 
character  of,  iii.  7 — 10  ;  opinions  of,  in  the  time  of  Christ,  36,  37  ; 
ignorance  of  their  teachers,  39  ;  resist  the  setting  up  of  the  statue  of 


i 


-9 


268 


INDEX. 


Caligula,  86 ;  one  million  of,  in  Egfypt  in  the  time  of  Tiberius ; 

cruelly  persecuted  by  the  governor  Flaccus,  90 ;  twenty  thousand 

crushed  to  death  in  Jerusalem,  112;  state  of,  under  Felix,  116; 

banished  from  Rome  by  Claudius,  117 ;  state  of,  under  Nero,  133  ; 

final  destruction   by  the   Romans,  171 — 193  ;   devoured   by  wild 

beasts  in  the  theatre,  192  ;  still  expect  a  Messiah,  193. 
Joazar  appointed  high -priest  by  Herod,  ii.  216. 
John  the  Baptist,  birth  of,  ii.  226  ;  ministry  of,  iii.  14. 
Jonathan  the  high-priest,  killed  in  the  temple  by  his  brother  Jesus,  i.  105. 
Joseph,  nephew  of  Onias  II.,  anecdote  of,  i.  202. 
Joseph,  husband  of  Mary,  repairs  to  Egypt,  ii.  212 ;  returns  to  Judea, 

218 
Josephus,  the  Jewish  historian,  appointed  governor  of  Galilee,  iii.  185. 
Josiah,  good  reign  of,  i.  14,  71. 
Juba,  prince  of  Numidia,  ii.^133,  13.'>, 
Judas  the  robber  infests  Judea,  ii.  219,  232. 
Judas  Maccabeus,  see  Maccabeus. 

Judas  Iscariot,  an  evidence  of  Christ's  innocence,  iii.  43. 
Judea,  grievous  drought  in,  ii.  195  ;  reduced  to  a  Roman  province,  221 ; 

given  to  Agrippa,  iii.  103  ;  reduced  to  a  Roman  province  again,  107. 
Jugurtha,  ii.  87,  89. 

Julia,  infamous  character  of,  iii.  55  ;  death  of,  61 
Julian  the  apostate's  testimony  in  favour  of  the  Christians,  iii.  110. 
Julius,  see  Cesar. 

July,  month  of,  how  so  named,  ii.  182. 
Jupiter  adored  by  the  Romans,  iii.  12. 
Justice  of  God  manifested  in  the  death  of  his  Son,  iii.  34. 


K 

Kingdom  of  God,  spiritual  nature  of,  iii.  13,  27,  34 — 36. 
Kings  of  Israel,  account  of,  i.  36  ;  God's  deputies,  iii.  29 
Kings  of  Judah,  i.  38. 
Kings  in  ancient  times,  accounted  heads  of  the  Pagan  religion. 


81. 


Lacedemonians  claim  kindred  with  the  Jews,  i.  238  ;  iL  9. 
Laws  of  Moses,  benevolent  nature  of,  iii.  31. 
Law  of  retribution  or  retaliation,  iii.  32, 35. 
Lepidus,  ii.  103,  145  ;  humiliation  of,  163. 
Liberal  constitution  first  given  by  Moses,  i.  57. 
Libo,  S.  account  of,  iii.  61 — 63. 
library,  of  Alexandria,  destruction  of,  i.  177. 
Livia,  wife  of  Octavius,  character  of,  ii.  183.  iii.  55,  60. 
Lysimachus  takes  the  title  of  king  of  Thrace,  i.  171 ;  robs  the  temple 
of  Jerusalem  by  consent  of  Menelaus,  242. 

M 

Maccabees,  family  of,  i.  254 ;  origin  of  the  name,  265 :  pecularities  of 

the  reign  of,  ib. 
Maccabeus,  Judas,  withdraws  with  a  small  company  into  the  wilder- 

ness.  i.  246  ;  successful  against  his  enemies,  259 — 276 ;  purifier 


INDEX. 


269 


the  altar,  S61 ;  obtains  a  fayourable  peace,  and  made  governor  of 
the  country,  277  ;  applies  to  the  Romans  for  help,  280 ;  death  of,  ib. 

Maccabeus,  Jonathan,  succeeds  his  brother  Judas,  i.  281 ;  courted  by 
Demetrius  and  Alexander  Bala ;  assumes  the  purple,  282 ;  treach- 
erously murdered  by  Tryphon,  287 ;  monument  erected  to  his 
memory  at  Modin,  ii.  6. 

— —  Simon,  brother  of  Jonathan,  elected  high-priest  and  leader  of 
the  Jews,  ii.  5 ;  renews  alliances  with  the  Romans  and  Lacedemo- 
nians, 8,  9  ;  allowed  by  Antiochus  Sidetus  to  coin  money,  10 ; 
overcomes  Cendebeus,  who  is  sent  to  rob  Jerusalem,  11 ;  he  and 
his  two  sons  treacherously  murdered  by  his  son-in-law  Ptolemy 
Abulus,  12  ;  character  of,  ib. 

John  Hyrcanus,  his  son,  succeeds,  ii.  12 ;  is  besieged  in  Jerusa- 
lem, but  obtains  peace  of  Antiochus  Sidetus,  13  ;  subjugates  the 
Idumeans,  15 ;  sends  an  embassy  to  the  Romans,  ib ;  lays  waste 
Samaria,  17;  conquers  Philistine  and  Galilee,  ib. ;  forsakes  the 
Pharasaical  party,  19:  death  of,  ib ;  character  of,  ib. 

Aristobulus,  his  son,  succeeds,  ii.  21  ;  murders  his  mother,  ib. ; 

death  of,  22. 

■■  JannsBus,  his  brother,  succeeds,  ii.  22 ;  cruelty  and  death  of,  23 ; 

Alexandra  his  wife  administers  the  government  9  years ;  death  of,  25. 

Hyrcanus  II.  high-priest  and  son  of  Jannteus,  ascends  the  throne 

supported  by  the  Pharisees,  ii.  25 ;  returns  to  private  life,  26 ; 
appeals  to  Pompey,  27  ;  restored  to  the  throne  and  high -priesthood 
by  Pompey,  30 ;  mutilated  by  Antigonus,  and  carried  into  Parthia, 
33  ;  returns  to  Jerusalem,  34 ;  death  of,  191 ;  events  in  the  life  of,  ib. 

Aristobulus,  son  of  Jannseus,  gains  the  crown  ii.  25  ;  sends  an 

ambassador  to  Pompey,  27  ;  who  sends  him  and  his  two  sons, 
Alexander  and  Antigonus,  prisoners  to  flome,  30;  Antigonus 
escapes  and  fights  with  Gabinus,  ib. ;  liberated  by  Julius  Caesar, 
ib. ;  poisoned,  ib. 

Antigonus,  son  of  Aristobulus,  placed  on  the  throne  of  Judea  by 

thff  Partliioiiic,  ii.  ^o  ;  ueuih  of,  36  ;  and  the  last  of  the  Asmonean 
family. 

Aristobulus,  son  of  Alexander,  made  high-priest,  ii.  189 ;  mur- 
dered by  order  of  Herod,  ib. 

Msecenus,  ii.  155. 

Magi,  slaughter  of  by  the  Persians,  1 85. 

Magi,  the,  ii.  210. 

Malachi,  time  of,  i.  52. 

Malichus,  ii.  32. 

Manahem,  mocic  king  of  Judea,  uu  180. 

Mancinus,  ii,  83.  ^ 

Marcellus,  son  of  Octavia,  poisoned,  iii.  53. 

Mariamne,  wife  of  Herod,  ii.  34,  35  ;  murder  of,  190,  193. 

Marius,  account  of,  ii.  87,  89 — 96. 

Massinissa,  a  prince  of  Numidia,  ii.  70. 

Mzusorites,  i.  67. 

Memnon,  the  Rhodian,  character,  of,  i.  137. 

Meoelaus,  wicked  high-priest  of  the  Jews,  consents  to  the  rolling  of 
the  temple,  i.  241  ;  deposed,  275  ;  put  to  death,  277. 

Messalina,  cruelty  of,  ii.  230,  231. 

Messiah,  universal  expectation  of,  i.  17.  •'  "vV-  ^i^ii^ 

23* 


m= 


xMetdluB,  ii.  77. 
IT  Miracles  of  Christ,  done  openly,  lit  42. 

1%  Miraculous  gifts  bestowed  on  the  apostles,  iii.  43 ;  and  l^y  them  on  othei» 

I  49  ;  die  with  the  apostles,  50. 

r  Mishna,  the,  or  oral  law,  i.  67,  70. 

r^  Moabites  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity,  i.  95. 

Mosallem,  the  Jew,  anecdote  of,  i.  169. 

Moses,  laws  of,  an  enlargement  of  the  patriarchal,  I  24 ;  first  liberal 
constitutiou,  57 ;  benevolent  nature  of,  iiL  31 ;  onty  laws  which 
provided  for  the  poor,  109. 
Mother  eats  her  child  at  Jerusalem,  iii.  190. 
Mysteries,  nature  of  the  ancient  heathen,  I  81,  82. 

N 

Nebuchadnezzar  destroys  the  temple,  and  carries  the  Jews  into  captivity, 
i.  46. 

Nectanibus,  king  of  Egypt,  defeated  by  Artaxerxes  Ochus,  L  121. 

Nehemiah,  state  of  the  Jews  under,  i.  52,  94,  95. 

Nero,  mju-ries  Octavia,  daughter  of  Claudius,  iii.  121 ;  chosen  emperor, 
122 ;  good  conduct  of,  for  five  years,  123 — 127  ;  proceeds  to  every 
species  of  folly  and  cruelty,  129 ;  attempts  his  mother's  life, 
139 — 143  ;  remorse  of,  143,  144 ;  divorces  Octavia,  and  marries 
PoppsBa,  145 ;  fondness  of  racing  and  harping,  148  ;  sets  fire  to  the 
city  of  Rome,  147  ;  builds  his  golden  palace,  153  ;  conspiracy 
against,  155  ;  performs  as  a  player,  159  ;  proceeds  to  Greece  to 
contend  at  the  games,  161 ;  returns  in  triumphal  procession,  163  ; 
his  death,  166—168. 

Nero,  a  false,  iii.  218. 

Nerva,  account  of,  iii.  222 ;  death  of,  ib. 

Nicanor,  governor  of  Media,  defeated  by  Seleucus,  i.  169. 

Nicanor,  sent  by  Demetrius  to  punish  the  Jews,  i.  279  ;  death  of,  280. 

Nineveh,  conquered  by  Trajan,  iii.  225. 

Noah  and  his  family,  characters  of,  i.  12 ;  alive  in  the  days  of  Abra- 
ham, 13. 

Novatian,  iii.  255. 

O 

Octavia,  wife  of  Antony,  and  sister  of  Cesar,  ii.  160. 

Octavia,  wife  of  Nero,  iii.  121 ;  divorced,  145 ;  death  of,  ib. 

Octavius  Cesar,  account  of,  i.  146;  appointed  propraetor,  147;  joins 
Antony  and  Lepidus,  147 — 159;  sacrifices  40(^  senators  to  the 
manes  of  Julius  Cesar,  at  Perusa,  158  ;  overcomes  Lepidus,  162; 
overcomes  Antony  at  Actium,  168,  169 ;  deep  policy  of,  on  becom- 
ing sole  master  of  the  Roman  empire,  171  ;  receives  the  name  of 
Augustus,  175  ;  assumes  the  office  of  pontifex  maximus,  182. 

Old  Testament  completed  in  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes,  i.  79. 

Onias,  the  high-priest,  corrects  the  Sacred  Canon,  i.  197. 

Onias  II.  refuses  to  remit  the  tribute  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  i.  201. 

Qnias  III.  deposed,  and  his  ofiice  sold  to  Jason,  i.  233. 

Onias,  his  son,  flees  to  Egypt,  and  builds  a  temple  there,  L  277 ;  erro- 
neous interpretation  of  prophecy  by,  ib. 

Otho,  appointed  emperor,  iii.  201 ;  sensuality  of,  203 ;  death  of,  204. 


4t^ 


INDEX.  271 

P 

Pallas,  brother  of  Felix,  riches  of,  iii.  127. 

Parthians,  account  of,  i.  192;  ii.  33;  defeated  by  Venditas,  160;  send 
an  embassy  to  Cesar  Augustus,  179  ;  conquered  by  Trajan,  iii.  225. 

Paul,  travels  of,  iii.  115—117  ;  goes  to  Rome,  133  ;  death  of,  153. 

Peluseum,  siege  of,  i.  125. 

Pentateuch,  Samaritan,  i.  97. 

Perdiccas,  death  of,  i.  164. 

Persepolis,  i.  153. 

Persians,  their  contempt  of  idols,  i.  84. 

Persecution  the  means  of  spreading  Christianity,  iii.  247. 

Peter  cast  into  prison  by  order  of  Agrippa,  iii.  105 ;  death  of,  153. 

Pharaoh,  army  of,  drowned  in  the  Red  Sea,  i.  25. 

Pharisees,  account  of,  i.  68 ;  opposed  by  John  Hyrcanus,  ii.  18 ;  tradi 
tions  of,  enforced  by  his  grandson  Hyrcanus  II.,  24.  • 

Phasael,  governor  of  Jerusalem,  ii.  31  ;  beats  out  his  own  brains,  33. 

Pheroras,  brother  of  Herod^  ii.  197. 

Philip  of  Macedon,  character  of,  i.  131, 133. 

Philip  II.,  i.  210,  217,  218. 

Philippi,  battle  of,  ii.  154. 

Philosophers  and  Philosophy,  heathen,  i.  81—91,  199 ;  iii.  10,  236. 

Pilate,  character  of,  ii.  232 ;  attempts  to  rob  the  treasury,  233 ;  deposed 
by  Vitellius,  234 ;  banishment  and  death,  ib. ;  letter  of,  to  Tiberius, 
235.  .  Dji 

Plato,  philosophy  of,  i.  89,  spread  of,  90.  Q  | 

Pliny  the  elder  perishes  in  Vesuvius,  iii.  212. 

Pliny  the  younger's  account  of  the  early  Christians,  iii.  238. 

Pompeii  destroyed  by  an  eruption  of  Vesuvius,  iii.  212. 

Pompeiopolis,  how  named,  ii.  109. 

Pompey  marches  to  Jerusalem,  ii.  28  ;  takes  it,  and  enters  the  holy  of 
holies,  29  ;  contrasted  with  Cesar,  101 ;  character  of,  101,  107 ; 
magnanimous  conduct  of,  104;  subdues  the  pirates,  109 ;  triumphal 
procession,  110;  governor  of  Spain,  112;  sole  consul,  116;  wars 
with  Cesar,  1 18—126  ;  battle  of  Pharsalia,  128. 

Pompey's  son  defeated  by  Cesar,  ii.  140;  makes  peace  with  Antony 
and  Octavius,  160  ;  death  of,  162. 

Poor  denied  the  benefits  of  religious  rites  in  ancient  times,  i  82. 

Poppsea,  a  Jewish  proselyte,  iii.  134;  married  to  Nero,  145;  death,  160. 

Pope,  or  bishop  of  Rome,  assumed  power  of,  iii.  256. 

Posts,  first  introduced  by  Cesar  Augustus,  ii.  175. 

Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Lagus,  takes  Jerusalem  by  treachery,  and  carries 
the  inhabitants  captive,  i.  166  ;  and,  for  their  fidelity  afterwards 
grants  them  equal  privileges  with  the  Greeks,  ib. ;  takes  the  title 
of  king  of  Egypt,  172  ;  era  of,  ib. 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  reign  of,  i.  174—193. 

Ptolemy  Evergetes,  reign  of,  i.  194 — 210. 

Ptolemy  Philopator,  character  of,  i.  212  ;  persecutes  the  Jews,  and  en- 
deavours to  enter  the  temple,  2i3. 
Ptolemy  Epipbanes,  i.  217. 
Ptolemy  Philometor  defeated  by  AnUochus,  i.  234 ;   assisted  by  tb» 

Romans,  235. 
Ptolemy  Evergetes  II.  or  Physcon,  set  on  the  throne,  i.  234. 


272  INDEX. 

Ptolemy  Macron,  goveraor  of  Syria,  favours  the  Jews,  i.  269. 

Ptolemy  Abubus,  base  murder  and  treachery  by,  ii.  12. 

Ptolemy,  brother  of  Cleopatra,  ii.  130. 

Pul,  king  of  Assyria,  iavades  Israel,  i.  38. 

Punic  War,  first,  ii.  52 ;  second,  60  ;  third,  75. 

Purification  and  dedication  of  the  altar  at  the  end  of  1260  days,  i.  260. 

R 

Rabbins,  arrogance  of,  i.  69,  70. 

Reformation  dispels  the  reign  of  darkness  and  ignorance,  iii.  257. 

Religion,  pagan,  a  corruption  of  the  true,  i.  12 ;  principles  of,  81,  82. 

Religion,  true,  spread  of  by  the  Jews  in  Greece,  i.  102,  187. 

Religion  and  morals,  previous  to  the  coming  of  Christ,  iii.  5 — 10. 

"  Remnant  of  Israel,"  described,  i.  49. 

Retreat  of  the  10,000  Greeks,  i.  110,  111  ;  efiects  on  the  Persian  em- 
pire, 112. 

Retribution,  doctrine  of,  taught  by  the  patriarchs,  i.  13,  18. 

Romans,  character  of,  before  and  after  their  intercourse  with  Greece, 
i.  208,  209  ;  constitute  themselves  governors  of  the  young  king  of 
Egypt,  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  219  ;  effects  of  their  conquest  of  Asia, 
225  ;  letters  to'  Judas  Maccabeus,  272,  273  ;  to  Simon,  ii.  8,  9  ; 
political  character  of,  38  ;  empire,  the  fourth  beast  of  Daniel,  39, 
183  ;  legislative  system,  40  ;  traditional  origin,  42  ;  laws  borrowed 
from  Greece,  45  ;  twelve  tables  of  laws,  48  ;  provide  themselves 
with  a  naval  force,  54 ;  make  peace  with  Carthage,  55 ;  conflict 
between  the  patricians  and  plebeians,  82 ;  claim  the  Carthaginian 
possessions  in  Spain,  83  ;  agrarian  law  attempted  to  be  introduced, 
84 ;  corruption  of  the  magistrates,  89  ;  senate  obliged  to  sit  in 
Thessalonica,  125 ;  at  Utica,  132 ;  extent  of  the  Roman  republic 
under  the  second  triumvirate,  167, 176 ;  republic  extinguished  under 
Cesar  Augustus,  176 ;  revenue  and  taxes,  177,  178  ;  moral  degra- 
dation of,  180;  influence  of  civilization  on  the  subdued  provinces, 
_^  184;  become  acquainted  with  divine  revelation,  186;  licentiousness 

I  of,  iii.  12 ;  debasement  of,  under  Caligula,  85  ;  numbers  of,  become 

converts  to  the  Jewish  and  Christian  religions,  113  ;  greatness 
under  Trajan,  227 ;  roads,  228 ;  commerce,  230 ;  mines,  ib. ;  in- 
fluence in  spreading  Christianity,  231. 

Rome,  conflagrations  in  the  city,  ii.  57 ;  iii.  147,  213  ;  number  of  citi- 
zens under  Tiberius  Gracchus,  ii.  84 ;  extent  of  buildings,  ib. ;  men 
of  learning  invited  thither  by  Cesar,  138  ;  great  famine  at,  160 ; 
great  sea-fight  in,  iii.  218. 


Sabinus,  sent  from  Rome  to  manage  the  affairs  of  Syria,  ii.  218. 

Sacred  Writings,  love  of  Jews  for,  i.  61,  69  ;  genuine  antiquity  of,  62  ; 
collated  by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  61,  65;  divisions  of,  by  the  Jews, 
62 ;  character  anciently  written  m,  65 ;  transcribers  of,  66 ;  cor- 
rected by  Onias  I.,  197. 

Sacrifice,  of  divine  origin,  i.  11. 

Sadoc,  originator  of  the  Sadducee  *  L  200. 

Saddae,  insurrection  of,  ii.  232. 


m  '  m 


INDEX  273 

Sallust,  the  historian,  employed  by  Cesar,  ii.  134,  135. 

Salome,  sister  of  Herod,  ii.  1 92  ;  malicious  disposition  of,  ii.  204. 

Samaria,  city  of,  built  by  Omri,  i.  36. 

Samaritans,  ancient  character  of,  i.  95 ;  character  of  modem,  96 ;  peti> 
tion  Alexander,  151 ;  deny  being  Jews,  247. 

Sanhedrim,  origin  and  account  of,  i.  56. 

Saul,  conversion  of,  iii.  87 ;  first  who  preached  to  the  Gentiles,  88. 

"  Scattered  abroad,"  origin  of  term,  i.  220. 

Scriptures,  Greek  version  used  in  synagogues,  i.  61 ;  iiL.36. 

Sicarii,  account  of,  iii.  179. 

Scipio,  Publius  and  Cneius,  defeated  by  Hannibal,  ii.  63  ;  death  of,  68. 

Scipio,  the  younger,  is  sent  to  Spain,  ii.  68 ;  returns  to  Rome  with  much 
treasure,  69 ;  sails  for  Utica,  70  ;  reduces  Carthage,  71. 

Scipio  Paulus  III.  subdues  and  destroys  Carthage,  ii.  60. 

Scipio  Nisica,  advises  peace  with  Carthage,  ii.  75,  86. 

Scipio,  father-in-law  of  Pompey,  opposes  Cesar,  ii.  133. 

Sejanus,  ambition  and  cruelty  of,  iii.  67 — 70  ;  death  of,  74. 

Seleucus,  one  of  Alexander's  successors,  recovers  Babylon,  i.  170;  em 
of,  ib. ;  takes  the  title  of  king  of  Syria,  171. 

Seleucus,  son  of  Antiochus,  i.  186  ;  death  of,  189. 

Seleucus  Callinicus,  i.  195,  203. 

Seleucus  Ceranus,  i.  211. 

Seleucus  Philopator,  character  of,  L  227 ;  robs  the  temple,  229 ;  poisoned, 
231. 

Seneca,  history  of,  iii.  123,  124 ;  death  of,  158. 

Septuagint  version  of  the  Scriptures  made  by  order  of  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus,  ii.  103. 

Sertorius,  character  of,  ii.  103  ;  anecdote  of  his  tame  deer,  105. 

Seventy  years  captivity,  commencement  of,  disputed,  i.  52. 

Shem,  race  of,  alone  retained  the  true  religion,  i.  13. 

Shepherd  kings,  supposition  regarding,  i.  25,  26. 

Shishak,  king  of  Egypt,  invades  Judah,  i.  39. 

Sicily,  occasion  of  the  first  Punic  war,  ii  52 ;  declared  a  Roman  prov- 
ince, 56. 

Sidon,  destruction  of,  i.  122. 

Signs  seen  in  the  heavens,  i.  231,  244,  272. 

Simon  of  Sidon,  pretends  to  be  a  son  of  Herod,  iL  222 

Simon,  the  magician,  iii.  235. 

Slave  of  Herod  usurps  the  diadem,  ii.  219. 

Smerdis,  the  impostor,  i.  76,  85. 

Socrates,  philosophy  of,  i.  86  ;  life  and  death  of,  103 

Spartacus,  insurrection  of,  ii.  106. 

Spintrise,  iii.  12. 

Stephanus  murders  Domitian,  iii.  221 

Stoics,  iii.  12. 

Subterraneous  fire  m  Nassau,  iii.  132. 

Sulpicius,  P.,  ii.  93. 

Sylla,  account  of,  ii.  87 — 89. 

Synagogues,  origin  and  description  of,  i.  59. 

Syphax,  prince  of  Numidia,  iL  69. 

Syria  receives  a  Roman  governor,  iL  191. 


m= 


274  WDS3L 


Talmuds,  absurdity  of,  i.  67. 

Tarquin,  first  king  of  Rome,  ii.  44. 

Temple  destroyed  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  i.  46 ;  rebuilt  by  Nehemiah,  94 

adorned  by  Herod,  ii.  195 ;  destroyed  by  the  Romans,  iii.  192. 
Temple  of  Diana  in  Ephesus  burned  by  Erostratus,  i.  131. 
Ten  Thousand,  retreat  of  the,  i.  110  ;  effects  on  the  Persian  empire,  112 
Ten  Tribesi  decline  and  captivity  of,  by  Shalmanezer,  i.  38. 
Theocracy  of  the  Jews,  iii.  6. 
Theodosius  the  Great,  iii.  255. 
Theudas  or  Judas,  the  impostor,  iii.  108. 
Tiberius  Gracchus,  ii.  83  ;  death  of,  86. 
Tiberius,  character  of,  ii.  183 ;  iii.  53 — 55,  58 ;  appointed  equal  with 

Augustus,  56  ;  satirical  lines  on,  61 ;  encourages  spies,  62  ;  liberality 

of,  65 ;  retires  from  public  life,  71 ;  government  of,  75  ;  habits  and 

character  of,  77  ;  death  of,  78. 
Tiberius,  son  of  Tiberius,  death  of,  iii.  84. 
Tissapherues,  Persian  governor  of  Asia  Minor,  i.  107,  113. 
TitiM^left  by  his  father  to  besiege  Jerusalem,  iii.  188  ;  anxiety  to  save 

the  people  and  temple,  190,  19^ ;  made  colleague  with  his  father ; 

209  ;  character  of,  211 ;  death  of,  213. 
Tower  of  Pharos  destroyed,  i.  176. 

Traditions  of  the  heathen,  evidently  derived  from  Noah,  i.  12. 
Traditions  of  the  Jews,  i.  67,  197. 
Twyan,  adopted  by  Nerva,  iii.  222 ;  account  of,  223  ;  conquers  the  Da- 

cians,  224  ;  conquests  of,  224 — 227  ;  letter  to  Pliny  regarding  the 

Christians,  iii.  238. 
Tribunes,  Roman,  ii.  44,  45. 
Triumvirate,   first,  ii.  Ill ;    second,  proscriptions,   confiscations,   and 

murders  of,  148 — 152  ;  new  division  of  the  empire  by,  155,  160. 
Tryphon,  the  chief  magistrate  of  Anlioch,  usurps  the  power  of  Syria, 

i.  285 ;   murders  Jonathan  the  high-priest  and  Antiochus,  infant 
.son  of  Alexander  Bala,  287  ;  ii.  8 ;  death  of,  10. 
Tyre,  magnificence  of  i.  144. 

V 
Varus,  governor  of  Syria,  ii.  218 — ^220. 
Ventidius'Cumanus,  procurator  of  Judea,  iii.  Ill,  113. 
Vespeisian  lands  in  Britain,  iii.  118  ;  appointed  governor  of  Judea,  187  ; 

appointed  emperor,  188 ;  history  of,  207  ;   elected  by  the  senate, 

209  ;  works  miracles  in  Egypt,  ib. ;  character,  210 ;  death,  211. 
Virginius,  governor  of  Germany,  iii.  164. 
Vitellius,  emperor,  iii.  204 ;  sensuality  of,  205 
Viriathus,  Carthaginian  general,  ii.  83. 

W 

World  Dolitical  and  commercial  state  during  the  age  of  Moses,  L  19. 

X 
Xerxes,  defeat  at  Thermopyls,  and  death,  i.  78. 

Z 

Zedekiah  defeated  and  depnved  of  sight  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  L  48. 
Zoroaster,  i.  85. 


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